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From the library of 
Hazel Dorothy Hansen Ίο 

Department of Classics J92S-1962 








BEGINNER'S GREEK BOOK. The Editor and Prof. Allen R. Benner, Phillips 

Academy, Andover. 
BRIEF GREEK SYNTAX. Prof. Louis Bevier. Jr., Rutgers College. $0.90. 
GREEK PROSE READER. Prof. F. E. Woodruff, Bowdoin College, and Prof. J. 

W. Hewitt, Wesleyan University. * 


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Pennsylvania. $1.25. 
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LYSIAS. Prof. Charles D. Adams, Dartmouth College. $1.50. 
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the City of New York. 
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Others to be announced later. 

From a Bust in the Museum of Naples 











Copyright, 1905, by 


Entered at Stationers' Hall, London. 

W. ?, I 


This volume has been prepared primarily for the use of 
college Freshmen. On the side of grammar I have tried to 
provide in the notes for the understanding of unusual construc- 
tions, and for a somewhat systematic study of certain matters 
which, while entirely regular, require more observation and 
reflection than can be counted upon before the first year in 
college. I have laid especial emphasis upon the force of the 
tenses. The feeling for the finer distinctions of the Greek 
tenses is more difficult of attainment than the understanding 
of the moods, and these distinctions often baffle translation. 
The force of the ^particles is another difficulty that can be met 
only by constant observation and comparison in reading. In 
many instances I have given in a single note a systematic 
review of the uses of a given particle, and have then attempted 
by repeated references to this note to provide for frequent 
review and discrimination. I have treated many of the uses 
of prepositions in the same way. 

Rhetorical matters have received especial attention. In 
Lysias we have the first really successful application of rhe- 
torical theory to practical speech. The more vehement and 
showy style of Demosthenes, imitated by Cicero, and through 
him passed on to the modern world, long dominated English 
oratory. But in our own time, with the marked tendency 
toward simplicity and directness in public speech, we are ready 
for a new appreciation of Lysias, and for the study of his style 
as a most valuable training in the art of combining simplicity 
with distinction in prose composition. I have added to the 
Introduction to each speech a chapter on its Argument and 



Style, designed to be studied section by section as the reading 

I have attempted to bring all of the matter in the notes 
within the ready understanding of the young students for whom 
the volume is designed. Nothing can be more valuable to 
advanced students than constant reference to other Greek 
authors and to the standard modern authorities, but to fill notes 
for young students with such matters is only to discourage them 
in the attempt to use the notes at all. 

The notes have been prepared upon the assumption that 
either the twelfth or the sixteenth speech will be the first to 
be read. 

In the preparation of this volume I have made constant use 
of the stores of material in the great edition of Frohberger- 
Gebauer and the hardly less valuable edition of Rauchenstein- 
Fuhr. Thalheim's critical edition of 1901 has made the task 
of establishing and commenting on the text much simpler than 
that of my predecessors. For the treatment of Lysias's Etho- 
poiia I have depended especially on the studies of the late Ivo 
Bruns, whose brilliant work, Das Literansche Portrat der Grie- 
chcn, has made all students of Greek literature his debtors. And 
in all departments of my work I have turned constantly to the 
AtHsche Beredsamkeit of Friedrich Blass, the man who more 
than all others in our time has broadened the foundations for 
the study of Greek oratory. 

I am indebted to Professor Herbert Weir Smyth for valuable 
suggestions and criticisms, and to my colleague, Professor Rich- 
ard Wellington Husband, who has read nearly all of the volume 
in proof, and whose criticism has been of constant service. 

Dartmouth College, 
September 1. 1905. 




Life of Lysias 9 

Works of Lysias • . . .24 

Style of Lysias 25 

The Revolutions of 411 and 404 b.c 32 

t Against Eratosthenes, XII 43 

For Mantitheus, XVI 130 

On the Estate of Aristophanes, XIX • 160 

*- Against the Grain Dealers, XXII 213 

^ For the Cripple, XXIV 231 

Defense, XXV . . 253 

Against Diogiton, XXXII 283 

On the Constitution, XXXIV 313 


Chronological Outline 327 

Athenian Legal Procedure 334 

Rhetorical Terms 344 

Money and Prices at Athens 357 

The Manuscripts 361 

Bibliography 362 

Critical Notes 363 

Indices 390 




[Dionysius begins his essay on Lysias with a brief biography. We have a 
critical edition of this essay in Usener-Radermacher, Dionysii Halicarnasei 
Opuscula, Lips. 1899. We have also a biography in the Lives of the Ten 
Orators, handed down to us under the false ascription to Plutarch ; the 
unknown author is cited as Pseudo-Plutarch. A critical edition of this text, 
together with that of Dionysius's essay, is contained in Thalheim's text edition 
of Lysias. 

A brief life of Lysias is appended to the discussion of his works in Pho- 
tius, Bibl. 262, but it offers nothing that is not found in Pseudo-Plutarch. 

Suidas, s.v. Αυσίαπ, gives a very condensed life, but adds nothing to the 
statements of Dionysius. 

Harpocration refers to a speech of Lysias Uepl των Ιδίων etepyeaiCbv (s.w. 
Keibt, μέταπύρΎιον, Φι^γαιεΟσι) . From this speech On his Services, lost to us, 
the biographers probably obtained some of their facts about his life.] 

Lysias was the son of Cephalus, a Syracusan who had settled 
at the Piraeus by invitation of Pericles. 1 The family was pros- 
perous and honored, but by the Athenian consti- The family 
tution neither Cephalus nor his sons could become of Cephalus 
Athenian citizens except by special act of the Ecclesia. They 
probably did receive the rank of privileged metics (mtotcAcis) by 
which they were freed from the small, but humiliating, tax on for- 
eigners, and from the requirement that they be enrolled as under 
the formal protection of an Athenian patron (προστάτης). They 
came under the same military and financial obligations to the 
state as though they had been citizens, and we have Lysias's 
testimony to the fact that these duties were fully performed (12. 

1 Lys. 12. 4 ; Plato, Republic, 328 b. 


20) . They also received the privilege — not always granted even 
to iaorcActs — of holding real estate. 1 

That Cephalus's home was one of refinement and a gathering 
place of the most cultured men of the time is evident from the 
fact that Plato chooses it as the scene of his great dialogue, the 
Republic} Plato draws a charming picture of the aged man, sit- 
ting in the center of an eager circle, talking with Socrates about 
the infirmities and the compensating pleasures of old age. He 
says that he has the comfort of knowing that the ample fortune 
which had come down from his grandfather, Cephalus, and his 
father, Lysanias, will pass on undiminished to his sons. He ad- 
mits that wealth is a comfort to old age, but insists that without a 
calm and happy spirit wealth would be worthless to an old man. 
Of the advantages that wealth gives he holds the greatest to be 
that it enables a man to fulfill all his obligations to gods and men, 
and so to face the unknown world beyond death with the good 
hope of which Pindar sings. 3 

The boy Lysias, brought up in such a home, had every advan- 
tage of contact with the leaders in the literary life of the city, and 
Lysias'e of education with the sons of the best families. 4 But 
Education a t the age of fifteen he set forth with his older brother, 
Polemarchus, 5 for the new colonial city Thurii, in southern Italy. 

1 We have explicit testimony to the fact that Lysias was UrorcXfy (Vs.- 
Plut. 836 A), and the fact that the family owned real estate in Attica (12. 18) 
implies the same status for the others. (Inscriptions seldom show £7x7*19**1 
yijs καΐ oUlas except as added to a grant of Ισοτ 4\eia or ττροξ?νία.) 

2 Plato does not take pains to secure exact chronological accuracy in the 
setting of the dialogue. If he thought of it as held before the departure of 
Polemarchus for Thurii, Lysias and Euthydemus would hardly have been of 
an age to warrant their mention with the company gathered ; but if we place 
the dialogue after Polemarchus's return from Thurii, as is now commonly done, 
we must probably assume that Plato forgets or ignores the fact that at this 
time Cephalus had been dead several years. 

8 Plato, Republic, 328-332. 

4 Dionys. Lysias, § 1 ; Ps.-Plut 835 C. 

6 Pseudo-Plutarch (835 D) says that Lysias had three brothers, Pole- 


Here, near the site of old Sybaris, a new city was rising, to which 
men prominent in every profession were flocking from Removal to 
all Greece. Athens took the lead in founding the col- Thurii 
ony, but she treated it as a pan- Hellenic enterprise, and settlers were 
welcomed from every city. Hippodamus of Miletus, the greatest 
architect of the day, laid out the plan of the orderly streets; 
Protagoras of Abdera, the greatest of the sophists, the poet- 
philosopher Empedocles of Agrigentum, Tisias of Syracuse, chief 
expounder of the new Sicilian art of Rhetoric, Herodotus the his- 
torian, Cleandridas the Spartan statesman, were among the famous 
men who joined in founding the new city. 

It is possible that Lysias and his brother were among the first 
colonists, in 443 B.C., 1 but it is more likely that they went much 
later, about the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. 2 

marchus, Euthydemus, and Brachyllus. Dionys. (§ 1) says that two brothers 
went with him to Thurii, but according to Ps.-Plut. he went σύν τψ πρεσβυτάτφ 
αδελφών ΙΙολεμάρχφ (835 D)• Ι η the opening of the Republic (328 Β) 
Piato says, γμεν οΰν οΐκαδε els του Πολεμάρχου, καΐ Κυσίαν re αυτόθι κατε- 
λάβομεν καΐ Εύθύδημον, τους του ΤΙολεμάρχου αδελφούς. Brachyllus was proba- 
bly the husband of Lysias's sister (Blass, Attische Beredsamkeit, I. 2 346). 

1 On the date of the colonization of Thurii see Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, 
III. 1. 523. 

2 The question of the date of the removal to Thurii is bound up with the 
unsettled question of the year of Lysias's birth. The data for -Rirth 
the year of birth are the following statements : 

Reliable Statements 

a. Cephalus settled in Athens by persuasion of Pericles ; Lys. 12. 4. 

b. Cephalus lived at Athens thirty years ; Lys. 12. 4. 

Statements that are probably Reliable 

c. Lysias was born at Athens ; Dionys. § 1 ; Ps.-Plut. 835 C ; Cicero, 
Brutus, 16. 63. 

d. Lysias was considerably older than Isocrates, who was born 436 B.C. ; 
Plato, Phaedrus, 228 A, 279 A. 

e. Lysias removed to Thurii at the age of fifteen ; Dionys. § I ; Ps.- 
Plut. 835 D. 


Here Polemarchus received the citizenship that had been 
beyond his reach at Athens, and Lysias too became a citizen in 

/ Lysias and his brother returned to Athens during the rule of the Four 
Hundred, 411 B.C.; Ps.-Plut. 835 E; Dionys. § 1. 

Statements of Doubtful Value 

g. Lysias was born in the archonship of Philocles (459/8) ; Ps.-Plut. 
835 C. But this date would easily be the result of a computation of one who 
did not know the birth year, but assumed the removal to Thurii to have been 
in 444/3 (444/3 + 15 = 459/8). 

h. Lysias went to Thurii when the colony was founded ; Dionys. § 1 ; 
Ps.-Plut. 835 D. But any one who did not know the date of the removal 
would naturally assume this. 

1. Lysias was forty-seven years old when he returned to Athens; Dio- 
nys. § 1. But this may be only a reckoning of the number of years between 
the computed date 459/8 and 41 2/ 11. That it was so obtained is probable 
from Dionysius's qualifying words, ώ$ &v tis elicaaetcv. 

j. Cephalus died before Lysias went to Thurii ; Ps.-Plut. 835 D. But by 
Pseudo-Plutarch's own statement that the removal was in 444/3 the coming of 
Cephalus to Athens is thus carried back before 474/3, a date too early for 
the influence of Pericles. The death of Cephalus before Lysias's removal 
would be a natural assumption to account for the migration of so young 
a boy. 

The traditional date, 459/8, based on g, is consistent with the data as 
given above, but it forces us to the conclusion that Lysias's extraordinary 
professional activity fell between the years of fifty-five and seventy-eight. 
The improbability of so productive an old age, occupied with a profession 
taken up so late in life, has led many scholars to reject the date 459/8 and 
to seek other points of reckoning. 

If we try to bring the birth year down to a later date, we must stop well 
before 436/5, the birth year of Isocrates (</). If we assume 446 as the approxi- 
mate date, we have the coming of Cephalus (λ, c) at a time when Pericles's 
influence was fully established, the removal to Thurii at about the beginning 
of the Peloponnesian War (=446 — 15), and the death of Cephalus before 
416 ( = 446 — 30). This would bring the beginning of Lysias's professional 
work into the prime of his life. 

By bringing the birth year down to 444, as is oftener done, we bring the 
possible date of Cephalus's death down to about 414, a time that allows the 
possibility of his having been seen by the boy Plato (b. 427). But the boy's 
knowledge of the old gentleman could hardly account for the beautiful 


due time. The brothers prospered and acquired property. 1 We 
may safely conjecture that they were engaged in manufacture, as 
they were later at the Piraeus. 

But the intellectual advantages open to the brothers in the 
new colony were no less attractive than their opportunities in 
politics and business. Polemarchus was committed Rhetorical 
to the study of Philosophy, 2 but Lysias turned to the studies 
new art of Rhetoric. 

In his school years at Athens his training had been in poetry 
only, the great epics and lyrics. He had doubtless heard, too, 
some of the works of the great dramatists ; but prose literature 
was still in its infancy. He might have read some of the work of 
the Ionian chroniclers, the undeveloped beginnings of historical 
writing, and he may well have heard, shortly before his departure 
for Thurii, some of the earliest work of Herodotus from his own 
lips. He had heard powerful speeches, — probably he had heard 
Pericles himself, — but at this time public men had no thought of 
publishing their speeches ; speech writing was only just coming to 
be regarded as a literary art, and the new art had not yet passed 
from the first theorists to the speakers in courts and ecclesia. 

But at Thurii Lysias found himself in the midst of a new and 
vigorous literary movement, centering in the teaching of Tisias, 
the Syracusan rhetorician. 

Corax of Syracuse had been the first to treat speech writing as 
an object of systematic study. We have only vague accounts of 
his work, but we know that, out of the mass of litiga- The Sicilian 
tion that had come from revolutions and counter- rhetoric 
revolutions in the Sicilian cities, the practice of the law courts had 
developed more rapidly than in the rest of Hellas, and that Corax 

description in the Republic. It is more likely that Plato wrote of what he 
had learned from others. 

For the detailed discussion of the whole question and the views of modern 
scholars, see Blass, Attische Beredsamkeit, I. 2 339 ff. 

1 Dionys. § I ; Ps.-Plut. 835 D. 

2 Plato, Phaedrtis 257 K. 


had formulated certain principles of pleading. His greatest ser- 
vice was his study of the art of argument from " probabilities/ ' an 
art which would enable one to plead upon scanty evidence, or 
even against overwhelming evidence of his opponent. He had 
made some progress, too, toward a theory of the effective dis- 
position of matter in a speech — at least he had 
developed a theory of the structure of the proem. 
Tisias, his pupil, succeeded to the master's place, and reduced 
his teachings to a system, embodying them in a formal treatise 


Tisias, then, the young Lysias found at Thurii, and under his 
instruction he entered upon the study of the art of argumentation 
and speech writing (Ps.-Plut. 835 D). 

But these studies were doubtless furthered by the influence 

of another great teacher, the greatest of the sophists, Protagoras. 

^ He had come to Thurii with the first colonists, and 


had helped draft their constitution. From him, or at 

least from pupils of his, Lysias would receive training no less 
valuable than that of Tisias. Protagoras did not aim so much at 
the production of a formal speech, but he professed to enable his 
pupils to conquer their opponents in any disputation, and this by 
his famous art of making the weaker the stronger argument, τον 
τ/ττω λόγον κ/κιττω 7ro4civ. The whole art of dialectic and eristic 
was his, and he professed to be able to corner the professor of 
any science on his own ground, without himself knowing the facts 
of the science on which he was disputing. This brilliant training 
in argumentation fitted exactly into Tisias's more limited teach- 
ing. It was, moreover, accompanied by other teaching which 
was lacking in Tisias's course, the systematic study of language. 
Grammar and vocabulary received careful treatment at the hands 
of Protagoras, so that his pupils were trained not only in the 
invention of argument, but in its correct expression. 

Lysias came under these influences just as he was passing from 
boyhood to manhood, the age when he was best fitted to profit by 
the instruction which his abundant means and leisure opened to 


him. He devoted himself to the study of prose composition in 
the form of speech writing, not at all as a means of livelihood, but 
purely as a literary accomplishment. 

The prosperous life of the brothers at Thurii continued about 
twenty years j 1 but in 413 came the terrible disaster to the Athe- 
nian army before Syracuse, and the complete triumph Expulsion 
of the anti-Athenian party in Sicily. One result was flom Thurii 
the expulsion from Thurii of some three hundred Athenian 
sympathizers, Polemarchus and Lysias being among the number.* 
The brothers naturally returned to their former home at Athens, 
where their mother was still living, 8 and where their father had 
left a large property. 4 Here, at the Piraeus, the Return to 
brothers conducted a shield manufactory operated by Athene 
more than a hundred slaves (12. 19). Lysias, and perhaps Pole- 
marchus, lived at the Piraeus. 5 

On his return to the Piraeus Lysias had found the Four Hun- 
dred in power. They were supported at the first by the more 
intelligent and wealthy citizens, the class with whom Political 
Lysias's social and intellectual connections would be conditions 
most intimate. But as metics Lysias and Polemarchus could have 
no direct share in the stirring political movements of the summer 
of 411, which ended with the triumph of the conservative aristoc- 
racy. The next year saw the restoration of the radical democracy, 
and then followed the tremendous exertions of the exhausted state 
in its determined effort to ward off the inevitable result of the 
long-protracted war. In the great financial sacrifices demanded 
in these last years of the war, Lysias and his brother bore their 
full share. But they had inherited sufficient property, their busi- 

1 Upon the supposition that Lysias was born c. 446. The earlier birth year 
gives a residence of about thirty years. See p. II. 

2 Dionys. Lysias, § 1 ; Ps.-Plut. 835 E. 
8 [Dem.] 59. 22. 

• * For the father's death, see p. 12. 

6 For the question of Polemarchus's residence, see on 12. 16. The brothers 
together owned three houses (12. 18). 


ness was prosperous, and they came to the close of the war with 
better fortunes than did many of their associates. 

The life of Lysias during these seven years was by no means 
that of a manufacturer hard pressed by the daily cares of his 
Lvsias'e business. The men of his class knew little of the 
rhetorical slavery that comes with the pressure of modern busi- 
pursuite ness me thods. While he operated a successful manu- 
factory, the larger interests of his life were intellectual. His own 
study of rhetoric in the years at Thurii enabled him now, in 
the prime of life, to take his place at once among the most 
prominent writers at Athens. And in no department of lit- 
erature would excellence find quicker recognition at just this 
time than in rhetoric. For during the years of Lysias's ab- 
sence in Italy the same development of prose writing that had 
been going on at Thurii had advanced even more rapidly at 

Even before the Peloponnesian War Protagoras had given his 
pupils at Athens the same training in language and in the art of 
Rhetoric at disputation which he gave at Thurii, and the lesser 
Athene sophists had worked effectively along the same lines, 

to train skilled debaters and to teach the art of polished expres- 
sion. But in the distinctive art of rhetoric two men, greater than 
any of Lysias's teachers, had been doing brilliant work at Athens, 
Thrasymachus of Chalcedon and Gorgias of Leontini. 1 Into the 
circle of their pupils Lysias now came. 

Thrasymachus was one of the sophists and rhetoricians who 
went from city to city offering instruction in the new learning. He 
Thr ma- was a h~ ea( ty we ^ known at Athens about the beginning 
chus of of the Peloponnesian War 2 and became one of the 

Chalcedon g,. eat rhetorical teachers there, the most influential in 
the ultimate development of prose writing. 8 We have only a sin- 

1 It is entirely possible that Lysias had hea?d both Thrasymachus and 
Gorgias at Thurii; but the biographers name neither as his teacher. 
3 Aristophanes has his fling at him in 427 B.C., Frag. 198. 7. 
8 For a detailed study of Thrasymachus and his permanent influence on 


gle fragment of his writing, 1 but from statements of ancient critics 
we learn that he developed a clear and pure style of speech, 
avoiding, on the one hand, the artificial stiffness of other rhetori- 
cians, and, on the other, the undignified speech of the untrained 
man ; that he was probably the first to perfect the rounded, peri- 
odic sentence, gathering the separate thoughts into one compact 
whole ; and that he added to this periodic structure the beauty of 
a fitting prose rhythm. Thrasymachus also taught his pupils the 
effectiveness of the appeal to the feelings, in distinction from the 
appeal to the reason only. The art of disputation as taught by 
the other rhetoricians awakened the admiration of the hearers, 
but it did not move them ; Thrasymachus taught how to reach the 
will through the feelings. All of this work was sound, and it laid 
a permanent foundation for that dignified, forcible, noble Attic 
style which his pupil Isocrates later brought to perfection. 

But during the same period, from 427 on, another, more popu- 
lar, teacher of Rhetoric was coming from time to time to Athens, 
Gorgias of Leontini, an exponent of the Sicilian rheto- Gorgias of 
ric, with its elaborate arguments from probability, but Le <>ntini 
still more prominently the exponent of a new method of expres- 
sion. Gorgias's invention was that of a new form of composition, 
intermediate between poetry and prose. Poetry had the beauty 
of the grouping of words in symmetrical verses determined by 
meter ; Gorgias developed a form of prose in which short clauses 
of almost or quite equal length were ranged in pairs, each pair 
marked by an antithesis of thought, and often by rhyme of the 
final syllables. Poetry had also the beauty of a vocabulary of its 
own, raised above the common speech, and enriched by the free 
word formations of the poet ; Gorgias transferred this rich vocab- 
ulary to his prose. To compensate for the loss of the rhythm of 
poetry, he pleased the ear with constant assonance of syllables, 
and with every sort of play on the sounds of words. 

Attic prose, see Drerup, Untersuchungen zur alter en griechischen Prosalittera- 
tur> p. 225 ff. 

1 A proem of thirty-seven lines preserved by Dionys. Demosthenes, § 3. 
lysias — 2 


The young Athenians were carried away by this novel style of 
composition. They flocked to his lectures and vied with one 
another in imitating his prettily balanced antitheses and his cun- 
ning play of sounds. No writer of the time entirely escaped his 
influence. It formed an irresistible current setting toward all that 
was artificial in speech. 

Yet a third man had been molding Attic prose style in these 
same years, Antiphon, an Athenian by birth. Under the influence 
of the earlier Sicilian teachers, Antiphon took up the 
study and teaching of rhetoric, and that in the most 
practical form. His work, like that of Thrasymachus and Gor- 
gias, commenced about* the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. 
He published a systematic treatise on rhetoric (Ύεχνη), and a 
series of model speeches to illustrate methods of handling both 
sides of typical cases at law. But Antiphon was more than a 
theorist ; he was an active politician, — the real intellectual force 
back of the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, — and he wrote 
speeches for litigants to deliver in actual cases in the courts. He 
further treated these speeches not simply as pleas to accomplish 
their immediate purpose in the court room, but as literary master- 
pieces, to be published and circulated afterward. 1 

In style Antiphon was neither poetic like Gorgias, nor clear 
and noble like Thrasymachus, but he had a dignity of expression 
which, with his strength in argument, gave him a commanding 
position. His mature work represents the earlier, strong type of 
Athenian speech of the Periclean time, modified, but not con- 
trolled, by the refinements of Thrasymachus and Gorgias. 2 

Now when Lysias returned to Athens in 411 he found the 
The am*- influence of these three men at its height. All had 
tear study published treatises on the theory of rhetoric, and 
of rhetoric speeches by all were in circulation among students of 
oratory. The most mature work of each of the three falls near 

1 The sophists and rhetoricians were freely publishing their model speeches 
and rhetorical exercises, but Antiphon was the first to publish speeches that 
had been actually used in court. * Drerup, pp. 293, 296, 350. 


this date. Lysias found also a body of men of his own age and 
younger, trained under these teachers, enthusiasts in the art of 
speech writing. Many men had taken up the work as a money- 
earning profession, and were prospering as speech writers (λόγο- 
γράφοι) for the political assemblies and the courts. But they were 
looked upon only as tradesmen, and hardly had access to the 
inner circle of the gentlemen who were cultivating the new art 
for art's sake. Into this inner circle Lysias came, and was soon 
recognized as its ablest representative. 

Of his work in this period we obtain invaluable knowledge 
through the Phaedrus of Plato, his younger contemporary. Plato 
represents Socrates as meeting his young friend Phae- The pf, aedrua 
drus all aglow from the hearing of a wonderful dis- of Plato 
course of Lysias at the house of a friend. Upon Socrates's request 
that Phaedrus recite the speech to him, Phaedrus replies, " Do you 
suppose that I, a layman in the art, could give the speech from 
memory in a way that would be worthy of Lysias, the ablest writer 
of the day, a composition on which he has worked long and at 
his leisure ? I would give much if I could ! " After some byplay 
of insistence and refusal Socrates discovers that Phaedrus has 
Lysias's manuscript hidden under his cloak. So, seated under a 
plane-tree, Phaedrus proceeds to read aloud Lysias's discourse on 
Love. At the close of the reading Socrates finds his young friend in 
a fine frenzy, carried away by the charm of the language. After a 
bit of mock sympathy with his ravings, Socrates turns to a sharp 
criticism of the speech, both as to form and content. 1 ' 

We may think of Lysias, then, in these last years of the Pelo- 
ponnesian War, as occupying his abundant leisure with the com- 
position of speeches and essays designed to be read to a circle of 
his private friends, and perhaps to be published. It is not likely, 

1 Whether the discourse of Lysias in the Phaedrus was a part of a published 
speech which Plato incorporated in his dialogue as a subject for criticism, or only 
a discourse written by Plato in the manner of Lysias, has been much disputed. 
The prevailing opinion now is that it is the work of Lysias himself. So Jebb, 
Attic Orators, I. 305 ff.; tflass, o.c. p, 424 ff, 


though it is possible, that he was already beginning to give courses 
of lectures on rhetoric. His written discourses were ranked with 
the best work of Thrasymachus and Gorgias. 

But the prosperity of these years after the return from Thurii 
was suddenly interrupted. The disastrous close of the war was 
followed by the political revolution which put the 
«y Thirty into complete control of the city, while this 
body itself soon fell under the domination of a reckless and des- 
perate faction headed by the returned exile Critias. The Thirty 
found themselves with an empty treasury, with no subject states to 
furnish tribute as of old, with their own citizens terribly impover- 
ished by the twenty-seven years' war ; and they had to meet, not 
only the ordinary expenses of the state, but the expense of the 
employment of a standing Spartan garrison. They could not 
safely put heavy financial burdens upon those of their own citizens 
who had still some property remaining, for it was upon the good- 
will of these richer citizens that the administration had to depend 
for moral support. The obvious resort was the seizure of the 
property of the wealthy metics, who formed a large class of the 
men engaged in business and manufacture. 

False charges against a group of these metics were formulated 
and their condemnation pushed through the Senate, without warn- 
ing or opportunity of defense for the accused. Among 
The seizure , . . r Λ , , , , , , 

of Polemar- tne victims of this lawless attack were the brothers 

chus and Polemarchus and Lysias. In his twelfth speech Lysias 
ysias gives the detailed account of their arrest, the seizure 

of their property, the execution of his brother, and his own narrow 
escape and flight to Megara. 

When the democratic exiles who had been banished by the 
Thirty gathered on the frontier and moved down upon Piraeus, 
" The Re- establishing themselves in camp at Munychia, Lysias 
turn" joined them and became an active helper in the 

Return. 1 After the restoration of the democracy Thrasybulus, the 

1 12. 53 implies that Lysias was with the exiles at Piraeus. Ps.-Plutarch 
(835 F) says that he furnished 2000 drachmas and 200 shields; that he hired 


great leader of the Return, carried a motion in the Ecclesia * that 
citizenship be granted to all who had joined in the Pailure t0 
return of the democrats. 2 This would have given to receive citi- 
Lysias the full rights of a citizen, but the decree was zenshl P 
attacked as illegal by Archinus, another of the democratic leaders, 
and was defeated in the courts (see XXXIV, Introd.). 3 

Immediately after the restoration of the democracy Lysias came 
before the courts in the prosecution of Eratosthenes, the member 
of the Thirty who had arrested his brother, Polemar- ρτ^^^^ 
chus. To this prosecution Lysias brought the per- ofEratos- 
fected skill in argument and arrangement of matter tnenes 
and the facility in expression which he had been acquiring in his 
years of rhetorical training. This prosecution, while probably not 
successful in securing the condemnation of Eratos- Beginning of 
thenes, brought Lysias prominently before the public, career as a 
and opened the way for him to enter at once upon speech 81011 
a career as a λσγσγράφσς, or professional writer of writer 

300 mercenaries (presumably Ps.-Plutarch means at his own expense), and 
secured a gift of two talents for the cause from Thrasydaeus, an Elean friend. 
If these statements are true, Lysias must have saved something from the wreck 
of his property. The statements may have come from Lysias's speech " On 
his Services." 

1 On the date, see Chron. 401 B.C. 

2 μβτβδίδου τή$ πολιτεία* ττασι rots 4κ ΪΙαραιέως σχτγκατέΚθοϋσΐ) ων ίνιοι 
φανερώς ήσαν δούλοι, Arist. Resp. Ath. 40. 2. 

8 The account of the biographers rests upon a misunderstanding of this 
motion of Thrasybulus. Pseudo-Plutarch says (835 F) that Thrasybulus moved 
that citizenship be given to Lysias, that it was so voted by the people, but 
that their action was annulled by the courts as illegal, not being based on a 
recommendation of the Senate (cp. Phot. 4. 172 C; Schol. Aesch. 3. 195; * 
Schol. Hermog., Walz V. 343). The tradition has evidently represented * 
as a special proposition in the case of Lysias what was really a proposition for 
all who had shared in the Return. The effect of a Ύραφή παρανόμων was to 
suspend any decree against which it was brought, pending the decision of the 
courts (Meier u. Schomann, Der attische Process, p. 435). Archinus probably 
brought his action immediately upon the passage of the decree, so that we can 
liardly suppose that Lysias enjoyed even a few weeks of citizenship. 


speeches for others to deliver in the courts or political assemblies. 
What had before been the occupation of scholarly leisure now 
became the means of restoring his fortunes^ 

With remarkable literary insight Lysias was able to turn from 
the artificial style which he, like all rhetoricians of the time, had 
cultivated for purposes of display, and to perfect a type of plain, 
practical speech, which soon placed him at the head of his 

It was probably at this time that he also began the work of 
Lvsias as a ^ orma ^ teaching. We have Aristotle's testimony l that 
teacher of Lysias at first taught rhetoric, but that finding in 
rhetoric Theodorus of Byzantium a rival who was his superior 

in rhetorical theory, he turned to the work of a λογογράφος. 2 

Another rival also soon appeared in the person of his younger 
contemporary, Isocrates, who returned about 400 B.C. from a 
Hi ork as course °f rhetorical training under Gorgias in Thessaly. 
a speech Isocrates, with his artificial style and his refined ele- 
writer gance of expression, proved no match for Lysias in 

speech writing for court or ecclesia, and soon abandoned this 
field, turning to the teaching of rhetoric, and the publication of 
political pamphlets, cast for the most part in the form of 

Lysias was thus left as the recognized master of practical speech 
writing. As a me tic he was excluded from personal activity in 
politics, and thus he turned the more toward the one pursuit of 
writing for others. The fact of the superiority of his rivals in the 
department of teaching rhetoric tended to the same result. The 
twenty years after the restoration of the democracy show remark- 
able activity of Lysias in this professional work. In the first cen- 

1 Cited by Cicero, Brutus, § 48. 

2 It is quite possible (Blass, p. 347, holds it as certain) that his work as a 
teacher falls in the period before the Thirty, but it seems more probable that 
this money-earning work began with his work as a paid speech writer after 
the loss of his property. The title, ό σοφιστής, applied to him in [Dem.] 59. 
21, probably comes from this work as a teacher. 


tury a.d. more than two hundred of his published speeches were 
in circulation. 1 

Only once do we find Lysias coming forward personally in 
public affairs. In 388 the Corinthian War was still dragging along, 
indecisive and burdensome to both sides ; but rumors were abroad 
that a coalition was forming on the side of Sparta, between Persia 
and Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. At the Olympic Games of 
that year a splendidly equipped delegation from Dionysius ap- 
peared, and a band of rhapsodists chanted the poems of the 

Against this glorification of the tyrant of his father's native 
city Lysias delivered before the assembled Greeks his Olympic 
oration. The Greeks were urged to give up their ruinous strife 
with one another, and to join against their common enemies, the 
tyrants. So effective is the speech said to have been that the 
crowds rushed upon the gold-bedecked tenf of the Syracusans 
and plundered it. 2 

Of Lysias's private life after the Return, we know only that his 
wife was a daughter of his sister, and that he was a 
lover of the hetaera Metanira, for whom he secured 
initiation into the Eleusinian Mysteries. 3 

As we can trace his professional work down to 
about 380 B.C., we conclude that he died not long Death 
after that date. 4 

1 Pseudo- Plutarch (836 A) says that 425 speeches were current under the 
name of Lysias, of which Dionysius and Caecilius held 233 to be genuine. It 
was only natural that many speeches of unknown authorship came in time to 
be ascribed to so fertile and popular an author. 

2 Diodor. 14. 109 ; Dionysius, Lysias, § 29 ; Ps.-Plut. 836 D. For the 
story of a mission of Lysias to the court of Dionysius, based upon a probably 
corrupt Ms. reading, see crit. note on 19. 19. 

8 [Dem.] 59. 2i, 22. 

4 We have the statement of Pseudo-Plutarch (836 A) that Lysias died at 
Athens όγδο^κοντα τρία ίτ•η βιούς, fj &s τίνα ££ καΐ έβδομήκοντα, f) <&s tiucs 
ίητέρ ό*γδοή κοντά, a statement which shows only that the biographers had no 
reliable knowledge of the date. 



Our manuscripts of Lysias 1 have preserved thirty-one speeches, 
of which twenty- three are now commonly held to be genuine. 
Collections P arts of three other speeches are preserved in our 
ofLysias's manuscripts of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 2 being 
speec es inserted by him as specimens of Lysias's style. To 
these is to be added the fragment in Plato's Phaedrus? 

The ancient critics made the following classification of speeches : 

„ , , ( δημόσιοι in public cases, 

δικανικοί, court speeches { „ , . . 

Ι ιδιωτικοί in private cases. 

Λόγοι \ συμβουλευτικοί, deliberative speeches in political assemblies. 

επιδεικτικοί, exhibition speeches, including rhetorical exercises, eulo- 
gies, speeches for public festivals, etc. 

Twenty- four of the twenty-six extant speeches fall under the 
first class, the department in which Lysias especially excelled. 
Of greatest historical interest is the group of speeches for public 
cases arising out of the question of reconstruction after the rule 
of the Thirty — cases which involved the vital question how far the 
supporters of the oligarchy were to be restored to political influ- 
ence under the restored democracy. 4 The political questions 
involved naturally give to these speeches much of the tone and 
manner of deliberative oratory, and in the most important, the 
Speech against Eratosthe?ies (XII), Lysias speaks in his own 

We have only four speeches written for litigants in private 
cases : X is for the prosecution in a libel suit ; XVII is for a 
claimant of disputed property ; XXIII, a preliminary suit to de- 
termine the legal status of an alleged citizen, to clear the way for 
the prosecution of a private claim ; XXXII, a suit of an heir 
against his guardian, to force the relinquishment of -an estate. 

Of speeches of the second main division, the deliberative, we 

1 See App. V. * See XXXII, first crit. note. 

3 Blass (p. 375) classes this with 4πιστο\αί, after Hermias. 

4 For the fuller discussion of these cases, see p. 39 if. 


have only one, and that probably incomplete (XXXIV). It is a 
speech written for a citizen who, immediately after the over- 
throw of the Thirty, opposed a proposition before the Ecclesia to 
restrict the franchise to owners of real estate. 1 

The third main division is represented in our extant speeches 
only by the proem of the Olympic Speech? 


Lysias stands in the judgment of the Greek and Roman critics 
as the greatest representative of the Plain Style 8 in prose composi- 
tion. 4 The Grand Style of Thucydides and the florid, . 
poetic mannerisms of Gorgias stand at one extreme ; representa- 
the simple, straightforward style of Lysias, at the other. tiy e °* the 
Lysias took the plain, direct speech of daily life, puri- e 
fled it of its colloquialisms and vulgarities, and shaped it into a 
perfect medium for the expression of his thought. His language 
is the current speech of his own day, neither elevated 
by occasional words from the vocabulary of the older u 
generation, nor enriched by the diction of the poets, nor made 
striking by newly formed compounds. Even metaphorical lan- 
guage he seldom used. 5 

1 See XXXIV, Introd. 2 See p . 23 . 

8 For discussion of the three " Styles," see App. § 37 ff . 

4 Modern criticism of the style of Lysias naturally follows the generally 
sound observations of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. In his treatise on Lysias 
he extols his Purity of Language (§ 2), Simplicity of Language (§ 3), Clear- 
ness (§4), Brevity (§5), Compact and Rounded Composition (§ 6), Vivid- 
ness (§ 7), Ethopoiia (§ 8), Adaptedness (§ 9), Persuasiveness (§ 10), and 
Charm (§ 10 ff.)• It must be remembered that Dionysius had a large body 
of Lysias's works where we have but a few, and that he had a broader basis 
for comparison in the possession of many more of the works of his contempo- 
raries than have come down to us. 

6 In 24. 14 we have a brief simile, heightened by personification. In 24. 3 
Ιάσθαι is a simple metaphor. But this speech is throughout in mock-rhetorical 
style. Other metaphorical expressions are the simple and common ones of 


To this simplicity of vocabulary was added a skill in phrase 
and sentence structure that produced remarkable clearness. In 
Sentence reading Thucydides or Antiphon we are often puzzled 
structure. to catch the meaning of a sentence, though every indi- 
681,1688 vidual word may be simple. Lysias seldom perplexes 
us ; he expresses the relations of words as well as the words them- 
selves ; phrases follow in the natural order of thought ; and the sen- 
tences are seldom too long to be carried in the mind as a whole. 

And yet this clearness is consistent with brevity both in 

thought and language. From the union of this simplicity and 

brevity, together with a fine appreciation of the 
Brevity ... , ., . , . . , 

striking details in a story, comes the vividness of 

Lysias's narrative style — a department in which he was never 


But the simplicity of Lysias's composition, even in much of his 
narrative, is not the monotonous simplicity of the pure " running 
Periodic style." ! The art of periodic composition had already 

structure become the subject of careful study at Athens before 
Lysias returned from Thurii. 2 While we have no knowledge of 
Lysias's own theories of the rhetorical " period," we certainly find 
him to be master of a style that made full use of the compact and 
rounded form that we properly call periodic, 3 without sacrifice of 
grace and simplicity. 

This effect is due to the brevity and simplicity of his periods, 
and to the fact that he seldom casts the whole sentence in periodic 
form. Within the limits of one sentence we often find one, or 
two, or even more, short periods, but united with other clauses 
that remain outside the periodic structure. Comparatively few 

22. 8 μαχόμενων ; 22. 1 5 τολιορκονμεθα ; 25. 25 καρπωσαμένου* ; $2. 22 

We find personification in 12. 14 τροθυμον δύναμιν; 12. 23 παρανομία; 
12. 36 apery; 12. 78 romjpias ; 32. 23 τονηρίαν. 

1 For the full discussion of the running and the periodic styles, see Αρμ 


*Cp.p. 17. 

8 On the ancient and modern use of the term " period " see App. § 52 ff. 


sentences are entirely without periodic form, yet in comparatively 
few does the periodic structure embrace the whole thought. In 
many sentences again the periodic structure is that of form only, 
the formal subordination of clauses that are logically coordinate. 1 

The periodic structure in a speech of Lysias is thus seldom 
obtruSive. We do not often, as in Isocrates regularly, find sen- 
tence after sentence shaped in a stiff periodic mold, nor do we 
often come upon periods so strong and compact that they chal- 
lenge attention, as they so often do in the speeches of Demos- 
thenes. In Lysias the periodic structure runs through all, giving 
tone to all, yet usually subordinate to the natural logical flow of 
the thought. 2 

The periodic language is most marked, as is fitting, in proems 
and the more* earnest appeals, while in narrative it is either of a 
simplified type or is abandoned altogether. 

Yet there is a difference in the periodic composition of the 
several speeches. Lysias was too good an artist to put into the 
mouth of the ordinary client a speech that would, by its very 
phraseology, remind the hearer that the speaker was only de- 
claiming a purchased plea. For the plain man he wrote in a plain 
style that so concealed its art as to seem the natural expression 
of the man himself. But for the more mature or experienced 
client, from whose lips the more rhetorical style would not seem 
unfitting, and especially in cases that dealt with public questions, 
he sometimes wrote in a manner distinctly more formal, with no 
little use of the mannerisms of the current rhetoric in the struc- 
ture of sentence and period. 8 

1 See App. § 50. 

2 In this fact we find the explanation of the apparently contradictory 
, statements of Dionysius that Lysias's composition is smooth and simple 

(συντίθησί ye αυτήν a<pe\u>s raw καΐ άπλώτ, όρων 6tl ούκ έν rrj περιόδω καΐ 
rots (>υθμΛΪ$, άλλ' έν τ% διαλελυμένο λέξα ylverat τό fjSos, Lysias § 8), and 
yet that he is a master of " compact and rounded expression " (ή συστρέφουσα 
τα νοήματα καΐ aTpoyyu\u>s έκφέρουσα X^is, § 6). 

3 The twenty-fifth speech is a notable example of this. Its style is far 
removed from that of the sixteenth. 


When writing for his own delivery, as in the Speech against 
Eratosthenes y Lysias was free to follow his own ideal of oratory, and 
The it is in precisely this speech that we find him making 

" Gorgian largest use of the rhetorical devices of the day. 1 Here 
figures" we fl nc j^ especially in proem and epilogue, the fre- 
quent use of antithetic and parallel structure of periods, sefoff by 
some of the so-called " Gorgian figures " of speech. 2 When, there- 
fore, we speak of Lysias as the representative of the Plain Style of 
composition it must be with the qualification that this statement 
applies strictly to his sentence structure in those speeches only 
where he is writing for the plain man or for the commonplace 
issue. In other cases, while always far from the grand style, he 
does show distinctly and repeatedly the artificial traits of the 
rhetorical style. • 

Another chief characteristic of Lysias's work is implied in what 
has just been said. This is his Ethopoiia, such adaptation of sen- 
.. timent, argument, and language to the personality 
(ήθος) of the client, that it seems to the hearers the 
natural expression of the speaker's own thought. In this Lysias 
has no rival. And this effect was produced by no mechanical 
imitation of speech or character. 3 Lysias did not put into the 
mouth of an uncultured man the ungrammatical or coarse lan- 
guage that he might easily have imitated, nor did he restrict him- 
self to the narrow range of thought which such a client might 
have had. Both speech and thought are often above the level of 
the speaker's own powers. And yet they are so nicely fitted to 
his case, they express so clearly his own feelings, and they so 
easily carry the hearer along by their apparent candor and sim- 

1 The twenty-fourth speech is so manifestly mock-rhetorical in form that 
it should not be considered as in the same class with the others. 

2 For detailed statements as to these " figures " and Lysias's use of them 
see App. § 56 ff. 

8 See Bruns's enlightening discussion of the meaning and method of 
Ethopoiia, Literarisches Portrat, p. 440 ff. The best treatment of the subject 
in English is the dissertation by Devries, Ethopoiia, Baltimore, 1892. 


plicity, that we forget the professional writer and think only oflthe 

This perfection of art could have come only from a rare ability 
to enter into the feelings of the client, to grasp the essential points 
of his case, and to see in talking with him what sentiments would 
seem natural and unaffected as coming from his lips ; and then 
artfully to embody all of this in language in which all art should 
be concealed. 1 Not every speech offers opportunity for Ethopoiia. 
The prosecutor does not make his own personality prominent, and 
defendants have more occasion to emphasize their own personality 
in some cases than in others. It is in cases of defense on δοκι- 
μασία, like those of the sixteenth and twenty- fifth speeches, that 
Lysias finds his perfect opportunity to embody his client's person- 
ality in his speech. 2 

Closely allied to Ethopoiia is the portraiture of other persons 
involved in a case. Here Lysias is no less successful. With a 
few strokes he gives a picture that stands as a perma- 
nent character in literature. Such are the portraits of 
Theramenes in the twelfth speech, of Aristophanes in the nine- 
teenth, of the speaker and his father in the same speech, of the 
politician in the twenty-fifth, of Diogiton and his daughter in the 

To the qualities already discussed Dionysius adds adaptedness, 
το πρίπον. This is in some measure included in Ethopoiia, but it 
means more than that, for it includes adaptedness of "Adapted- 
the speech to all the conditions under which it is ness" 
spoken. We have a good example in the twelfth speech, where 
there is no occasion for Ethopoiia, but where the plea is adapted 
with great skill to appeal to the two very different factions in the 

1 For the discussion of Ethopoiia as shown in individual speeches, see 
Notes on Argument and Style. For the possible imitation of personal peculi- 
arities of language, see on 19. 15. 

2 See Bruns's discriminating treatment of Lysias's pleas in prosecution and 
defense, p. 438 ff. 


Last of all, as the crowning quality of Lysias's style, and a 
quality so pervasive that it alone would serve to distinguish 
genuine from spurious speeches of Lysias, Dionysius 
names a certain indefinable charm, χάρις. This is 
only to give a name to the final impression produced by all of the 
qualities that have been mentioned. It is the result of the com- 
bined purity and simplicity and vividness of diction, with the fine 
adaptation of all to speaker and occasion. 

Dionysius admits what all readers must feel, that Lysias is not 
strong in the appeal to the feelings. He presents his case in a 
Weakness in wa ^ tnat secures conviction, but he seldom arouses 
appeal to the anger or fear. The pathos of simplicity he does have, 
feelings through his marvelous power in narrative. But when 

we think how, in a case like that of the twelfth speech, Demos- 
thenes would have poured out his wrath upon Eratosthenes, and 
how he would have swept all before his flood of indignation, we 
feel that even here, where Lysias is most stirred, his language is 
too cold and calm. 

Nor has Lysias the power of Isocrates or Demosthenes to lift the 
hearer up to high planes of moral or political thought. He makes 
no attempt to raise a case from the range of small and temporary 
considerations to that of great principles. 

But within these limits Lysias has unexcelled skill in the dis- 
covery and invention of arguments.* He has the Greek shrewd- 
Invention of ness * n tu ming a point for or against a man at will, 
argument When a rich man has performed large financial services 
for the state, if he is Lysias's client, the services are a proof of his 
noble loyalty ; 2 but if he is Lysias's opponent, they are a proof of 
the rapidity with which the fellow has enriched himself from 
the public funds, and of his shameless effrontery. 3 If influential 
friends plead for the acquittal of the accused, Lysias urges the 

1 The early Greek Rhetoric was divided into three departments : cvpetrts» 
invention ; λέξις, expression ; and rafts, arrangement. See Volkmann, Rhetor ik 
der Griechen und Rdmer, p. 28. 

2 21. 1 ff. 8 27. 10. 


jury to be as zealous in punishing the public enemy as these men 
are in trying to save their personal friend. 1 When Lysias's client 
finds that he is the only man to appear as prosecutor on a charge 
of embezzlement, this becomes a proof of the extent of the de- 
fendant's stealings — that he has been able to buy off all prosecu- 
tors save one. 2 If the opponent of Lysias's client is a rich man, 
the jury must condemn him to show that no man is rich enough to 
buy their votes ; 3 if the opponent is eloquent, he must be con- 
demned as a warning to the whole class of demagogues, who try to 
deceive the people by their powers of speech. 4 

Lysias is always resourceful, shrewd in covering his own weak 
point, and as shrewd in finding or inventing the weakness of his 
opponent. He has the respectable moderation of his Moderation 
time in refraining from the vulgar invective and out- in attack 
right lying that marred the legal practice of Demosthenes and 
his contemporaries a generation later, 5 but he does not hesitate to 
put false construction upon the actions of his opponent, and to 
play upon unworthy prejudices of the jury. He is, so far as 
invention of argument is concerned, a typical product of that 
rhetorical school which prided itself upon " making the weaker, the 
stronger case." 

In the arrangement of matter and the structure of the frame- 
work of his speeches, Lysias is less successful. There is little vari- 
ation in his plan — a proem to catch the attention ^^β». 
and favor of the jury, a brief statement of the case ment of 
(unless it is already before the jury), often a simple matter 
narrative of facts, then detailed arguments followed by a brief and 
seldom effective epilogue. He has little skill in so arranging his 
several arguments as to make them converge to one point, or 
lead up to a climax of conviction or feeling. In the shorter 
speeches we do not feel this weakness, but in a long plea like the 
nineteenth it is noticeable ; our conviction is stronger at the 
middle than at the close. 

1 3°• 33- 2 29. 1. * 28. 9. 

4 27. 5. 6 Cp. Brans, pp. 470, 552-6. 


The public activity of Lysias began immediately after the over- 
throw of the Thirty Tyrants. Several of his earliest and most 
important speeches were written for the prosecution 
Lysias to or defense of men who had been engaged in the revo- 
the political lutions of 411 and 404 B.C. The understanding of 
many of his speeches requires a knowledge of both 
attempts of the richer and more intelligent classes to set aside the 
democracy of Pericles, as it had been modified in effect, if not in 
principle, by his successors, and to establish a conservative form 
of government, with limited franchise, which should deprive the 
masses of their political power. 

Both of our traditional terms, "The Oligarchy of the Four 

Hundred " and " The Thirty Tyrants," are misleading. It is true 

. . that the administration of the Four Hundred did be- 
The ongin 
of the two come a mere oligarchy, and that of the Thirty, out- 

"Revolu- r ig nt tyranny ; but it was because in each case a small 
clique of unprincipled men gained control of a move- 
ment which originated in an attempt at genuine political reform, 
and which was at the outset supported by the best intelligence 
and character of the city. 1 

While the immediate occasion of the revolution of 411 was the 
offer of Alcibiades to rescue the city from its imminent danger, by 
securing Persian help, upon condition of the disfranchisement 
of the Demos, yet the real force back of the whole movement 
was the profound conviction among intelligent and loyal citizens 
that the existing democracy was a failure. 

1 For outline of events, see Chron. Appendix. 


Athens had been plunged into a terrible war to gratify the 
personal ambition, as many believed, of the great democratic 
leader. Since the death of Pericles (in 429) the xh e attitude 
leadership had been neither energetic nor intelli- of the 
gent, except during brief intervals. When, by the J 1 * 88 ® 8 ^ 
trapping of a Spartan force on the island of Sphac- Peloponne- 
teria (in 425), Sparta was brought to propose peace sianWar 
on terms which would have left Athens in raH possession of 
her own power, and would surely have broken up the Pelo- 
ponnesian confederacy, Cleon carried the crowd in the assem- 
bly against the peace proposals. When, after Cleon's death, 
the Peace of Nicias had been negotiated by the conservative 
leader on terms which preserved to Athens a fair equivalent of 
her former power (in 421), and when Sparta had gone so far as to 
seek a defensive alliance with her, — a turn of events full of un- 
expected promise, — peace was again snatched from the state 
by the masses, carried away by the influence of their latest and 
most dangerous leader, Alcibiades, with the help of Hyperbolus, 
Cleon's worthy successor. Then came the great democratic 
enterprise, the Sicilian expedition, with its dazzling promises and 
terrible failure, draining the city of men and ships and money. 
At last, in 412, crippled in resources, depleted in troops, weary 
of years of fighting, the state was facing dire peril. Against her 
stood the united Peloponnesians, supported now by Syracuse, and 
with the promise of Persian gold and ships ; her control of the 
sea was no longer secure ; a permanent Lacedaemonian army of 
occupation at Decelea controlled the outlying Attic districts, and 
forceil the city to maintain a vigilant defense of her own walls ; 
and now the allies, long restive under the arbitrary and short- 
sighted domination of Athens, were making haste to revolt and 
to put themselves under the protection of Sparta. 

There was never a more imperative call for wise and efficient 
statesmanship ; for an administration which could carry on large 
military enterprises, handle the finances of a hard-pressed state, 
conduct the most delicate foreign negotiations, and call out 



the hearty support and confidence of all the citizens. The 
democratic administration was notoriously lacking in all of 

The failures tnese Ψ 1 * 1 *** 68 • ^°^ Senate and Ecclesia expressed 
of the demo- for the most part the changing will of the masses. 
JJJjjjjJLJiL• Only in special emergencies, and not always then, 
could the better element be rallied with strength 
enough to overcome the popular vote. The demagogues had 
been steadily increasing in power since the beginning of the war, 
and the "sycophants" — politicians turned blackmailers — were 
on every side threatening the men of property. This new genera- 
tion of democratic leaders, trained in the popular arts of rhetoric, 
was the more dangerous by reason of the perfection of its tools. 
The courts were in the hands of demagogues and sycophants, 
and their verdict no longer carried moral weight. And all the 
Financial time the war, long maintained against the protests of 
burdens the middle and upper classes, was bearing down upon 

them. Agriculture was destroyed, manufactures crippled by the 
loss of thousands of slave artisans and by the call for free men of 
the laboring class for service in the fleet ; foreign trade was gone 
with the closing of the ports of the Athenian league, and the 
transference of the seat of war to the Aegean. And now heavy 
direct war taxes began to press upon all who had any consider- 
able property left. The cutting off of the tribute by the revolt of 
the cities of the league threw the whole cost of the war upon the 
citizens themselves. To the whole body of the richer citizens 
financial ruin seemed inevitable. 

Another influential class too was ripe for action against the 
radical democracy. The intellectual leaders, full of the new 

learning of the sophists, were in the full tide of revolt 
Aristocratic . . . ,. . 

sentiments against the authority of tradition m politics, as m reli- 
ef the edu- gion ; every institution had to meet their challenge 
°* men and justify itself to their reason. Among these men 
the incompetence of the Demos was taken for granted, and they 
were eagerly discussing theories of government and ideal constitu- 
tions. Some saw in the Spartan oligarchy the ideal form of gov- 


ernment. Yet few had lost faith in the entire democratic idea ; 
most believed that citizenship must be limited, and their watch- 
word had already become "Return to the constitution of the 
fathers.' ' To some this meant the constitution of Solon ; to others, 
the moderate democracy of Clisthenes ; to all it meant the cutting 
loose from the domination of the masses. 

In this repudiation of the extreme democracy the men of the 
new culture found themselves in perfect agreement with the very 
men to whom in religious and literary questions they were 
most opposed, the representatives of the conservative aristocracy. 
Thus the anti-democratic idea was fostered by men like Anti- 
phon, now a man of nearly seventy years, the ablest representa- 
tive of the new profession of the law, and a leading theorist in the. 
new political science ; Thucydides, the scholarly representative of 
the property holding aristocracy ; Socrates, the philosopher, and 
many of his circle ; Euripides, the poet of the new culture, and 
his bitterest critic, Aristophanes, the champion of the "good 
old " beliefs and customs. The reaction against the existing 
democracy is prominent in all that is best in the thought of 
the time. 

It was under these conditions, with dissatisfaction with the actual 
working of democracy pervading all the more intelligent circles, 
and under the impending ruin of the propertied classes The Revo , 
by the continuance of the war, that the proposition lution of 
came from Alcibiades for a change in the government. 4 " BC • 
The result was the Revolution of 411, which put the Four Hun- 
dred into power. The movement was supported by the best and 
wisest men in the state. 

But even in its preliminary stages the revolution betrayed signs 
of fatal weakness. The honorable and patriotic men amqpg the 
leaders allowed the hot-headed younger men to take the lead in 
putting down opposition. More than one democratic opponent 
was assassinated, and a policy of general terrorism was followed, 
as the easiest means of clearing the way for the new movement. 

The revolutionary government once set up, it was inevitable 


that the control should fall still more into the hands of the " prac- 
tical politicians." The existence of a well-organized system of 
party clubs enabled their leaders to set aside the representative 
government that they had promised. 

The failure to win the fleet to the support of the new move- 
ment threw the aristocratic leaders into grave danger, for there 
Dangers of was everv reason to f ear a successful democratic reac- 
thenew tion. The leaders, instead of meeting this danger by 

government carrvm g ou t their earlier promises, and so drawing 
together the whole body of conservative citizens, made the fatal 
mistake of withdrawing more closely into their own small group, 
Treason of and seeking their personal safety and the support of 
the leaders their government by plans for a treacherous surrender 
of the city to Sparta. 

Their attempt was thwartecf only just in time by the prompt 
action of one of their own party, Theramenes, who 
organized a revolt against the leaders of the Four- 
Hundred within their own number, and succeeded in bringing 
The modified mto power the real conservative aristocracy, under a 
aristocracy limited franchise along the lines at first proposed by 
the reformers. 

But now the fleet under its democratic leaders won a series 
The demo- °f brilliant victories on the Hellespont, which so 
cratic fleet turned the tide of feeling at home that it soon 
swept away the moderate administration of Theramenes and 
restored the old democratic constitution. The attempt at a 
Restoration re ^ orm °f tne democracy was at an end, and the 
ofdemoc- Demos, led by Cleophon, a typical demagogue, was 
racy again in complete control. 

For six years (410-404) the democracy went on as of old, led 
now by Cleophon, now by Alcibiades, — welcomed back to the 
Last years city as the idol of the people, only to be repudiated 
of the war on his first reverse at sea, — then led again by Cleo- 
phon and his radicals. All of the abuses of the democracy were 
<>:i<:e more in full swing. The demagogues attacked the moderate 


and conservative supporters of the Four Hundred, and inflicted 
upon them banishment or confiscation of property or disfranchise- 
ment ; advantageous peace proposals from Sparta were rejected ; 
victorious and patriotic generals were put to death under the hot 
anger of the populace at the loss of their friends in the storm off 
the Arginusae (406) ; and at last the fleet in which had been 
staked, by one supreme effort, the last resources of the impover- 
ished city was lost at Aegospotami — betrayed by the treachery 
or the incompetence of its generals. And still the radical demo- 
cratic leaders refused to talk of peace. It was only when the 
Peloponnesian fleet under Lysander had closed their harbor, 
and the land force had moved in upon the suburbs of the city, 
and when hunger was beginning to press hard upon them, that 
the conservative element succeeded in making itself heard, and 
its leader, Theramenes, was entrusted with negotiations for 

With the surrender of the city to Sparta the political situation 
was entirely changed. Whether or not the terms of surrender 
included the express provision that the democracy be Effect of 
set aside, it was certainly no part of the Spartan pro- the sur- 
gramme to leave the Athenian Demos, with its unyield- render 
ing hatred of Sparta, anything of its old power. It was fully 
understood between the aristocratic leaders and the Spartans that 
a new government was to be set up, which should exclude the 
masses from political power. 

When the Spartan Lysander entered the city upon its surrender, 
he brought with him a body of exiled Athenians, men who had 
been banished for their support of the government of R estorat i 0n 
the Four Hundred, and who now stood under the of exiled 
definite protection of Sparta. They at once united ol te archs 
with the aristocratic element in the city in perfecting arrangements 
for a new aristocratic revolution. The old political clubs were 
reorganized under even more efficient central control ; the extreme 
oligarchs, under the lead of Critias, made common cause with 
the moderate faction of Theramenes ; and finally, supported by 


Lysander in person, they carried through, without violence, a com- 
Eetablish- P^ ete revolution. Nominally the board of Thirty Com- 
ment of the missioners who were appointed were to draw up a new 
Thirty constitution and to administer the government only 

until that should be adopted, but in fact they became an irrespon- 
sible governing board, with a Senate entirely subservient to them. 
The popular courts and the Ecclesia, the real strongholds of demo- 
cratic power, were abolished outright. 

This new oligarchy of 404 b.c. was thus in part thrust upon the 
city by Spartan dictation, and was in part due to the attempt of 
the returned oligarchical exiles to secure their own safety. But 
beyond these causes was a real revival of the old movement of the 
intelligent and substantial citizens to rid the city of the abuses of 
the radical democracy. Doubtless some of the supporters of the 
former oligarchy had lost hope of reform, had become convinced 
that a limited democracy was impracticable, and had decided that 
the evils of the old democracy were less than those of any govern- 
ment which could be secured in its place. But a large body of 
honest citizens supported the new movement, expecting it to re- 
sult, not in an oligarchy at all, but in a democracy with franchise 
limited to the three upper property classes. 1 

But almost from the start the new administration fell under the 
control of its own worst elements, the returned exiles of the 
Critias extreme oligarchical faction, led by Critias. Return- 

against ing with the most violent hatred of the democracy 

Theramenes wn i cn had banished him, Critias conducted the ad- 
ministration in disregard of all rights of person and property. A 
minority, led by Theramenes, attempted to stand against this crim- 
Exileand ma ' exerc * se °f power, as Theramenes had success- 
return of fully stood against the abuses of the Four Hundred ; 
the patriots but the at tempt failed, and Theramenes lost his 

1 This was what the Thirty professed to have as their aim, and the fact 
that they had the support of so intelligent and patriotic a body as the Knights 
shows that many citizens had confidence in their purpose and ability to carry 
. out their promise. 


life. The faction of Critias pushed on, throwing off all pretense 
of reform, and took forcible possession of the city, killing or 
expelling all who opposed them. The result was the rally of the 
democratic exiles under Thrasybulus, and the restoration of demo- 
cratic government. 

The struggle of the exiled democrats to win their return had 
brought to the front a democratic leader of the best type, Thrasy- 
bulus. It was fortunate for the restored democracy 
that it was to begin its new career, not under men of asy u us 
the Cleon-Cleophon type, but led by a man of real power, of broad 
views, and of unquestioned patriotism. Thrasybulus saw that 
the first problem of the new government was to help conservative 
and democrat to forget the bloody attacks and reprisals of the 
past eight years, and to persuade the long-separated factions to 
unite, loyally and generously, as one people. The am- χ^ β ^, 
nesty had provided for the exclusion of the extreme nest y 
oligarchs from the city, for the peaceable withdrawal to Eleusis of 
all who preferred to cast in their lot with them, and for the ample 
protection of those of their former supporters who were ready to 
resume their allegiance to the democracy. Thrasybulus's problem 
now was to persuade the excitable, passionate people to abide 
faithfully by these terms of amnesty, to live up to its spirit as well 
as its letter. And this was no easy task : exiles of the democrats 
came back to live side by side with men who had actively sup- 
ported an administration which had murdered their brothers, 
confiscated their property, and driven them and their families 
homeless into foreign cities. It was hard to see these men of 
the city party living unpunished, prosperous, possessed of all the 
rights of citizenship, and gradually resuming their places in the 
administrative offices or the Senate. Even the great influence of 
Thrasybulus was not sufficient to prevent attacks in the courts 
upon former members of the city party. 

One of the first of these attacks came from Lysias himself. 
Eratosthenes, the member of the board of Thirty who was com- 
monly believed to be least compromised by their crimes, ven- 


tured to take advantage of a special provision of the amnesty by 
Lysine's which any member of that board might remain in 
attack on the city if he would submit to the regular accounting 
Eratosthenes f or n j s concuic t [ n office. Lysias, whose brother had 
been arrested by Eratosthenes in person, when he might, perhaps, 
have prevented his death, attacked him in the court ot ac- 
counting (Speech XII, Against Eratosthenes, 403 B.C.), and made 
every effort to arouse the hostility of the jury against the conser- 
vative members of the late government. We do not know the 
outcome of the trial, but it is probable that the conservative in- 
fluence in the jury was strong enough to restrain them from taking 
the vengeance for which Lysias pleaded. 

Some three years later Lysias was employed to write a speech 
for a substantial citizen who had been a supporter, of the Thirty, 
Lysias's an( * wno was now a candidate for office. He was 
speeches in attacked at his δοκιμασία on the ground that the sup- 
OTw^njTont P orters °f tne oligarchy ought to be considered ineli- 
of the revo- gible for office under the restored democracy. Lysias 
lution (Speech XXV, Apologia, c. 400 b.c. ) warns the democracy 

that such a policy will only perpetuate* division and weaken their 
own administration, and he vigorously attacks the petty politicians 
who are trying to stir up party strife as a means of maintaining 
their own unworthy leadership. 

Shortly after this Lysias was retained to prepare a speech for 
the prosecution of Xicomachus, on the ground of unjustifiable delay 
in completing a revision of the laws, for which he was a special 
commissioner. Lysias in this speech (XXX, Against Nicomachns, 
399/8 r.c.) makes an incidental, but serious, charge that the defend- 
ant had helped pave the way for the establishment of the Thirty. 
He thus tries to revive the old bitterness, for the advantage of his 
client, in a case which has no connection with the events of 404. 

About the same time he was employed to write the main speech 
for the prosecution of Agora tus, a man of servile origin, who had 
received citizenship for supposed sen ices to the democracy at the 
time of the first oligarchy (Speech XIII, Against' Agoratus, c. 


398 B.C.). Before the establishment of the Thirty, Agoratus had 
sworn away the lives of certain prominent democratic opponents 
of the movement. He is now prosecuted by the family of one of 
these victims, and Lysias makes every effort to excite the anger 
of the jury against the Thirty and all of their tools. The defend- 
ant was probably guilty enough, and a political adventurer who 
deserved little mercy, but he was fairly under the protection of the 
amnesty, and the attack upon him was a menace to the harmony 
of the reunited factions. Lysias, as a paid advocate, was arousing 
passiQns which had been allayed only by patient effort, and was 
showing himself a better pleader than statesman. 

About this time he wrote another speech (Speech XXXI, 
Against Phi/on, c. 398 b.c.) for a client who was to attack a man 
who had been exiled by the Thirty, but who did not take up arms 
with the other exiles to secure the return. This man Philon was 
now a candidate for the Senate. Most of Lysias's attack is based 
upon Philon's failure to help overthrow the Thirty. The appeal is 
to the old enmities, though pressed less forcibly than in some of 
the other speeches. 

Some years after these attacks we find Lysias on the other side, 
writing a speech in defense of Mantitheus, a young knight who 
was accused of having served in the cavalry of the Thirty (Speech 
XVI, For Mantitheus, 394-389 b.c). His enemies now seek to 
exclude him from office on this ground. In his skillful defense 
Lysias almost entirely ignores the political principle involved, 
merely appealing briefly to the fact that many of the cavalry of 
the Thirty had already held office since the restoration. We are 
disappointed to find no frank discussion of the political question, 
and no appeal on the ground of living up to the spirit of the 

Twenty-one years after the fall of the Thirty, Lysias was again 
employed to prepare a speech attacking an active supporter of 
that administration (Speech XXVI, Against Evander, 382 B.C.). 
Evander, an office-holder under the Thirty, was now a candidate 
for the archonship. In a vigorous attack upon him Lysias main- 


tains that such a man should be excluded from office, and that he 
should be grateful that he is permitted to vote and sit on juries. 
He lays down the principle that those who held office in the oli- 
garchy should be absolutely excluded from office in the democracy, 
a principle opposed to the whole spirit of the amnesty, and to the 
earnest conviction of the ablest democratic leaders. 

The extant speeches of Lysias are only a fragment of his works, 
and probably give only a partial idea of his activity in connection 
with the questions growing out of the restoration of the democ- 
racy. As a foreigner Lysias had no direct share in politics, but as 
an advocate, writing speeches for others, he had a strong influence. 
From the extant speeches it would appear that his influence was, 
on the whole, against the harmony of the old factions ; that, while 
his pen was occasionally at the service of men of the city party 
unjustly attacked, yet his most hearty service was rendered in seek- 
ing revenge on the aristocrats. There is in these speeches no 
sign of large, broad political views, of a grasp of the real issues 
involved, or of a great desire to see a united Athens. 



This speech was delivered soon after the overthrow of the 
Thirty, probably in the autumn of 403 B.C. It is an attack upon 
Eratosthenes, one of the Thirty, and involves the discussion of the 
whole administration of that body, and to some extent of that of 
the Four Hundred, the oligarchy of 411 b.c. 1 

Eratosthenes had been a supporter of the first oligarchy and a 
member of the second. 2 Early in the administration of the Thirty 
he had set forth with others of their number to arrest certain rich 
metics. It fell to him to seize Polemarchus, Lysias's brother, who 
was immediately put to death (§§ 5-25). When, after the battle 
at Munychia (Spring, 403), most of the Thirty retired to Eleusis, 
Eratosthenes, with one other of their number, remained in Athens, 
though not as a member of the new governing board of Ten. In 
the final amnesty between the two parties it was provided that any 
one of the Thirty who was willing to risk a judicial examination 
of his conduct as a member of the late administration might 
remain in the city. Otherwise all were obliged to settle at Eleusis 
or remain permanently in exile. 8 Eratosthenes, believing himself 
to be less compromised than the others of the Thirty, ventured to 
remain and submit to his " accounting." 4 

1 For an account of the two oligarchies, see Introd. p. 32 ff., and Chron. 

2 For the doubtful claim that he was a member of the Central Committee 
that planned the second movement, see on § 43, 

8 Arist. Resp, Ath. 39. 6. 

4 The office that the Thirty had held was nominally that of Συγγράφω, 
commissioners for revision of the constitution. 



The constitution provided an elaborate system of accounting 
by all public officers at the close of their year of office. This 
involved the examination of their record by a board of state 
auditors (Ασγισταί), a review of their findings by a jury of five 
hundred, and the fullest opportunity for prosecution of complaints 
against them by any private citizen. The accounting included 
not only their handling of public funds, but every act of their 
administration. 1 But it is possible that for the accounting of mem- 
bers of the late oligarchical administration a special tribunal was 
established. We know that in one respect the jury was peculiar, 
for Aristotle tells us (Resp. Ath. 39. 6) that it was provided in the 
amnesty that their accounting should be before a jury taken from 
the three upper property classes — a wise provision for securing a 
fair hearing. 2 

The regular time for accounting was at the close of the civil 
year, July-August, but as the democracy came back to power early 
in October, it is in every way probable that the court, whether by 
ordinary or extraordinary process, was immediately summoned, 
and that they heard not only the accounting of Eratosthenes, but 
that of subordinate members of the late administration. 8 Before 
this court Lysias appeared, charging Eratosthenes with the murder 
of Polemarchus, and demanding the penalty of death. 4 He 
could count on the support of the radical democrats, who found 
it by no means easy to accept the terms of amnesty dictated by 
Sparta. But this element was in the minority in a jury made up 
as this was. The more moderate democrats, notably Thrasybu- 
lus, the hero of the Return, were totally opposed to any attempt 

1 On the details of the system of accounting, see Gilbert, Greek Constitu- 
tional Antiquities, 224 ff. ; Gardner and Jevons, Manual of Greek Antiqui- 
ties, 466-468. 

' l See Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, II. 217 ff. 

8 That other cases were before the court appears from §§ 2, 33, 35, 36, 
37, 79, 91, 100. 

4 As an ίσοτ€\-ή% Lysias had full privileges before the Athenian courts. 
Other metics were under the formal restriction that they could introduce 
suits only through their προστάτης (see p. 9). 


to strike back at the city party. With these there were also on 
the jury some of the former supporters of the Thirty. 1 

The task then which Lysias undertook was difficult. He had 
to convince the jury that the one man of the Thirty who was com- 
monly believed least responsible for their crimes was so guilty 
that he was not to be forgiven, at a time when the watchword 
of the leaders of both parties was " Forgive and forget." He 
had to reopen questions which had been settled, arouse resent- 
ments which had been allayed with great sacrifice of personal 
feeling, and urge the jury to act upon a principle which, if 
further extended in the treatment of members of the city party, 
would be fraught with the gravest danger. For at this crisis 
everything depended upon holding together the long-contending 
aristocratic and democratic parties. The real question of the day 
was as to the power of the democracy to regain the confidence 
and support of the great conservative middle class, men who 
had formerly been represented by Theramenes, and later by ; 
Eratosthenes. If these men could be convinced that the restored 
democracy would use its power moderately, foregoing revenge for 
the past, turning its back upon the demagogue and the political 
blackmailer (συκοφάντης), there was hope for the future. 

But if the jury should support the attack on Eratosthenes, it 
would seem like a declaration of the opposite policy. No one 
could blame the Sicilian Lysias for seeking his personal revenge, — 
he could hardly be expected to put the good of the Athenian state 
before the satisfaction of his personal feelings, — but the question 
for the Athenian jurymen was whether to begin a policy of revenge 
at the moment when the policy of forgiveness had brought rest 
after a long and bitter struggle. It is this larger political as- 
pect of the case which gives to the speech against Eratosthenes 
its historical interest. It was one of the first tests — perhaps the 
first — of the genuineness of the reconciliation. Nothing could 
be more just than to declare that the man who had stood with the 
Thirty in their guilty prosperity, however reluctantly, must fall 
1 See §§ 92-95. 


with them under their penalty; but nothing could be more 
unwise. To distinguish between those of the Thirty who had 
sought to establish personal tyranny, and those who had honestly 
striven for a reformed, conservative democracy, was of first impor- 
tance. The question of the hour was how to bring together the 
triumphant popular party and the large body of honest, patriotic 
citizens who had failed in their two attempts to establish a govern- 
ment better than the democracy, and had been betrayed into the 
attitude of supporting an outrageous tyranny. 

Men there were of the late administration who were to be pun- 
ished, — the men who had used the movement for their personal 
power and enrichment and to gratify personal hatred. But the 
great body of their supporters, and perhaps some of the leaders 
themselves, were to be so treated as to make it clear that the re- 
stored democracy was to be a government for the whole people, 
not another tyranny of class over class. 


I. IIpooc/uov, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

The novel difficulties of this prosecution. 

II. Διήγησις, Να r ratio, §§ 4-19. 

The honorable record of Lysias's family, § 4. The story of the 
crime of the Thirty against the family, §§ 5-19. 

III. Παρέκβαση, Egressio, §§ 20-23. 

Denunciation of the defendants by means of a summary con- 
trast between the patriotic services of Lysias's family and the 
crimes of the Thirty. 

IV. Πρό&σις, Proposition in the form οϋρωτηστς, §§ 24-25. 

V. Πίστας, Argumentatio, §§ 26-80. 

A. Arguments based on the immediate charge, §§ 26-37. 
1. The claim that Eratosthenes opposed the arrest is contra- 
dicted by his conduct. (Addressed to Eratosthenes.) § 26. 


*' 2. The answer that he was forced to make the arrest is insuffi- 
cient, §§ 27-34. 

3. The verdict will have far-reaching influence (a) on citizens, 
(J?) on foreigners, § 35. 

4. It would be inconsistent to have executed the generals of 
Arginusae and now to spare these men, § 36. 

5. Enough is already proven. No punishment could be ade- 
quate to their crimes, § 37. 

B. Argument based on the general career of Eratosthenes, 

§§ 38-61. 

Introductory : Eratosthenes cannot plead, as so many do, 
that past services should outweigh present guilt, §§ 38-40. 

1. Attack upon Eratosthenes's conduct in the time of the Four 
Hundred, §§ 41-42. 

2. Attack upon his conduct in the establishment of the Thirty, 

§§ 43-47• 

3. Attack upon his conduct as one of the Thirty, §§ 48-52. 

4. Attack upon his conduct in the time of the Ten, §§ 53-61. 

C. Argument to counteract the defense that Eratosthenes was 
a friend and supporter of Theramenes. Attack on the career of 
Theramenes, §§ 62-78. 

Introductory, §§ 62-64. 

1. Attack upon Theramenes's conduct in connection with the 
Four Hundred, §§ 65-66. 

2. Attack upon his conduct after the rule of the Four Hun- 
dred, § 67. 

3. Attack upon his conduct in the making of the peace, 
§§ 68-70. 

4. Attack upon his conduct in the establishment of the Thirty, 
§§ 71-77. 

5. Conclusion : This is the man whose past friendship the 
defendants cite as a proof of their loyalty, § 78. 

D. General conclusion of n«rr€is. 

The time has come to bring Eratosthenes and his fellow- rulers 
to justice, §§ 79-80. 


VI. 'Em'Xoyos, Peroratio, §§ 8t-ioo. 

A. The utmost penalty that you could inflict would be inade- 
quate to balance your charges against these men, §§ 81-84. 

B. Attack upon the men who will plead for the defendants or 
give testimony for them, §§ 84-89. 

C. To acquit the defendants will be to proclaim that you 
approve their conduct, §§ 90-91. 

D. Appeal to the representatives of the two parties on the 
jury, §§ 92-98. 

1. To the men c£ άστεως, §§ 92-94. 

2. To the men Ικ Παραιώς, §§ 95-98. 

Ε. Conclusion : Summary of the crimes of the accused, and 
appeal to the jurors to avenge the dead, §§ 99-100. 


Ι. ΤΙροοίμιον, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

In the opening words of a speech an expression of perplexity 
as to how to begin, in view of the difficulty of the task, was a 
commonplace of the rhetoricians. Lysias gives a bright turn 
and challenges attention by reversing the thought, and saying 
— with exaggeration — that his only difficulty will be to find 
an end. Cicero uses the same device, Manilian Law, § 3, 
Huius autem orationis difficilius est exitum quam principium 
invenire. Ita mihi non tarn copia quam modus in dicendo 
quaerendus est. 

In § 2 attention is quickened by another reversal of an ordinary 
thought. " Sycophancy " had become so much of a trade that it was 
quite a matter of course for the prosecutor to explain at the outset 
that he had good reason for appearing in the case, some personal 
or family injury to avenge, or some obligation of friendship to the 
persons aggrieved. Lysias recalls this custom, but uses it in a 
novel way to arouse at the outset the resentment of the jury 
against the defendant and his friends. But before he leaves the 
point he really follows the custom, alludes to his motives, and adds 


that in this he is in reality the representative of the interests of 
the jury themselves. 

§ 3 concludes the proem with another commonplace expres- 
sion of perplexity, based on his inexperience in pleading. 

The proem is thus made up largely of commonplace, formal 
pleas of the rhetorical schools, but is made effective by novel 
turns of the thought. 

The sentence structure is at the beginning artificial ; parallelism 
of cola, 1 with antithesis, pervades the first two sections : 

ουκ άρζασθαί μοι Sokcl άπορον είναι ω άνδρες 
[δικασται της κατηγορίας 
άλλα πανσησθαι λεγοντι 

τοναντα αντοΐς το μέγεθος 

και τοσαντα το πλήθος εϊργασται 

ώστε μητ αν ψενδόμενον 
δεινότερα των υπαρχόντων κατηγορησαι 

μήτε τάληθη βονλόμενον άπαν 
άπαντα δννασθαι 

αλλ* ανάγκη 

η τον κατηγορον άπειπεΐν 
η τον χρόνον επιλιπεΐν. 

Here the balance of cola is repeatedly strengthened by simi- 
larity of sound in words holding like position in the two cola 
(cp. App. § 57. 3) : 

— αρζασθαι τοναντα το μέγεθος — άπειπεΐν 

— πανσαχτθαι τοσαντα το πλήθος — επιλιπεΐν 

While these formal devices give, a distinctly rhetorical tone to 
the opening, they are less formal and less obtrusive than the de- 
vices in the openings of Gorgias or Antiphon. The members of a 
pair of cola are in only one case (the last pair) precisely symmet- 
rical, and the length of the cola — in strong contrast with those of 

1 For the terms " colon " and u period, n see App. § 44. 
lysias — 4 



Gorgias — is sufficient to give dignity and to prevent the impres- 
sion of petty play on sound. 

II. Διήγησις, Narratio, §§ 4-19. 

Lysias does not need to state the case, for the clerk of the 
court has read to the jury the formal complaint. The speaker can 
pass at once to the narrative of the conduct upon which he bases 
his attack. And here he is at his best. In the simplest language 
he describes the life of his own family and their suffering at the 
hands of the Thirty. As the narrative proceeds, the sentences 
become very short, significant details of the story follow rapidly, 
and the hearer is made to see the events as if passing before his 
eyes. 1 The devices of the rhetorician do now and then appear in 
artificial pairs of cola : 

( τω δ' €/ογω χρηματ£ζ£σθαι 
(Note the chiastic order.) 



την μ*ν πό\ιν πςνζσθαι 

την δ' άρχην δβισ&α χρημάτων 

άποκτινννναι μ\ν . . . περί ovfevbs rjyovvro 
λαμβάνειν δέ . . . τπρι πολλού Ιποι,ονντο 

The rhymed ending adds to the artificial structure of this 
pair, as of the next (see App. § 57. 3 f.) ; 

Γ ως ov χρημάτων cv€kcl ταύτα ιτί•πρα.κταχ 
[ άλλα συμφέροντα τη πολιτεία, γεγενηται. 

But as he reaches the climax of his own ill treatment in §§ 10 
and 11, and that of his brothers family in §§ 18 and 19, he passes 
over into strong periodic structure. 

III. Ιίαρέκβασις, Egressio, §§ 20-23. 

The term " digression " applies to this section only as an inter- 
ruption of the strictly logical order, which would require the 
presentation of the arguments (Πίστας) before the attempt to 
move the feelings of the jury by denunciation. But it is a wise 

1 For a full discussion of the narrative style, see App. § 42. 


order that Lysias chooses. With the narrative fresh in the minds 
of the jury he hastens to play upon the feeling of indignation that 
the narrative has aroused, and so to bring the jury to the hearing 
of his formal arguments with minds strongly prejudiced against the 
defendant. He does this by emphatic and indignant — sometimes 
pathetic — comments on the conduct that he has just described. 
(For similar use of the ΤΙαρίκβασις, see on 24. 7-9.) 

The structure is for the most part periodic, with much of 
antithesis and amplification. 

The summary statement of the crimes of the Thirty (§21) 
illustrates the periodic effect which may be given purely by simi- 
larity of form to a group of coordinate cola. (See App. § 46.) 

IV. ΤΙρόθεσις, Proposition §§ 24-25. 

After the proem and immediately before or after the " narra- 
tive " (with its possible " digression ") the rhetoricians prescribed 
the ΤΙρόθεσις, the statement of what the speaker proposes to prove.• 
But here the narrative has already brought out the charge, show- 
ing it to rest upon an act which cannot be denied. Lysias's 
argument must therefore be directed to answering the excuses that 
Eratosthenes will urge. This Lysias brings before the jury in 
the Έρώη/σι?. 

V. Πιστές, Argumentation §§ 26-80. 

A. Arguments based on the immediate charge, §§ 26-37. 

In the form of a direct ' personal attack Lysias confronts Era- 
tosthenes with the inconsistency between his claim that he tried 
in council to save Polemarchus and his conduct in seizing him. 
In this attack (§26) everything is marshaled in balanced antithe- 
ses ; only in the middle period do the cola extend beyond the 
briefest, most emphatic forms : 

Ατ ώ σχετλιώτατε πάντων 
drreXcycs μλν Ινα σώσαας 
σννελάμβανες & ίνα αποκτείνευας ; 

και στε μλν το πλήθος ην νμων κυρών . . . της ημΑτίρα% 
άντιλεγείγ φης τοΐς βονλομ€γοι<$ ήμα,ς ά,πο.\ίσα(. 


€7Γ£ίδή 8c «τι σοϊ μόνω εγενετο και σώσαι . . . καΐ μη 
eis το δεσμωτήριον άπηγαγ€ς ; 

ειθ* οτι μεν, ως φης, αντειπων ου$εν ώφελησας 
ά£ω7ς χρηστός νομίζεσθαι 

otl 8k συλλάβων άπεκτεινας 
ονκ ol€L 8ctv ίμοϊ καΐ τοντοισϊ δονναί δίκην ; 

After this vigorous outburst Lysias settles down to the detailed 
argument addressed to the jury in answer to the defendant s claim 
that he acted against his will. 

The language of §§ 27-36 is of a third Lysian type, differing 
from the set antitheses of the proem, and equally from the running 
style of the narrative. It is the natural form of argument, the 
sentence structure clear and simple, without padding to secure 
symmetry of form. The frequent use of questions of appeal 
enlivens the argument. 

In the culminating passage in §§ 32-34, turning again to 
Eratosthenes, Lysias comes back to the more antithetic form of 
the previous attack (§ 26), but the antitheses are more those of 
short phrases than of whole cola : 

Γ ουχ ως ανιωμίνον 
' Ι αλλ' ως ήδομενου 


§ 33• 

α ΐσασι ytytvqpha 
των τότ€ λνγομίνων 

πάντα τά κακά είργασμ^νοις την πόλιν 
πάντα τάγαθα περί αυτών λέγειν 

Β. §§ 38~6 χ • Lysias now passes from the crimes against 
his own family to the attack upon Eratosthenes's career as one 
of the oligarchs. He knows that there is a general belief that 
Eratosthenes was opposed to the worst crimes of the Thirty. 
He therefore tries to throw upon him the reproach of constant 
support of their action. 


One period in the opening (§§ 39-40) is noteworthy for its 
even balance of cola : 

επεί κελεύετε αυτόν άποΒεΐζαι 

oirov τοσούτους των πολεμίων άπεκτειναν 
οσονς των πολιτών 

η νανς οπον τοσαντας ελαβον 
δσας αυτοί παρεδοσαν 

η πόλιν ηντινα τοιαντην προσεκτησαντο 
οϊαν την νμετεραν κατεδονλώσαντο . 1 

άλλα. γαρ όπλα των πολεμίων τοσαντα εσκνλενσαν 
δσα περ νμων άφείλοντο 

άλλα τείχη τοιαύτα ειλον 

οία της εαυτών πατρίδος κατάσκαψαν. 

All of the specific attacks of this section (§§ 42-61) have a 
plausible sound, but no one of them is well sustained. Even if 
Eratosthenes did labor for the establishment of the Four Hun- 
dred, that was only what most of the best men in the city were 
doing; in their evil government he had no part. The charge 
that Eratosthenes was one of the prime movers in the second 
oligarchy (§§ 43-47) is vaguely supported and is not in itself 
probable. Apparently the charge is made in the attempt to put 
Eratosthenes into close connection with the detested Critias. 

In the review of Eratosthenes's conduct as one of the Thirty 
(§§ 48-52), Lysias can bring no specific charge beyond that of the 
arrest of Polemarchus. He tries to forestall the plea of Eratos- 
thenes that he actively opposed certain of the crimes of the 
Thirty by the shrewd claim that this would only prove that he 
could safely have opposed them all. He finally (§§ 53-61) tries 
to give the impression that Eratosthenes was connected with the 
bad administration of the Board of Ten, a charge that seems to 
be entirely without foundation. * 

1 On the όμοιοτέλευτον, see App. § 57. 4. 


To a jury already prejudiced by the affecting narrative of the 
arrest, and hurried on from one point to another, this whole 
attack was convincing ; but the modern reader fin/Is little of real 
proof, and an abundance of sophistry. 

The language is clear and natural, in Lysias's characteristic 
argumentative style. 

C. §§ 62-78. 

Lysias comes now to the refutation of the main argument of 
the defense, that Eratosthenes was a member t of that honorable 
minority among the Thirty who opposed the crimes of Critias's 
faction, and whose leader, Theramenes, lost his life in the attempt 
to bring the administration back to an honest course. 

Whatever we may think of the real motives of Theramenes, 
there can be no question that at the time of this trial the people 
were already coming to think of him as a martyr for popular 
rights. All knew that Eratosthenes was his friend and supporter. 
Lysias saw therefore that he must blacken the character of The- 
ramenes. He accordingly turns to a rapid review of his career. 
In a few clear-cut sentences he pictures Theramenes at each crisis, 
always the same shrewd, self-seeking, unscrupulous man, always 
pretending to serve the state, always ready to shift to the popular 
side, always serving his own interests. 

The attack is a masterpiece. There is no intemperate language, 
no hurling of epithets. " He accuses by narrating. The dramat- 
ically troubled time from 411 to 403 rises before us in impressive 
pictures. At every turn Theramenes appears as the evil genius of 
the Athenians. His wicked egoism stands out in every fact." 1 

Regarded as a product of rhetorical art, the attack on The- 
ramenes merits only admiration ; but is this picture of Theramenes 
true to the facts? In his narrative Lysias selects those acts only 
upon which he can put a bad construction. He fails to tell us 
what appears so clearly in the narrative of Thucydides, 2 and in 
the defense put into the mouth of Theramenes by Xenophon in 

1 Bruns, Das literarische Portrat der Griechen, p. 493. 
a Thuc. 8. 89 ff. 


his answer to Critias before the Senate, 1 that his opposition to the 
extreme faction of the Four Hundred was, whatever may have 
been his motive, an efficient cause of their overthrow, at a time 
when there was reason to fear that they were on the point of be- 
traying the city to the Peloponnesians. Lysias has nothing to say 
of the period which immediately followed, during which Theram- 
enes was at the head of a successful administration by a limited 
democracy, 2 except to accuse him of treachery to his friends for 
securing the punishment of some of his former colleagues, a pun- 
ishment which may have been fully deserved. He misrepresents 
Theramenes's responsibility for the hard terms of the peace, and 
he ignores the fact that the final opposition to Critias which cost 
him his life was in every particular what would have been de- 
manded of the most patriotic citizen. It is, indeed, possible to 
see in every act of Theramenes a cool, deliberate egoism, but it is 
also true that he sought his own advancement in every case save 
one by a policy which was in the interest of the conservative 
middle class. 8 

Thucydides has a high opinion of his ability, 4 but while he gives 
no explicit estimate of his moral character, he seems to look upon 
his opposition to the other faction of the Four Hundred as the 
result of personal ambition. 5 His praise of the administration 
after the Four Hundred is rather praise of the form of govern- 
ment than of its leader. 6 

Xenophon nowhere gives his own estimate of Theramenes, but 
he puts into his mouth 7 an answer to Critias which is so complete, 
and which so well represents the true policy for the conservative 
middle class, that it seems impossible that Xenophon looked upon 

1 Xen. Hell. 2. 3. 46. 2 Thuc. 8. 97. 1 f. 

8 In the one case, the prosecution of the generals for the failure to rescue 
the drowning men after the battle of Arginusae, he certainly sought to throw 
off the unjust censure that was falling upon himself by a deliberate and 
unjust attack upon other men. 

4 Thuc. 8. 68. 4. 5 Thuc. 8. 89. 3. 

6 Thuc. 8. 97. 2. 7 Xen. Hell. 2. 3. 35-49. 


him as an unworthy leader of the party to which Xenophon himself 

The tragic death of Theramenes soon led to the feeling that 
he had died a martyr to the rights of the people against the 
tyrants. Lysias evidently feels the danger of such a conviction 
even among the democrats of the jury. In the next generation 
opinions were sharply divided as to the character of Theramenes. 
Aristotle, to whom he stood as the representative of the ideal gov- 
ernment by the upper classes, places him among the great men of 
Athens. 1 

This section (§§62-78) presents a style of narrative very differ- 
ent from that of §§ 4-19, the story of the arrest. There we have 
the simplest statement of facts ; the power of the narrative lies in 
the vividness with which we see the events, and the certainty of 
our feelings being stirred at the sight. Here Lysias is dealing 
with more complicated acts, and those which do not make their 
own appeal. He therefore at every step throws in with the nar- 
rative of the events his own interpretation of motive and result. 
By a phrase here, a single invidious word there, he shrewdly colors 
the medium through which we see the events. Every statement 
is so turned as to become an argument. It is a type of narrative 
which the effective speaker must master, an instrument the more 
effective because so subtle in its working. 

1 Resp. Ath. 28. 5, The best of the statesmen at Athens, after those of early 
times, seem to have been Nicias, Thucydides, and Theramenes, As to 
Nicias and Thucydides, nearly every one agrees that they were not merely men 
of birth and character, but also statesmen, and that they acted in all their pub- 
lic life in a manner worthy of their ancestry. On the merits of Theramenes 
opinion is divided, because it so happened that in his time public affairs were 
in a very stormy state. But those who give their opinion deliberately find him, 
not, as his critics falsely assert, overthrowing every kind of constitution, but 
supporting every kind so long as it did not transgress the laws ; thus showing 
that he was able, as every good citizen should be, to live under any form of con- 
stitution, while he refused to countenance illegality and was its constant enemy 
(Kenyon's trans.). For a summary of the modern discussions as to the char- 
acter of Theramenes, see Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, III. ii. 1463. 


The language of the section is simple, free from rhetorical 
forms ; even antitheses are only sparingly used. 

It is only in the concluding paragraph that the speaker passes 
over to the artificial, rhetorical form, in balanced periods. The 
amplification at the opening of § 78, with the striking repetition 
of καί in the long series (see App. § 58. 4), marks the change of 
style : 

και τοσούτων καί έτερων κακών καϊ αισχρών 
και πάλαι και νεωστϊ 
και μικρών καί μεγάλων 
αιτίου γεγενημένου 
τολμησουσιν αυτούς φίλους οκτάς άποφαίνειν 
ουχ υπέρ υμών αποθανόντος Θηραμένους 
αλλ* υπέρ της αυτού πονηρίας 

και δικαίως μεν Ιν ολιγαρχία δίκην δόντος 

ηδη γαρ αυτήν κατέλυσε 
δικαίως δ* αν iv δημοκρατία 

δϋς γαρ υμάς κατεδουλώσατο 

των μεν παρόντων κατ αφρόνων 
των δίε απόντων επιθυμων 

καί τω καλλίστω ονόματι χρώμενος 
δεινότατων ίργων διδάσκαλος καταστάς. 

Here, as the period advances, every part falls into the artificial, 
balanced form, culminating in the four formal cola which sum 
up Theramenes's character with the brevity and sharpness of an 
epigram. 1 

VI. Επίλογος, Peroratio, §§ 81-100. 

The peroration opens with a vigorous appeal to the resentment 
of the people against the Thirty. By ignoring the specific charge 
against Eratosthenes, Lysias is able to throw upon him the hatred 
of the jury for the crimes of the whole administration. 

1 See Rn.-F. on § 78. 


He then arouses suspicion against any who may appear as 
witnesses or supporters of Eratosthenes in his defense, by trying 
to make the jury believe that the city is still in danger from 
oligarchical plots. To the plea that Eratosthenes was the best 
man among the Thirty, he makes the keen reply of the rhetori- 
cian, "That only proves him to be worse than any other citizen. " 

After shrewdly warning the jury that to acquit Eratosthenes will 
be to convict themselves of approving the conduct of the Thirty, 
Lysias makes a direct appeal to the representatives of each of the 
two parties. It is a most effective plea, and as a summing up 
against the Thirty worthy only of admiration. But as a summing 
up against Eratosthenes it has the fault of the whole speech, the 
unfair heaping upon him of crimes which he did not instigate, 
and in the commission of which he probably took even a passive 
part only by compulsion. 

The final section (§§ 99-100), addressed to men already 
deeply moved by the recital of their wrongs, brings them in the 
most solemn way face to face with their duty to avenge the 
dead, and, by an appeal that works upon the most profound 
feelings, warns them of the presence and earnest watchfulness of 
the spirits who look to them for the punishment of their mur- 
derers. It is a fine artistic sense which leads the speaker, after 
raising the feelings of the jury to such a pitch, to close with words 
of absolute simplicity, — ΤΙαύσομαι κατήγορων. άκηκόατ€, έωράκατε, 
π€πόνθατε, — «X«"e ' Βικάζ€Τ€, 

The language suited to a peroration is different from that of 
narrative or argument. It is addressed more to the feelings ; and 
as holding the formal place of dignity at the close, it admits of 
more formal structure. Both considerations tend to throw the 
thought into periodic form. The thought of §§ 81-84 is of itself 
an antithesis, and the antithetic structure inevitably pervades the 
passage. It is dignified, with less apparent striving for formal 
balance of phrase and colon than we sometimes find in Lysias's 
antitheses. The questions of appeal are especially fitting to a 
peroration (§§ 82 close -84). 


In the section §§ 84-89 there is a steady advance in balance 
of form until from § 87 on almost every sentence has its pair of 
antithetic cola. 

The final section (§§ 99-100) falls almost entirely within peri- 
odic forms, but without any petty play on sound or artificial balance 
to mar the earnestness of the appeal. 

The study of the style of this speech is especially interesting 
because it is the only extant speech which Lysias wrote for his 
own delivery, 1 and one of the first in his career as a practical 
speech writer. In preparing each of his other speeches he had 
to adapt the speech to the man who was to deliver it ; in this he 
was free to follow his judgment of what a speech should be. He 
was already well known as a student of rhetoric ; he now under- 
took to apply his rhetorical theory to a practical case which was 
of the utmost importance to himself, and which involved great 
public questions. 

1 The Olympic Speech (XXXIII) was probably spoken by Lysias, but we 
have a mere fragment of it. 


Β. = Babbitt's Grammar of Attic and Ionic Greek, 1 902. 
G. = Goodwin's Greek Grammar (revised edition), 1892. 
GMT. = Goodwin's Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb 

(enlarged edition), 1890. 
Gl. = Goodell's School Grammar of Attic Greek, 1902. 
GS. = Gildersleeve's Syntax of Classical Greek (first part), 1900. 
HA. = Hadley's Greek Grammar (revised by Allen), 1884. 





1 Ουκ cLpfccLcrQai μοι 3o#(gL άπορον eh/cu, ω άνδρες 
δικασταί, της κατηγορίας, άλλα παύσασθαι λεγοντι • 
τοιαύτα αύτόΐς το μ έγεύος καϊ τοσαυτα το πλήθος εΐρ- 
γασται ' ώστε μήτ αν ψενδόμενον δεινότερα των νπαρ- 

ι. λέγοντι: as the inf. παν- 
σαχτθω. takes its subject from /aoi, 
the partic. Xiyovri is assimilated 
in case to μοι. HA. 941 ; G. 928. 
1; B. 631; Gl. 543 a (1). ^ Cp. 
ελεγεν ώ? • • • σνμβονλευσειεν 
αντοΐς τταυσασθαί φιΧονικονσιν he 
said that he advised them to stop 
contending, 22. 8. — αυτοί* : plural, 
because the denunciation of Era- 
tosthenes will involve an attack 
on all of the Thirty and their tools ; 
avTois rather than τούτοις because 
most of those included in the word 
are absent. — τοιαύτα . . . ctfrya- 
σται : this clause stands in an 
unusual balance between the pre- 
ceding and the following ; it serves 
as an emphatic statement of the 
ground of the preceding assertion, 
and at the same time it gives the 
ground of the statement expressed 

ώστε αν 

by the ώστε clause. See Crit. Note. 
— αν : the force of αν extends to 
both κατηγορησαι and δυνασ&α : 

μήτε ψεν&όμενον . . . κατ- 

μήτε βονλόμενον . . . δΰ- 

The verbs are thrown into the 
infin. by ώστε; otherwise they 
would be optative, apodoses of ψευ- 
δόμενος and βονλόμενος. GMT. 
592; HA. 964 a; G. 1308; B. 
595 '1 Gl. 579. The two clauses may 
be so combined as to make both 
κατηγορησαι and ειπείν depend on 
δυνασ#αι, but this breaks the par- 
allelism of the cola, which is 
heightened by the play on sound 
(see App. § 57. 3). —των υπαρχόν- 
των : the /acts. ί No charges that 
one could invent could be worse 
than the crimes that are.'' On the 




5 χόντων κατηγόρησα^ μήτε τάληθή βουλόμενον tineiv 

άπαντα 8ύνασθαι, αλλ* ανάγκη η τον κατήγορον άπζι- 

2 πεΐν η τον χρόνον επιΚιπείν. τουναντίον δβ μοι δοκσυ- 

> μεν πείσ£σθαι η iv τω προ τον χρόνω, πρότβρον μ£ν 

γάρ^ΖδεΜτην εχθραν τού<? κατηγορούνται Ιπι^είξα^ τρις 

ιοενη προς τους φεύγοντας ΛνυνΙ 8e πάρα των φευγόντων 

χρή πννθάνεσθαι, ήτις ητταυτοις (προς την πόλιν^ έχθρα* 

avff ότου τοιαύτα ΙτοΚμησαν άς αυτήν Ιξαμαρτάνειν. Ι 

ου μέντοι ως ουκ έχων οικείας έχθρας και συμφοράς 

various meanings of νπάρχειν see 
on § 23. 

2. ircC<r€<r6at : πάσχω has here 
its simplest meaning, experience. 
πάσχω = / am acted iipon in dis- 
tinction from ποιώ I act. The 
idea of "suffering" would come 
only from the context or the addi- 
tion of a specific word (e.g. κακώς). 
— 4v τφ ιτρδ τον χρόνω : other ex- 
pressions for the same idea are iv 
τω πρόσθεν χρόνω 21. 25 ; iv τα 
έμπροσθεν χρόνω Ι9• 45» *9• 53 5 € '" 
τω Τ€ως χρόνω J. 12, 21. 19, 27• 1 6, 
28. 3 • The form προ τον is a relic 
of the Homeric demonstrative τον. 
HA. 655 d; G. 984; B. 443-4 5 
Gl. 549 c — γάρ : explicative yap, 
see on 19. 12. — την Ιχθραν : 
a modern prosecutor would cer- 
tainly not tell the jury that he 
is a personal enemy of the man 
whom he is prosecuting. But in 
Athens "sycophancy " had become 
such a trade that when one man 
accused another in court, the pre- 

sumption often was that it was a case 
of blackmail (cp. on 22. 1). Hence 
as a precaution against that suppo- 
sition an honest prosecutor regu- 
larly tries to show to the jury at 
the outset that he or his family or 
his close friends have personal 
reasons for wishing to see the de- 
fendant punished. — tovs κατηγο- 
ρονντα$ : the prosecutor is usually 
called δ διώκων (cp. 10. 11), or 6 
καττ/γορων, or 6 κατήγορος (cp. 
§1). The defendant is δ φενγων 
(cp. εφνγομεν § 4). — «τυνθάικσθαι : 
inquire, the conative present of 
πνθίσθω. to learn. HA. 825 ; G. 
1255; B. 523; Gl. 454 c; GMT. 
25; GS. 192. — οτον: the ante- 
cedent is really the preceding 
clause, but avff στον has come to 
be felt almost as a conjunction, 
wherefore. HA. 999 ; Gl. 619. — 
els: for this use of eis in hostile 
sense see 32. 19 Crit. Note. — 
4ξαμαρτάν€νν : the present tense, a 
course of action. — «s : for sub- 



y*~- ' 

14 τους λόγους Trount/iflirf-j \άλλ 9 ώς απασι [πολλές άφθο- <?^ 
Ζνίας οΰσης^νπβρ των δημοσίων όργίζεσθαί. έγω μεν 
— '- άνδρες οικασται, οι^• Λ ~ — ~ 

ουν. ω 

εμαυτου πωποτε ούτε 
Αλλότρια πράγματα πράζας νυν τινά γκασαα ι υπο των 
3^* γεγενημένων τούτου κατηγορεΐν, ώστε πολλάκις εις 

jective ώς see on 1 6. 8. — tovs 
λόγους Ίτοιονμαν: a slightly more 
formal expression than λ€γω; cp. 
English, " 1 make the statement " 
and " I speak." The thought un- 
derlying the sentence is, 4 Do not 
imagine that 1 am emphasizing 
their hostility to the whole city 
from any lack of personal com- 
plaints of my own. I, the metic, 
wish to call your attention to the 
complaints which you all have, be- 
fore I proceed to present my per- 
sonal and family wrongs/ — άλλ* ώ$ 
&ircuri κτλ. : but assuming that all 
have great abundance (of matter) 
for anger because of their public 
acts. — αφθονία* όργίζ€<τθαι : abun- 
dance for anger; in this expres- 
sion the English demands the more 
precise statement, abundance of 
matter for, abundance of cause 
for, but we too use the vague 
expression in "abundance for his 
support," "abundance for eating 
and drinking/' — ύπίρ: force, see 
on όργίζεσθε § 8o. 

3. 4γώ pcv οΰν: now Ι. μλν 
ovv originally connected its clause 
with the preceding through ovv, 
and set it in contrast with some- 

thing following through μ,εν (the 
weaker form of μην), as in § 12. 
But it has come to have often a 
mere transitional force, often with- 
out connection with the preceding, 
and often with no correlative to 
μέν. A. Marking transition to a 
new topic, 12. 3, 19. 2, 19. 11, 
24. 5, and often. B. Marking 
transition to a new feet in a nar- 
rative, 12. 9, 12. 12, 32. 18. 
C. Marking the close of a topic 
in the discussion, 12. 47, 19. 24, 

!9- 53, 19• 55, 19• 56, 19. 60, 22 • 4, 
24. 4. For rotVviNF= ftcv ovv see 
on 1 6. 7 (D) . For ovv = μ,έν ovv see 
on 19. 7 (B). — πράγματα : here in 
the technical sense, law-business, 
L. & S. s.v. Ill, 4. On the fact cp. 
Introd. p. 19. — υπό των γ€γ€νη- 
μένων : the use of υπό, the prepo- 
sition proper to the voluntary 
agent, gives to the non-personal 
word a touch of personification. 
GS. 166. Cp. 24. 17, 32. 10, 32. 
18. — τούτου: as Lysias passes 
now to his personal complaint, 
he turns from speaking of the 
Thirty in general to the one man 
against whom he brings his formal 
charge. Before the speech began 



πολλην άθυμίαν κατέστην, μη δια την άπειρίαν άναζίως 
aoKal άδυνάτως ύπερ του αδελφού καΐ εμαυτου την κατή- 

γορίαν ποιτ)££ωμ<ιι \ οιιως δε τζέίράσομαι, ύμας εζ αρχής 

ώς αν δννωμαι δι ελαχίστων διδάς•αι.^ ν r ^ 
4 θύμος πατήρ Κέφαλος επείσθη μβν υπό Περικλέους ^ 

€t9 ταύτην την γην άφικεσθαι, ετη δε τριάκοντα ωκησε/, 
25 και ούδενϊ πώποτε ούτε ημείς ούτε βκεΐνος δίκην ούτε 

εδικασάμεθα οντε εφύγομεν, αλλ* οΰτως ωκουμεν δήμο- 

κρατούμενοι, ώστε μήτε είς τους άλλους εζαμαρτάνειν 

the Clerk of the Court had read 
Lysias's formal complaint, so that 
the speaker does not need to name 
the defendant at this point. — κατ- 
άττην : as the perfect of this verb 
is used as a present, " the aorist 
may take a perfect translation" 
(GS. 249) and govern a subordi- 
nate clause as a primary tense 
(GS. 252). — 4^v κατηγορίαν ιτοιή- 
σωμαι : cp. τους λόγους ποιούμαι 
§ 2. The Ms. reading is ποιήσο- 
μαι. For the question of mood 
involved see Crit. Note. — δι* 4λα- 
χίίττων: the usual expression is 
δια βραχυτάτων, as in § 62, 16. 9, 
24. 4. Cp. δια βραχέων ipG> I will 
tell in a few words, 24. 5. 

4. Κέφαλος : Introd. p. 9. — 
brcfo -θη: a shrewd reference, before 
this jury of the restored democ- 
racy, to the close family con- 
nection of the complainant with 
the greatest democrat of the last 
generation. — ωκησ -c : cp. ωκουμεν 
below. Here, the aorist with a 

* definite number' (GS. 243). 
Otherwise ωκησε would usually 
mean settled (inceptive aorist), in 
distinction from ωκ€ΐ lived. — οΰ« 
Ιδικασ-άμ^θα ovrc Ιφύγομ^ν: as a 
student of rhetoric, and perhaps 
already a teacher of pleading, 
Lysias is liable to the suspicion 
which the common men of the 
jury have against the professional 
rhetorician ; he here forestalls this. 
Nor has his family been guilty of 
the prevalent sycophancy, nor of 
attempting to resist by litigation 
the claims of others. They have 
lived the quiet and careful life that 
befits a family who receive the 
hospitality of the city. As to the 
rights of metics in the courts see 
Introd. p. 44. — 48iKcurd|ic0a : still 
another term for the prosecution 
of a case ; cp. on τους κατηγορούν- 
ται § 2. — ψιήτι . . . μ,ή™: on the 
παρίσωσις see App. § 57. 2. — 4{α- 
μαρτάν€ΐν: in έδικασάμ€0α and 
Ιφιηομεν (aorist) he denies every 



5 μητβ υπο των άλλων άΒικβΐσθαι. 4π€ΐ8η δ' ol τριάκοντα 
^πονηροί καϊ συκοφάνται οντες^Ις την άρχην κατέστη- 

ι/ ^ ~ 5£' Λ PW*- λ 

3ο(ται/, ψασκοντβς γρηναι των αοικων καυαραν ποιησαι 
την πόλιν και τους λοιπούς πολίτας 4π άρετην και 
δικαιοσύνην προτρέψαι, τοιαύτα λέγοντες ου τοιαύτα 
ποιεΐν ίτόλμων, ως €γω π€ρι των έμαυτου πρώτον €ΐπών 

6 και πβρι των υμετέρων άραμνψζαι^πειράσομαι. Θεο- 
35 Ύ νι< * Ύ&Ρ KaL Πείσωζ/ €λεγοΐτέ^ τόΐς τριάκοντα πβρί των 

occurrence ; in Ιξαμαρτάναν and 
άδικ€ΐσ0αι (imperf.) he denies the 
whole course of conduct ; cp-. on 
έζαμαρτάνειν § 2. 

5. φάσκοντ€$: asserting; the 
common use of φάσκων in distinc- 
tion from λ€γων ; the falsity of the 
assertion is commonly implied. — 
ού . . . ατόλμων : they could not bring 
themselves, τολμαν is wicked dar- 
ing (so in § 2) or good courage, 
according to the context. The use 
of the imperf. with ov adds to the 
idea of resistance that is in the 
word itself. " The negative imper- 
fect commonly denotes resistance 
to pressure or disappointment. 
Simple negation is aoristic" (GS. 
2 1 6). So ovSl ςτνγχάνομεν § 2θ; 
ov$€vl ΙτόΧμα πείθεσθαι yi 2 ; ουκ 
fjOcXe 32. 12. For a little time 
the Thirty did live up to their pro- 
fessions. Aristotle says of them : 
At first, indeed* they behaved with 
moderation towards the citizens 
and pretended to administer the 
state according to the ancient con- 
lysias — 5 

stitution . . . and they destroyed 
the professional accusers and those 
mischievous and evil-minded per- 
sons who, to the great detriment 
of the democracy, had attached 
themselves to it in order to curry 
favor with it. With all of this 
the city was much pleased, and 
thought that the Thirty did it with 
the best of motives. But so soon 
as they had got a firmer hold on 
the city, they spared no class of 
citizens, but put to death any per- 
sons who were eminent for wealth 
or birth or character (Resp. Ath. 
35, Kenyon's tr.). Xenophon gives 
similar testimony, Hell. 2. 3. 12. 

6. γάρ: explicative γαρ. See 
on 19. 12. — 4v τοϊβ τριάκοντα : iv 
is the regular expression for at a 
meeting of; so iv τοις *Αμφικτν~ 
οσι at the meeting of the Amphic- 
tyons, Aes. 3. 114; iv τοις αντοΐς 
δικασταΐς, at a session of the same 
court, Ant. 6. 23. Cp. iv τζ βονλ^ 
§ 77, iv τω $ήμψ 1 6. 20, iv Trj 
εκκλησία ig. 50. The reference 



Γ. •*' / \ 

μετοίκων^ώς ειεν τίνες τη πολιτεία άχθόμενοι) καλλί- 
στην ονν είναι πρόφασιν τιμωρεΐσθαι μεν δοκεΐν, τω 
δ* ^ργω χρηματίζεσθαι ' πάντως δε την μεν πόλιν 
7 πενεσθαι, την δ* άρχην heiadai χρημάτων, και τους 
4ο άκούοντας ου χαλεπώς £β£ΐ£ον ' άποκτιννύναι μεν γαρ 
ανθρώπους π€ρΙ ονδενος^γόνντ^ λαμβάνειν δε χρήματα 
περί πολλού <ποιουντο. εδοζεν ονν αντοΐς δέκα συλλά- 
βεις τούτων δε δύο πένητας, ίνα αύτοϊς η προς τους 
άλλους απολογία, ως ου χρημάτων ένεκα ταύτα πέπρακ- 
45ται, άλλα συμφέροντα τη πολιτεία γεγένηται, ώσπερ τι 

here is to the discussion of the 
matter at a session of the Thirty 
by themselves, at their headquar- 
ters, the Tholus. From § 25 we 
conclude that the proposition was* 
carried thence to the Senate and 
there discussed and acted upon. 
The Tholus, a building near the 
senate-house, was the headquar- 
ters and dining-hall of the Pryta- 
nes. It was thus the natural center 
of the administration of the Thirty, 
who used the subservient Senate 
to give a form of legality to their 
own acts. — ScurOoi χρημάτων : 
when the Thirty took control they 
found the treasury exhausted by 
the expenses of the Peloponnesian 
War. They had not only to pro- 
vide for the ordinary expenses of 
the government, but to pay their 
Spartan garrison on the Acropolis. 
Xenophon says {Hell. 2. 3. 21) 
that the despoiling of the metics 
was to meet the latter expense. 

7•. airoKTvwvvou . . . έπΌΐοΰντο : 

for the periodic form see App. 
§ 57. 3. — $o£cv : note that the pre- 
liminary process and the attitude 
of mind are expressed by 
perfs. €7Γ€ΐθον, r/yovvro, ivouwvro ; 
the final decision, the "upshot" 
of it all, by the aorist ϊδοξεν. GS. 
238. — δέκα : these were certainly 
the first arrests of metics by the 
Thirty. Xenophon says (Nell. 2. 
3. 21) that each member of the 
Thirty was to arrest one metic; 
this was probably on a later 'occa- 
sion. Diodorus says (14. 5. 6) that 
the Thirty executed the sixty richest 
foreigners ; this may be the whole 
number executed under their ad- 
ministration. — irpos tovs aXXovs: 
in the case of the rest (of the ten j( 
metics) . — ώς ού ktc. : on the wupt- 
σωσις see App. § 57. 2. — «τυμφέ- 
ροντα: predicate, in agreement 
with ταύτα; related to ycyo/Tyrat 
as χρημάτων €νεκα to πίπρακται. 



Β των άλλων ευλόγως πεπονηκότες. Βιαλαβόντες 8ε τας 
οικίας εβάδιζον • και εμε μεν ξένους εστιωντα κατελα- 
βον, ους έξελάσαντες ΪΙείσωνί με παραδιδόασιν ' ol 8ε 

— &rircp κτλ. : (sarcastic) as though 
they had done any one of all their 
other deeds on good grounds. Thal- 
heim separates ωσπερ from πεποιψ 
κστες, conduct (as) shrewd as that 
in any one of all their other 
measures, ττεττοιηκότες is placed 
loosely in the nominative, its sub- 
ject really being avroh ; but αύτοϊς 
rj απολογία is in effect equal to 
απολογία ν εχωσιν. 

8. Ιβάδιζον: they set forth. 
The imperfect, as the tense that 
presents an act as in progress, is 
sometimes used to present the act 
as it gets under way ; we see the 
act in progress in its first stage, 
the beginning of its evolution. 
Some would name this the ingres- 
sive imperfect ; others, the imper- 
fect of evolution (see A.J. P. XVI, 
p. 150). Cp. εβαο\ζον I set forth 

1. 24, I. 41 ; άλλ' οίκοθεν Ζχοντες 
αν εβαδίζομεν but we should have 
started from home with them 4. 7 ; 
εφενγον I set forth in flight 12. 16 
(so Ζφενγεν 12. 42) ; την εκκλψ 
σίαν εποίανν they proceeded to hold 
the assembly 12. 72 ; τα τείχη 
κατεσκατττον they proceeded to 
tear down the walls, Xen. Hell. 

2. 2. 23 ; ευθύς αν άπελογονμην I 
would at once proceed to my de- 
fense, Dem. 18. 9; Xen. Mem. 

I. 2. 16 ευθνς άττοτηβησαντε Σω- 
κράτους επραττετην τα. πολιτικά 
they instantly left Socrates with a 
leap and proceeded to take active 
part in politics. For other ex- 
amples with adverbs of rapidity 
see GS. 206. The succession of 
tenses in this whole narrative is 
noteworthy. Great force is given 
by the interweaving of imperfects 
of vivid description (άπεγράφοντο, 
ηρώτων, εφασκεν, etc. GS. 207), 
the aorists of summary statement 
(κατέλαβαν, είττον, ωμολόγησε, 
εκελενσεν, etc.), and the nume- 
rous historical presents (πάρα- * 
διδόασιν, ανοίγννμχ, εισέρχεται, 
καλεί, etc.). — cpc μλν κατέλαβον: 
when μεν stands without a corre- 
sponding 8c a contrasted thought 
is often latent. Here there is an 
underlying thought of his brother's 
fate. Cp. 19. 1, 19. 7, 32. 13, 32. 
17. Cp. on 25. 16. Lysias was 
arrested at his house in the Piraeus, 
as we see by the fact that he sent 
Archeneos eh άστυ (§ 1 6). This 
entrance into Lysias's house was, 
in spirit, a violation of the princi- 
ple that a man's house is his 
sanctuary, a principle as jealously 
maintained in Athens as in mod- 
ern states. But in form it was 
legal, for Pison was executing a 



άλλοι εις το εργαστηριον ελθόντες τά άνδράποδα άπε- 
$ογράφομτο. εγώ δε ΤΙείσωνα μεν ήρώτων ει βούλοιτό 
9/xe σώσαι χρήματα λαβών • 6 δ 5 εφασκεν, ει πολλά 
ειη. ειπον ουν οτι τάλαντον αργυρίου έτοιμος ενην δού- 
ναι • 6 δ* ώμολόγησε ταύτα ποιησειν. ήπιστάμην μεν 
ow οτι ούτε σεους ουτ ανσρωπους νομίζει, όμως ο εκ 
$$των παρόντων εδόκει μοι άίχΜκαιότατον eti/at πίστιν 
10 παρ* αυτού λαβείν, επειδή δε ωμοσεν, €^ώλ€ΐα^ βαυτω 
και τοις παισιν επαρώμενος, λαβών το τάλαντόν με 
σώσειν, είσελθών εις το δωμάτων την κιβωτον άνοί- 
γνυμι • ΊΙείσων δ* αϊσθόμενος εισέρχεται, καϊ ίδών τα 

decree of the supreme governing 
body, and at all times, even under 
the democracy, search of the house 
and arrest of a criminal were open 
" to the proper officers acting under 
such a warrant. But this author- 
ity was outrageously abused by 
the Thirty. The patriot Thrasy- 
bulus reminds his followers of their 
sufferings under such treatment : 
δειπνονντες σννελαμβανόμεθα και 
καθζνδοντες καϊ αγοράζοντες we 
were seized at table, in bed, in 
the agora (Xen. Hell. 2. 4. 14). 

— Ιργαστήριον : the shield factory. 

— άικγράφοντο : the usual word 
for an inventory. For the causa- 
tive middle see HA. 815 ; G. 1245 ; 
B. 505 ; Gl. 500 d. 

9. ctirov οΰν, . . . ήνιο-τάμην 
|iiv ουν: / said therefore, . . . 
now I knew. The first ovv is in- 
ferential, the second, transitional, 

marking the passage from the nar- 
rative to the parenthetical remark. 
See on § 3 (B). — vo^ci: the 
ordinary word with θεονς (cp. Plato 
Apol. 26 c ταύτα Xeyo>, ως το 
παράπαν ov νομίζεις θεονς) ; but 
it has, as used here, so much of 
the idea of * respect,' 'fear,' that 
the speaker can even add ανθρώ- 
πους. The retention of the indie, 
in νομίζει (ind. discourse with the 
secondary ήπιστάμην) is a part 
of the increasing vividness with 
which Lysias recalls the events as 
his narrative advances, and which 
brings in the historical present 
(άνοίγννμι) in the following sen- 
tence. — 4k. των ιταρόντων : ck, 
because the circumstances are 
viewed as the source of tjie con- 

10. σ-ώο -cvv : tense, HA. 948 a ; 
G. π$(>\ B. 549• 2 i Gl. 573, 


6 9 

6ο ενόντ α καλεί των υπηρετών δύο, και τα εν τ^ κιβωτώ 

11 λαβείν εκέλευσεν. \ επειδή 8ε ούχ όσον ώμολόγησεν 
εΐχεν, & άνδρες δικμσταί, άλλα τρία τάλαντα αργυρίου 
και τετρακόσιους κυζικηνούς καϊ εκατόν δαρεικούς 
καίςφιάλας αργυράς τέτταρας, εδεόμην αυτού εφόδια μοι 

65 δούναι * ό δ' άγαπησειν με ίφασκεν, ει το σώμα σώσω. 

12 εξιουσι δ' εμοί καϊ ΤΙείσωνι επιτυγχάνει Μ,ηλόβιός τε 
και Μνησιθείδης εκ του εργαστηρίου άπιόντες, και 
καταλαμβάνουσι προς αύταΐς ταΐς θύραις, και ερωτώ? 
σιν οποί βαδίζοιμεν * 6 δ' ίφασκεν εις τάδελφου του 

γοέμου, Χγα και τα έν εκείνη rfj οικία σκέψηται. εκείνον 

1 1 . ώμολόγησεν : SC λαβείν, cp. 
σώσαι χρήματα λαβών §8. — κνζι- 
κηνούς: sc. στατηρας. For the 
sums mentioned see App. § 6i f. 
This was only the ready money 
which Lysias happened to have in 
his strong box ; perhaps the ready 
money of the shield manufactory. 
In addition to this, Lysias lost his 
house, his share in the stock and 
tools in the shield factory, and his 
share in the 120 slaves (§ 19). 
Yet it would appear from the ac- 
counts of his later contributions to 
the patriot cause that a considera- 
ble amount of his property escaped 
the hands of the Thirty (see p. 20, 
n. 1). — άγαιτήσ -civ : the direct 
form is άγαττησεις, €t το σώμα σώ- 
σεις you may consider yourself 
lucky, if you save your skin. The 
curt sarcasm well expresses the 
brutality of the whole proceeding. 

άγαττήσεις is a i jussive' future. 
GS. 269; HA. 844; G. 1265; B. 
583 n. 1. For the mood of 
σώσεις see HA. 899; G. 1405; 
Gl. 648. 

12. επιτυγχάνε : the verb 
agrees, as often, with the first of 
the two noms. ; but the two being 
once expressed, the plural naturally 
follows in άπιόντες, καταλαμβά- 
νουσι, ερωτωσιν. By the same 
usage εζωνσι might have been 
singular. — βαδίζοιμεν: optative 
after ερωτωσιν, a historical pres- 
ent. HA. 932. 2 ; G. 1268, 1487 ; 
B. 517. 1, 581; Gl. 661.— cis τά- 
λλφοΰ . . . els ΔαμνίιττΓου : the 
Greek idiom is precisely the same 
as the colloquial English. — σ-κέ- 
ψηταΛ : the same sarcastic tone as 
in the preceding. The hearer 
feels with what cruel unconcern 
these robbers treated their victims. 



μεν οΰν εκελευον βαδίζειν, εμε δε με& αυτών άκολου- 

13 θεΐν εις Δαμν ίππου. ΙΙείσων δε προσελθων σιγαν μοι 
παρεκελεύετο και θαρρείν, ως ήξων εκεΐσε. καταλαμ- 
βάνομεν δε αυτόθι Φεογνιν έτερους φυλάττοντα ' ω 

7ζπαραδόντες εμε πάλιν ωχοντο. εν τοιούτω δ* οντι μοι 
κινδυνεύειν εδόκει, ως του γε άποθανείν υπάρχοντος 

14ηδη. καλεσας δε Αάμνιππον λέγω προς αυτόν τάδε, 
" επιτήδειος μεν μοι τυγχάνεις ων, ηκω δ* εις την σην 
οΐκίαν, άδικω δ' ουδέν, χρημάτων δ* ένεκα άπόλλυμαι. 

8οθ"ύ ουν ταύτα πάσχοντί μοι πρόθυμον παράσχου την 

— \άν Όδν: force, see on § 3• — 
ffaSCgciv : to go 011 his way, cp. on 
ίβ&ιζον § 8. 

13. σ-ιγάν: Lysias would have 
us suspect that Pison was plan- 
ning to keep for himself the con- 
fiscated money. — ώ$ ήξων Ikcutc : 
4 on the understanding that he 
would come there ' ; for ώς < sub- 
jective ' see on 16. 8. — kivSvvcvciv 
4S6 kci, ώ$ . . . υπάρχοντος : it seemed 
to me wise to make a venture* be- 
lieving that death at any rate was 
to be counted on already, i.e. what- 
ever risks might be involved in 
any attempt to escape, one risk at 
least (yc), and that the supreme 
one, was already upon me (υπάρ- 
χοντος, see on υπάρχει § 23). κιν- 
δυνεύειν is usually to meet danger, 
to be in danger, but it is used here 
for άποκινδυνεύειν or παρακινδυ- 
vcvav = to take a risk', cp. 1. 45 
&v . . . τοιούτον κίνδυνον εκινδυ- 
vcvov would I have taken such a 

risk; 4. 17 αλλ' άπεκΊνδύνενον 
τούτο but I took this risk. 

14. ΔάμνιιπΓον : this is all that 
we know of Damnippus ; he was 
evidently a trusteed adherent of 
the Thirty. — αδικώ : / am guilty 
(not / am doing wrong). A 
present state or condition viewed 
as the result of a past action is 
usually represented in Greek, as 
in English, by the perfect; but 
certain words in Greek frequently 
express this idea by the present: 
A. Words of hearing and saying, 
ακούω, πυνθάνομαι (12. 62), αϊσθά- 
νο/χαι, γιγνώσκω, μανθάνω, λέγω. 
Β. Words of coming and going, 
especially ηκω and οίχομαι, I am 
come, I am gone (not / am on the 
way). C. αδικώ (i2. 82, 25. 1, 
.25. 24), φεύγω (12. 57), νικώ 
(12. 36), κρατώ, ήττωμυαι, στερο- 
μαι (and all verbs of privation, GS. 
204), and some others. Kiihn. 
§ 382. 4. — άιτόλλυμαι: the action 



aeavrov Βύναμιν βις την έμην σωτηρίαν" 6 δ* ύπέ- 
σχετο ταύτα ποι-ήσζιν. έδόκει δ' αύτω βέλτων etvai 
προς ®€ογνιν μνησθηναι ' ήγεΐτο γαρ άπαν ποιήσειν 
15 αυτόν, el τις αργύρων διδοπ/• έκζίνον δε διαλεγομένον 
85 ΘεογίΊ,δι (ξμπζιρος γαρ ων Ιτνγγανον της οικίας, καϊ 
Ύ)δη ότι άμφίθυρος εΐη) βδόκει μοι ταυττ) πζιρασθαι 
σωθήναι, ίνθνμονμένω art, iav μεν λάθω, σωθήσομαι, 

is already under way, / am being 
destroyed. The change to direct 
discourse in the series of brief 
clauses with the repeated "and" 
reproduces the breathless earnest- 
ness and haste of the appeal. This 
earnestness of feeling leads Lysias 
into one of his rare personifica- 
tions, that of δύναμιν by the per- 
sonal epithet πρόθνμον; for other 
examples see Introd. p. 25, n. 5. — 
cts . . . σωτηρίαν : the purpose of 
an act is that toward which the act 
goes out; it may therefore be 
expressed by each of the preposi- 
tions cts, προς, and cW with the 
accus. But Lysias prefers cts, 
using προς in 19. 22 and 19. 61 
only, and Ιπί in 19. 21 and 28. 14 
only. For δια* with ace. express- 
ing purpose see on 32. 22, and for 
€7rt with dat. see on 12. 24. For 
cts cp. 12. 18, 19. 39, 19. 55, 24. 10. 
— ύττΑτχ€το ιτοιή<Γ€ΐν : for the fut. 
infin. see on σώσαν § ίο. — αιταν: 
anything. Cp. Demos. 18. 5, 
πάντων μ€ν yap άποστερεΐσθαι λν- 
πηρόν €στι, to be robbed of anything 

is vexatious. — δι$ο£η, offer, cona- 
tive present, see on πυνθάνισθαι 


15. ένθνμουμίνφ κτλ. : 
iSoKCL pjoi ravrrj π€ψασθαι σωθηναι 
ίνθνμονμζνω οτι 
Γ iav μ£ν λάθω 
\ σωθησομαχ 
Γ €αν Sc ληφθώ 


(a) d άη πεπεισμένος 

(b) el δ€ μη 

The irregularity in this otherwise 
symmetrical sentence lies in the 
fact that after the second main 
protasis (iav Sk ληφθώ) the gov- 
erning verb is repeated in new 
form (ηγούμην replacing ενθυμον- 
μίνω), which shifts the construc- 
tion of the apodosis from the fut. 
indie, of indir. disc, with otl, 
to the fut. infin. of indir. disc. 
This insertion of ήγονμην makes 
the thought clearer to the listener 
by separating the second princi- 



iav Sc ληφθώ, ηγούμην μ€ν? ei θεογνις evq πεπΈΐσμε- 
Sgvos υπο του Ααμνίππου χρήματα λαβείν, ον&€ν ήττον 
16 άφβθησεσθαι, ei 8c /117, ομοίως άποθανβΐσθαι. ταύτα 
διαΐΌΐ}0€ΐς ιίφευγον, εκείνων επϊ ttj• ανλβίω θύρα την 
φυλακην ποιούμενων ' τριών 8c θυρών ουσων, ας cSci 
/χ€ διβλ&ΐΐ', άπασαχ άνεωγμεναι ετυχον. άφικόμενος 
δε ci? *Αρχό/€ω του ναυκλήρου εκείνον πέμπω εις άστυ, 

pal protasis from the subordinate 
ones that follow. This separation 
is further strengthened by shifting 
from the subj. in the leading pair 
of protases to the opt of ind. disc, 
in the subordinate protasis. — 
ήγονμ.ην μέν : μεν is drawn to the 
leading verb from its natural posi- 
tion after & Such displacement 
of μέν throws emphasis upon the 
word that it follows. So in 1 6. 1 8. 
For corresponding displacement 
of 8c see on 16. 7. — cl 8c μή: a 
stereotyped expression which may 
be used even when there is no 
place for the negative. Here with 
neg. force; so in 22. 6, 22. 21. 
Without neg. force, 12. 50. 

16. !φ€νγον: set forth. The 
impf. pictures the flight in its be- 
ginning, where the aor. would 
merely state the fact of flight. See 
on Ιβά&ζον § 8. — αύλ€ΐ» Ovpf : 
defined by Harpocration (s.v. αυ- 
λαο?) as η άπο της όδου πρώτη 
θνρα της οικίας the front door, 
street door. The term άμφίθνρος 
(§15) must mean that the house 

had a second outer door, though 
we have no knowledge of such an 
arrangement except from this pas- 
sage. The third door through 
which Lysias passed may have 
opened through a garden wall 
into a back street But we have 
no facts on which to base any- 
thing more than conjecture. For 
the plan of the Greek house see 
Gardner, u The Greek House," 
fournal of Hellenic Studies, 21 
(1901), 293 fF. ; Gulick, Life of 
the Ancient Greeks, p. 21 ff. ; 
Gardner and Jevons, Manual 
of Greek Antiquities, p. 31 ff . ; 
Smith, Dicy Greek and Roman 
Antiq., article " Domus." — els 
&o*rv: cp. the English "to tow'n/ 1 
Here άστυ is used as a proper 
name, the city in distinction from 
the Piraeus. Lysias's custom 
varies as to the use of the article 
with άστυ; cp. άς άστυ 13. 24, 
32. 8 ; cv άστα 25. I ; but προς 
το άστυ 13. 8o: εις το άστυ 
12. 54. Lysias sends Archeneos 
to the city as the speediest and 



95 πευσόμενον nepl του άδελψοΰ ' ηκων δβ eXeyev δτι Ερα- 
τοσθένης αυτόν έν τη όδω λαβών els το δεσμώτη ριον 

17 άπα /yayoi. και ey<w τοιαύτα πζπυσ μένος της επιονσης 
νυκτός διεπλευσα MeyapaSe. ΤΙολβμάρχω δε παρήγ- 
γειλαν οί τριάκοντα τουπ εκείνων είθισμένον παράγ- 
iooycXfia, πίνειν κώνειον, πριν την αιτίαν ειπείν hi ηντινα 
εμελλεν άποθανεΐσθαι ' οντω πολλού έ8εησε κριθηναι 

surest means of learning whether 
his brother is under arrest, for 
he would be taken there by the 
arresting party. It does not imply 
that Polemarchus lived in the city 
rather than in the Piraeus. 

17. tow 4kc£vo>v : Ιπί with gen. 
of a personal word = in the time 
of So in 12. 42, 12. 65, 16. 3, 
22. 9, 24. 25, 25. 21, 34. 4. — irivciv : 
present tense, because this particu- 
lar order is defined as an instance 
of the customary order. So Soc- 
rates's jailor says χαλεπαίνουσι και 
καταρωκται, Ιπειοαν αντοΐς παραγ- 
γέλλω πίνειν τό φάρμακον they are 
angry and curse me, when I give 
them the order to drink the drug 
(Plato, Phaedo 116 c). — irplv 
clirctv : before telling, used loosely 
for without telling; cp. on 19. 7, 
πριν παραγενεσθαι. The English 
would allow the same loose ex- 
pression, which comes from the 
underlying thought of the haste 
of the action. Aeschines uses πριν 
in the same way in speaking of 
the crimes of the Thirty, πλείους 

η χίλιους και πεντακόσιους των πο- 
λιτών άκριτους άπεκτειναν, πρϊν 
και τας αίτιας άκουσαι, εφ* αϊς 
έμελλον άποθνησκειν, και ουδ* επί 
τάς ταφας και εκφοράς των τελευ- 
τησάντων ειων τους προσηκοντας 
παραγενζσθαί more than 1500 of 
the citizens they put to death with- 
out trial, before they even heard 
the charges on which they were 
about to die, and they would not 
even allow the relatives to be pres- 
ent at their funerals or to follow 
them to their graves, 3. 235. Cp. 
Ant. Tetral. Α γ 2 φεύγοντας πρό- 
τερον η άπεουσαν fleeing before they 
had time to strip them. With the 
coming of the Thirty to power all 
legal protection of citizens was 
thrown aside. One of the most 
common charges against them is 
that they condemned citizens to 
death without a trial, whereas the 
right of every citizen to trial with 
full opportunity for defense was 
one of the fundamental principles 
of the democracy. This right was 
extended to metics also. 



Ι» και άπολογησασθαι. και επειδή άπεφερετο εκ τον 
δεσμώτη ρίον τεθνεώς, τριών ημΖν οικιών οίκτων εζ ονδε- 
μιας ειασαν εξενεχθηναι, άλλα κλεισίον μΛχτθωσαμενοι 

ισ$ προυθεντο αυτόν, και πολλών όντων Ιματίων αιτόυσνν 
ουδέν εδοσαν εις την ταφην, άλλα των φίλων 6 μ/εν 
ιμάτνον, 6 δε προσκεφάλαιον, 6 Be ο τι έκαστος ετυχεν 

ν$εδωκεν εις την εκείνον ταφή ν. και έχοντες μεν έπτακο- 
σίας ασπίδας των ημέτερων, έχοντες δε άργύριον και 

ι ίο χρυσίον τοσούτον, χαλκον δε κ α! κόσμον και έπιπλα και 
ιμάτια, γυναικεία δσα ούδεπώποτ€ ωοντο κτησεσθαι, 
και άνδράποδα είκοσι και εκατόν, ων τα μεν βέλτιστα 
ελαβον, τα δε λοιπά €ΐς το δημόσιον άπεδοσαν, εις 
τοσαντην άπληστίαν και αίσχροκερδειαν άφίκοντο και 

ι8. kvt+iptTo: not Ικφερετα, 
because Ικφψαν is the usual word 
for the orderly funeral ceremony 
(cp. Ιξεννχθηναι below). — oiSe- 
|ui«: while ovbtyutas depends on 
εξενεχθηναι? the negative part of 
it goes over to αασαν ; hence ov-, 
not μψ. — xXcuriov: see L. & S. 
κλισίσν. That the form is κλενσ- 
is determined By inscriptions. — 
wpo flk rTo : see the description of 
funeral customs in Gulick, 292 fF. : 
Becker's Charicles, English ed.. 
p. 383 fF. ; Gardner and Jevons, 
Greek Antiquities, p. 360 fF. : 
Guhl and Koner, Life of the 
Greeks and Romans, p. 289 fF. 
— cC* την ταφή* : see on as σωτή- 
ρων § 14- 

ig. On the ποΚνσν&τσν of 

this section see App. § 58. \. — το 
δημ-όοτον : L. & S. s.V. III. 3. — 
άν&οσ-αν: faro- because the con- 
fiscated property belonged now to 
the state. — άνληντίαν καλ αίσχρο- 
κέρδααν: the doubling of words 
merely for rhetorical effect is as 
rare in the simple style of Lysias 
as it is common in the rhetorical 
style of Demosthenes; see App. 
§ 58. 2. — els τοσ ατ τη» . . . Αφί- 
κοντο : the ώστ€ construction which 
we expect after τοσαντην is thrust 
aside by the emphatic καλ τον 
τρστΓον τοί αντών απόδειξιν «rony- 
σαντο. The whole force of the 
long period is thus thrown upon 
what is really the one emphatic 
thought, that this act about to be 
described exhibits the real char- 



ns του τρόπου του αύτων άπο&ειζιν έποιησαντο ' της γάρ 
ΤΙολεμάρχου γυναικός χρυσούς ελικτηρας, ους έχουσα 
ετυγχανεν, οτε πρωτΌν ηλθεν εις την οΐκίαν Μηλόβιος, 

20 εκ των ώτων εζείλετο. Ι καΐ ούδε κατά το ελάχιστον 
μέρος της ουσίας ελεοΰ παρ 9 αύτων ετυγχάνομεν. αλλ 9 

ΐ2ο ούτως εις ημάς δια τά χρήματα εξημάρτανον, ωσπερ άν 
έτεροι μεγάλων αδικημάτων δργην έχοντες, ου τούτων 
άζίους γε οντάς τη πολβι, άλλα πάσας μεν τάς χορη* 

acter of the men. With this idea 
fresh in the minds of the hearers, 
and their attention sharpened by 
the interruption in the narrative, 
Lysias at last gives the fact for 
which they are waiting, in the 
more independent form of the 
clause with γάρ. — γαρ : explica- 
tive γάρ, see on 19. 12. — ore 
πρώτον : as soon as (for the differ- 
ent meaning of ore το πρώτον see 
Crit. Note). — Μηλόβιοβ: Melo- 
bius was one of the party that 
went to Lysias's house, drove out 
his guests, and put him under 
arrest (§§ 8 and 12). 

20. {τυγχάνουν : the negative 
imperfect of " disappointment " ; 
see on έτόλμων § 5 . — δια τά χρή- 
ματα: the whole preceding nar- 
rative has laid all stress upon the 
fact that this was outright robbery 
— murder for money, not a politi- 
cal arrest and assassination. An 
honorable revolution might neces- 
sitate the summary execution of 
some political opponents, but this 

act was robbery and murder. The 
defendant stands under the protec- 
tion of the feeling that there 
should be a general amnesty for 
political offenses. Lysias is 
shrewdly bringing every feet to 
the point that Eratosthenes and 
his companions had used politics 
merely as a means for personal 
enrichment. If this is so, they 
should be treated like robbers, not 
like reconciled political opponents. 
— &nrcp &v Ircpoi : sc. ΙξαμΑρτοιεν 
or Ιξημαρτον. HA. 905 ; G. 
1313; B. 616. 4; Gl. 656 b (the 
protasis here is €\οντ€ς, giving 
therefore ωσπ€ρ αν for ωσπερ αν 
el of the grammars) . — τούτων : 
this treatment. — iroXci : the dative 
of the one " in relation to whom " 
ουκ άξωυς is true. HA. 771 ; G. 
1 1 72. 1 ; B. 382, 2d example; Gl. 
523 a, 5th example. — χορηγίας: 
for the nature and extent of such 
services see Gulick, p. 62. For 
the relation of metics to public 
burdens cp. p. 9, and see Gardner 

7 6 


yia? χορηγήσαντα?, πολλά? δ 5 εισφοράς βίσενβγκόντα?, ^ 
κοσμίου? δ' ή μα? αυτόν? παρέχοντα? και παν το προσ- 
ΐ25ταττόμ€νον ποιουντα?, 4χθρον δ* oiSeva κεκτημένου?, 

and Jevons, Greek Antiquities, 
p. 455. Pleas for favor based 
on such services are a common- 
place of Athenian court speeches. 
Lysias himself gives a notable 
illustration in his twenty-first 
speech, see on 19. 43. — χορηγήσαν- 
τα* : in sharp antithesis to οντάς 
and with this modifying ημάς 
above ; but the series of partici- 
ples, starting in this construction, 
is so far prolonged that the feeling 
of their grammatical connection 
with the preceding is lost, and 
the sentence is closed with em- 
phasis by bringing in a new inde- 
pendent verb, ήξίωσαν; to the 
object of ηξίωσαν the later partici- 
ples attach themselves by a slight 
anacoluthon. — cl<r<|>opas : the εισ- 
φορά was a direct property tax 
levied upon members of the three 
upper property classes to meet 
extraordinary expenses of war. 
As the Peloponnesian War steadily 
exhausted the ordinary revenues 
of the state, the εισφορά became 
a frequent and pressing burden. 
— koo-jjlCovs: by the close of the 
fifth century the abuses of democ- 
racy had become so notorious, and 
the trade of politics so corrupt, 
that ambition for political promi- 
nence had become cause for sus- 

picion ; yet the obligation of every 
citizen to take his place in the 
common life of the state was still 
a fundamental principle. Under 
these influences it was felt that the 
ideal citizen was the quiet, modest, 
law-abiding man, who neither 
sought political power nor neg- 
lected political obligations. Lysias 
defines the attitude of the ideal 
citizen in his twenty-first speech 
(§ l 9) : δέομαι ουν νμων, ω άν- 
δρες δικασταί, . . . μη μόνον 
των δημοσίων λτ/τουργιων μεμνη- 
σ#αι, άλλα των Ιδίων επιτηδευμάτων 
ενθυμεΐσθαι, ηγουμένους ταύτην 
είναι την λτ^τουργίαν επιπονωτάτην, 
δια τέλους τον πάντα χρόνον κόσ- 
μων είναι και σώφρονα και μηθ* 
υφ* ηδονής ηττηθηναι μηθ* νπο 
κέρδους επαρθηναι, άλλα τοιούτον 
παρασχεΐν εαυτόν ώστε μηδένα των 
πολιτών μήτε /Α£/Αΐ//ασ^αι μήτε δίκην 
τολμησαι προσκαλέσασθαι I ask 
you, gentlemen of the jury, not 
only to remember my public ser- 
vices, but to consider my personal 
habits, thinking that this is the 
most difficult public service, to be 
from first to last always an orderly 
man, and discreet, to be neither 
conquered by pleasure nor carried 
away by gain, and to show one^s 
self such a man that no citizen 

ΚΑΤΑ ΕΡΑΤ02ΘΕΝ0Υ2 XII 2 1, 2 2 


πολλούς δ* Αθηναίων εκ των πολεμίων λυσαμενονς 

τοιούτων ήζίωσαν, ούχ ομοίως μετοικουντας ώσπερ αύτοι 
21 επολιτεύοντο. ούτοι γαρ πολλούς μεν των πολιτών εις 

τους πολεμίους εζηλασαν, πολλούς ο' αδίκως άποκτεί- 
ΐ3οναντες άταφους εποίησαν, πολλούς δ' επίτιμους οντάς 

άτιμους κατέστησαν, πολλών δε {θυγατέρας^ μέλλουσας 
2U εκδί8οσθαι\ εκώλυσαν. Και \βΙς τοσούτον βίσι τόλμης 

will complain of him nor dare 
summon him into court, Cp. 
Dem. 1 8. 308 Ιστι yap, εστίν 
ησυχία δικαία και συμφέρουσα τη 
πόλει, ην όί πολλοί των πολιτών 
υμεΐς άπλως άγετε there is, there 
is a quiet that is right and useful 
to the state, which you the majority 
of the citizens keep in sincerity. 
The attitude that was thus honored 
in the citizen was even more to 
be demanded of the metic. — λυσ-α- 
μένους : causative mid. See on 
άπεγράφοντο § 8. — ούχ ομοίως . . . 
tiroXircvovTo : not such metics as 
they were citizens. The restrained 
simplicity of the under-statement 
{Miosis) is stronger than the 
strongest terms could make it, 

ax. ούτοι: cp. on αυτοΐς § I. 
The Thirty are now so definitely 
before the minds of the hearers 
that ούτοι becomes the natural ex- 
pression, and with the Thirty are 
associated in ούτοι those who sup- 
port Eratosthenes in this trial. 
For the periodic form of the sen- 
tence see App, § 46. — <1ς tqvs 

ιτολ€μ£ους: the rhetorical period 
which is to contrast the conduct 
of the Thirty with that of Lysias 
and his family gains emphasis by 
having its opening colon in verbal 
antithesis to the last colon of the 
preceding series : πολλούς δ' Αθη- 
ναίων εκ των πολεμίων λυσαμενους 
vs. πολλούς μεν των πολιτών 
ciS τους πολεμίους εξηλασαν. — 
άτιμους: the technical term for 
men under ατιμία, the complete or 
partial deprivation of privileges of 
citizenship, inflicted by the courts 
as a penalty for crime. See Gu- 
lick, p. 61 . — θυγατέρας : the dowry 
was so important in marriages of 
well-to-do Athenians that the 
seizure of the fathers' property by 
the Thirty destroyed the hopes of 
marriage for many_girls of good 
family. The lot of the Athenian 
wife was narrow and poor enough ; 
to the unmarried woman no re- 
spectable career was open. — 4κώ- 
λυσ-αν : every verb in the series of 
aorists εζηλασαν . . . εποίησαν . . . 
κατέστησαν , . , ξκώλνσαν ex- 



άφιγμέιοι ωσθ* ηκουσιν άπολογησόμενοι, και λεγονσιν 
ως ονδεν κακόν ούδ* αίσχρον είργασμενοι είσίν. , εγω 
^δ* εβουλόμην αν αυτούς αληθή λέγειν * μετην γαρ αν 
23 και εμοί τούτου τάγαθου ουκ ελάχιστον μέρος. νυν 
8c ούτε προς την πόλιν αυτοΐς τοιαύτα υπάργει ούτε 
προς εμε' τον άδελφον γάρ μου, ωσπερ /cat- πρότερον 

presses a ' repeated past action ' ; 
the study of such a series will help 
to correct the notion that the 
aorist is confined to 'single' or 
'simple' actions. These 4 com- 
plexive ' aorists (GS. 243) sum up 
the whole career of the Thirty. 
On the ομοιοτίλευτον see App. 

§ 57- 4. 

22. κακόν, αίσχρον: on the 
συνωνυμία see App. § 58. 2. — clp- 
γασ-μένοι cUriv: when any aspect 
of a past action brings it up into 
immediate relation to the present, 
the whole idea of past action in 
present relation is usually ex- 
pressed by the perfect. In the 
case of passive forms, the result- 
ing condition is the usual present 
aspect which causes the perfect to 
be used ; in the case of active and 
deponent verbs among the most 
common aspects are credit, guilt, 
responsibility ; άργάσαντο they did 
the deed; ύργασμίνοι ύσί they 
have done the deed, with the under- 
lying idea in Greek as in English, 
they are responsible for the deed, 
they are guilty of the deed. Cp. 
πίπρακται § η, είργασμενοις § 33, 

πζπονηκασιν § 89, καταψηφισμένους 
€σεσθαι § ΙΟΟ. — ίβουλόμην αν : im- 
perf. indie, of a hopeless wish (= 
vellem), GS. 367 (cp. 398) ; B. 
588 n. ; Gl. 461 d. The "poten- 
tial indie." of G. 1339 and GMT. 

23. τοιαύτα : i.e. ως ουδέν κακόν 
. . . αργασμένοι άσίν. — ύιτάρχ€ΐ: 
In our eight speeches note the fol- 
lowing uses of υπάρχειν : A. In the 
original sense, to begin, 24. 18 τους 
υπάρζαντας those who began it. 

B. Of what exists, or is true ; fact 
in distinction from claim or false- 
hood, 12. 1, 12. 23, 12. 70, 34. 6. 

C. Of what exists or is true to 
start with, 12. 97, 19. 29, 25. 6, 
34• 3> 34• 8. D. Of what is now 
so sure that it is to be counted 
upon (whether for good or ill)., 
12.13,19.11,19.20,25.4. E. Of 
what is ready, 12. 72. F. τά 
υπάρχοντα = property ( = what one 
has to start with), 31. 18 τούτους 
άφΐ)ρ€Ϊτο τα υπάρχοντα these he 
robbed of their property. In 32. 
28 τά υπάρχοντα = capital, in dis- 
tinction from interest. — καί ττρό- 
Tcpov: see on και ήμων 19. 2 (C). 



εΐπον, Ερατοσθένης άπέκτεινεν, ούτε αύτος Ιδία άδικου- 
ηο μένος ούτε είς την πάλιν ορών εζαμαρτάνοντα, άλλα Tjj 
εαυτού παρανομία προθύμως εξυπηρετών. 

24 * Αναβιβασάμενος δ* αυτόν βουλρμίΐι ερεσθαι, ω άν- 
δρες δικασταί. τοιαύτην yap γνώμην έχω ' επί μεν Tjj 
τούτου ωφελεία καϊ προς έτερον. περϊ\ούτου διαλέγε- 
ις σθαι άσεβες είναι νομίζω, επι δε rjj τούτον βλάβχι καϊ 

προς αυτόν τούτον οσιον και ευσεβές, άνάβηθι ουν 
μοι και άπόκριναι, δ τι αν σε ερωτώ. 

25 'Απήγαγες Τίολέμαρχον fj ου ; Τά ύπο τών άρχόν- 

— τη Ιαυτοΰ παρανομία: a per- 
sonification (rare in Lysias) like 
that of hvvapxv § 14, and better 
suited to the tone of its passage. 
See Introd. p. 25, n. 5. — έξ-νιτηρ€- 
τών : serving to the end. 

24. ίράτθαι: for the formal 
questioning of an opponent in 
court see App. § 20. — ht\ ώφ€- 
XcCa : «τι with the dative properly 
denotes the ground of an act, 
that upon which it rests (cp. 
on 32. 17) ; but often the ultimate 
ground of an act is its purpose, 
hence the use of άτι with the dat., 
instead of the phrases enumerated 
on ct9 σωτηρίαν § 14- So επί rfj 
βλάβτ} § 48 ; €7r' ολίθρω § 6o. In 
13. 20 ground and purpose are 
coupled : ουκ Ιπ έννοια, rrj υμετέρα. 
αλλ €7Tt καταλύσει τον $ήμον τον 
νμετερον not from good will to you, 
but for the destruction of your de- 
mocracy. — 8ioX£yc<r6<u : the cere- 

monial impurity of a murderer was 
so great that the accused was, 
after indictment, forbidden en- 
trance to the sanctuaries or the 
Agora while awaiting trial. The 
trial itself was held in the open 
air. in order, as Antiphon tells us 
(5. 11)," that the jurors might not 
come into the same inclosure with 
those whose hands were defiled, 
nor the prosecutor come under the 
same roof with the murderer." — 
καϊ ιτρόβ αυτόν τούτον: even (to 
talk) with him himself So και 
προς έτερον above. — άνάβηθι : to 
the platform for witnesses. See 
App. § 20. — οσ-ιον καϊ cwrcftts : 
for the συνωκυ /ua see App. § 58. 2. 
The amplified expression gives 
dignity and force to the final 
colon of the period. — μοι: case, 
HA. 767; G. 1 165, cp. 1 167; 
B. 377-378; Gl. 523 a, first 



των προσταχθεντα δεδιώς εποίουν. ϊΐσθα δ* εν τω 
ΐ5° βονλεντηρίω, οτε οί λόγοι εγίγνοντο περί ημών ; 
*Η. ΤΙότερον συνηγόρευες τοις κελενουσιν αποκτειναι η 
άντελεγες ; Άντέλεγον, ίνα μη αποθάνητε. 'Ηγού- 
μενος ημάς άδικα πάσχειν η δίκαια ; "Αδικα. 
26 Ειτ', ώ σχετλίώτατε πάντων, άντελεγες μεν ίνα 
ΐ55 σώσειας, συνελάμβανες δε ίνα άποκτείνειας ; και οτε 
μεν το πλήθος ην υμών κύρων της σωτηρίας της ημετέ- 
ρας, άντίλεγειν φης τοις βουλομενοις ημάς άπολέσαι, 
επειδή δε επι σοι μρνω )εγενετο και σώσαι ΤΙολεμαργον 
και μη, εις το ΰεσμωτήριον απήγαγες ; είθ' οτι μεν, 

25- fcrotovv : / was doing. 
When the motive of an act is the 
chief object of thought, the act 
itself is naturally viewed in its 
progress, hence the change from 
the aor. airrjyaycs to (SeStais) inoi- 
ovv. Cp. §§ 26, 27, 90; 19. 59, 
22. 3, 22. 11, 22. 12, 25. 13. The 
following imperfects (iylyvovro, 
σννηγόρ€υ€ς, avTcXeyes, avTc'Ac- 
yov) represent vividly the progress 
of the discussion (cp. the similar 
imperfects in § 8 ff.). In § 26 the 
motive is again the chief thought 
in cUrcXeyes and σνν€λάμβαν€ς. 
As Lysias passes to the consum- 
mation of the whole, he returns to 
the aorist, a7n;yayes, chrcKTeivas. 
— βουλιυτηρίφ : for the relation 
of this discussion to the discussion 
among the Thirty by themselves, 
see on iv τοις τριάκοντα § 6. Un- 
der the Thirty the popular courts 

had been abolished and their func- 
tions transferred to the Senate, a 
body entirely subservient to the 
will of the Thirty. 

26. On Lysias's use of rhetori- 
cal questions see App. § 59. 1. — 
€Ϊτα : Lysias has «Γτα in the follow- 
ing uses : A. = again, secondly ; 
but Ιίπατα is his usual word for 
this. See 19. 15. B. = then, 
i.e. under those circumstances. See 
19. 51. C. Meaning as under B, 
but in a question implying indig- 
nation or astonishment. With our 
passage compare 34. 6. — άντιλέ- 
γαν : pres. infin. in ind. disc, repre- 
senting the impf. of the direct. HA. 
853 a; G. 1285. 1; B. 551; Gl. 
577 a; GMT. 119; GS. 327. So 
ctvat 12. 49 ; πράττ£ΐν 12. 63 ; ϊχειν 
32. 2θ. — fcirl <roC : in your power. 
Cp. €7τι in § 33, 22. 17. — καΐ σ-ώσ-αι 
. . . καΐ μή : both . . . and, where 



ι6ο ώς φής, άντειπων ούδζν ωφίλησας, αξιοις χρηστός νομί- 
ζ€σθαι 9 δτι δε συλλάβων άπέκτβινας, ουκ oiei 8eiv έμοι 
και τουτοισϊ δούναι δίκην ; 

27 Και μην ουδβ τούτο εΙκος αύτω πιστςύειν, εΐπερ 
αληθή λέγει φάσκων άντζιπεΐν, ώς αύτω προσετάχθη. 

ιόζου γαρ δήπου iv τοις μετοίκοις ττίστιν παρ 9 αύτου 
έλάμβανον. έπειτα τω ήττον βίκος ην προσταχθήναι 
ή όστις άντειπών γ€ ετύγχανε και γνώμην αποδεδειγ- 
μένος ; τίνα γαρ είκος ην ήττον ταύτα ύττηρετήσαι ή 

the English, less logically, has or. 
Cp. 27. 3 οπόταν iv χρημασιν rj και 
σω0ί}ναι Ty πόλει και μη when the 
safety or destruction of the city 
depends upon money, 

27. ctircp αληθή Xtyci: if he is 
speaking the truth (though I deny 
that he is) . ct7rcp gives emphasis ; 
it is oftenest, though not always, 
used (A) where there is an im- 
plied denial or doubt of the truth 
of the statement, §§ 32, 48 ; 16. 8, 
22. 12, 25. 5 ; or (B) with implied 
protest against the fact stated, 
§ 29. — ώ$ ιτρο<Γ€τάχθη : in apposi- 
tion with tovto. — 4v to£s |utoC- 
kois: cp. Isoc. Panegyr. 85 hrt- 
8ci£avro & τάς αυτών ενψνχίας 
. . . iv τοις νπο Aapctov πεμφθεΐ- 
σιν they exhibited their bravery in 
the case of those who were sent by 
Darius. — ιτίσ•τιν έλάμβανον : Era- 
tosthenes may claim that his col- 
leagues, suspicious of his loyalty 
to them, forced him to make this 
arrest in order to implicate him so 


deeply in their crimes that he could 
not withdraw (we have Plato's tes- 
timony, ApoL 32 c, that they used 
this means to hold men who were 
not of their own number) . Lysias 
replies that for such a purpose they 
would have sent him to arrest some 
one more important and conspicu- 
ous than a mere metic. That such 
a claim by Eratosthenes will be 
insincere is implied in the ironical 
σηπον. For the force of ττίστιν 
cp. § 9 ; there the ' guaranty ' lay 
in the oath ; here it would be in 
the act. — £λάμβανον : tense, see 
on iwoiow § 25. — cIkos fjv: for 
the non-use of αν see HA. 897 ; 
G. 1400. 1 ; B. 567 ; Gl.460 ; GMT. 
415-417 ; GS. 363. — άντ€ΐιτών, 
airoScSciYiiivos : the opposition and 
the expression of opinion wefre 
both past with reference to ετύγ- 
χανε, but the opinion expressed 
remained as a basis for the action 
of his colleagues, hence the change 
to the perfect, όστις άντιλέγων 



»τον avrcivovra οϊς ixeivoi έβούλοντο πραχθηναι ; ~Εατ 

ΐ7ο Se τοις μεν άλλοις * Αθηναίοι*; ικανή μοι δοκεΐ ττρόφασχς 
curat των γεγενημένων εις τους τριάκοντα ανάφεραν την 
αίτίαν ' αυτούς δε τους τριάκοντα- lav εις σφας αντους 

ΛαναφερωσΊ, πώς ύμας εικός άπο&εχεσθαι : ει μεν γαρ 
τις ijr cV tj 7τόλ€ΐ άρχη Ισχυρότερα αύτης, ύφ* ης αύτω 

J7S νρο€Τ€τάττ€Τθ πάρα το δίκαιον ανθρώπους άπολΧύναι* 
ίσως αν είκοτως αύτω συγγνώμην ci^crc * iw Sc πάρα 
του νότε και Χηφεσθε δίκη v. εΐπερ Ιξεσται τοις τριά- 
κοντα λέγειν στι τα ύπο των τριάκοντα νροσταχθέντα 

(pies.) €τνγχατ€ would mean who 
happened to be opposing. GMT- 
144. 146. άτοφαύτσϋαι is the 
more common word with yvm^rjr. 
In such expressions -γηίμη has 
become so fused with the verb 
that it seldom takes the article 
even when the opinion expressed 
is specifically given in the follow- 
ing dause: cp. 31. 6 yn*pn & 
χρωνται ύς ττασα -γη χατρις αντοις 
ccrrcy cV β αν τα cxiriyoua €χ**σι* 
who hold the opinion that ezvry 
land that feeds them is their 
fatherland ; so Xen. Anab. 5. 
5. 3 aarc&t&cuTO . . . γν^μψ' 
στι κτλ. 

28. en. : again, introducing 
the third point in the argu- 
ment, as crura introduced the 

29. «*rqs: itself HA. 680. 3: 
G. 990 : B. 475. 2 n. : Gl. 558. — 

for the assimilation 

of tense to that of $r see HA. 
919 b: G. 1440: GMT. 559. — 
rw9 8c: cp. $ 23. — vap* τον tvn 
ui X^ j uc f c Sucqv: wham in the 
world WILL yon punish f και is 
used as an emphatic particle in 
questions, implying the inability 
of the speaker to answer his own 
question, or his impatience at the 
circumstances that raise the ques- 
tion. Its only English equivalent 
is a peculiar emphasis. Cp. 24. 12. 
24. 23. — wofti : the tone given by 
«u is further strengthened by 
xorc ; the indefinite word of time 
gives the idea of utter loss for an 
answer. In English we prefer the 
indefinite expression of place, in 
the world. Cp. § 34 and 32. 12. 
— efsep : if it is actually going to 
be permitted. See on § 27.— 1&- 
rrm». : a monitory protasis (see on 
§ 35) made still more emphatic by 
the intensive -rep. 



. 30 εποίουν ; ΚαΙ μεν δτ) ουκ εν rg οικία αλλ* εν τη όδώ, 

ιΒοσωζειν τε αυτόν και τά τούτοις ε\Ιβηφισμένα παρόν, 
συλλαβών άπηγαγεν. υμείς δε ττασιν οργίζεσθε, όσοι 
εις τας οικίας ηλθον τας υμετέρας ζητησιν ποιούμενοι 

31 η υμών ή των υμετέρων τινός. ' καίτοι εί χρη τοις /δια 
ττ^ι/ εαυτών σωτηρίαν) έτερους άπολεσασι συγγνώμην 

ι%$εχειν, εκείνοις αν ΰικαιάτερον εχοιτε' κίνδυνος γαρ ην 
πεμφθεΐσι μη ελθεΐν καϊ καταλαβουσιν εξάρνοις γενετ 
σ^αι. τω δε Έρατοσθένει εζην ειπείν οτι ουκ άπηντη- 
σεν, έπειτα οτι ουκ εϊΰεν ' ταύτα γάρ οντ έλεγχον ούτε 

3θ. καϊ μίν δή : in this combi- 
nation μεν has the affirmative force 
of its stronger form μην. Where 
the main statement or argument 
has been concluded the combina- 
tion και μ\ν δη often introduces 
another, less important, but con- 
firmatory, statement. So in §§ 35, 
49, 89; 22. 19, 22. 21, 25. 17. — 
<r<p'tciv : precisely fitted to govern 
αυτόν only, but with slight exten- 
sion of meaning made to govern 
τα εψηφισμίνα also. It was pos- 
sible for Eratosthenes, not finding 
Polemarchus at home, to pretend 
that he did not see him in the 
street, and so "keep" him safe, 
and at the same time " keep " the 
commands of the Thirty. — σ-ωζην 
re: unusual position of re, as 
tnough και σωζειν were to follow ; 
cp. Isae. 2. Ι βοηθ€Ϊν re τω πατρϊ 
καϊ Ιμαντω both to help my father 
and myself, for to help both my 

father and myself — ιταρόν : HA. 
973; G. 1569; B. 658; Gl. 591. 

— ircuriv: referring not only to 
members of the Thirty, but to 
many honorable citizens whom 
they forced to do work of this 
kind, and for whom some ex- 
cuse might be offered ; cp. on 

31 . cgdpvois : pred. of γενέσθαι, 
assimilated to the dat. pronoun 
understood with κίνδυνος ην, see 
on \iyovri § 1 . — τφ 8c Έρατο- 
<r6cvci : Lysias seldom uses the 
article with the names of parties 
to a suit. Here the antithesis to 
€KctVots accounts for its use. — 
4{ήν clirctv: he could have said 
(cp. παρόν, § 3θ). For non-use 
of av see on cikos ην § 27. We 
have the same omission in οίον 
τ e7vat below, and in χρην § 32. 

— 2λ«γχον, βασανον : for the συνω- 
νυμία see App. § 58. 2. 



τ^βάσανον εΐχεν* ώστε μηδ* υπο τών έχθρων βουλομενων 
3S οΐόν τ είναι εζελεγχθηναι. χρην δε ere, ω *Ερατόσθενες, 
είπερ ησθα χρηστός, πολύ μάλλον τοις μέλΧονσιν αδί- 
κως αττοθανεϊσθαι μηνυτην γενέσθαι η τους αδίκως 
άπολουμει-ους συλλαμβάνεις, νυν δε σου τα έργα 
ic4 ώανερα γεγενηται ούχ ως άνιωμενου αλλ' ώς ηδομενον 
33 τοις γιγνομενοις* ώστε τούσδε €κ τωι> έργων χμη μάλ- 
λον rj εκ των λόγων την άηώον φε'ρειν* α Ισασι γεγενψ 
μένα των τότε λεγομένων τεκμήρια λαμβάνοντας, επειδή 
μάρτυρας περί αυτών ού\ οΐόν τε παρασχεσθαι. ου 
γαρ μόνον ημΐν παρεΐναι ουκ εζην* αλλ* ούδε παρ* 


3*. For the use of antithesis in 
this section and the next see App. 
I. — cfarep: force, see on § 27. 
jwr^v : usually in bad sense, 
•infonner/ bet here and in § 4S 
in good sense- — ν^λλαρβάνα* : 
present tense of a course of con- 
duct. — άνι»ρέ*σν . . . qSop c io»: 
present in fonn. impt in lorce. 
Cp. SS 42. 50. 51. 09: 16. 5. 16. 6. 
See HA. $56 a: G. 12S9: B. 5+2. 
1 : GMT. 140 : GS. 337. Cp. on 
arriAcyer § 26- On the rhetorical 
ionn see App. $ 5S. 5. 

33. tw Xrfopmv: connect 
with τεκμήρια. — ov yip pe »«» 
κτλ. : on the periodic structure see 
App. $ 54- — ipi» : thrust be- 
tween or μάνοτ and χτφώαχ to 
throw emphasis upon the latter. 
//r/Vr.^if. the interruption of 
the natural order of ^ ores- arrests 
the attention, and thus throws 

emphasis sometimes upon the in- 
serted word, sometimes upon one 
or both of the words that it has 
crowded apart. Cp- eupmr J 82 : 
rrr $ 94 : ti-* c/im- 16. S : τσ«? 19. 
ς2 : μοι 24. ι : νμίτ and Ζχατ 24. 
21 : τοις axtun 24- 22 : νμυτ 24. 27 : 
άα 25. 25: <ΜΓΓ»ς 32. 13. — ««p- 
€ϊ»*ι : the secrecy of the meetings 
of the Thirty was in evil contrast 
with the openness of proceedings 
in the democratic assemblies. Yet 
even under the democracy the 
Senate might hold secret sessions 
on special occasions. Lysias in- 
dulges in a grim pun in τα^κυαι. 
χαρ* ax•?*** Qtvuu even bringing in 
an uncommon expression for the 
sake of it. See App. § 58. 5.— 
wep a&i « u : <2/ w *•&■* kernes. 4r 
in car λτλι Za*:<i. Cz>. :.kts k.pxs. 
jf>vj nits. Cp. τχψα τοΓ-5 αλλατς 
24- 2α. For the Greek for //■ rxss 



2οοαντοις eivcu, ωστ επι τούτοις εστί πάντα τα κακά 
ειργασμενοις την πάλιν πάντα τάγαθα περί αυτών 

Ζΐλεγειν. τούτο μεντοι ου φεύγω, αλλ* ομολογώ σοι, 
ci ρουλβι, αντειπειν. υαυμαζω oe τι αι> ποτ επονη- 
σας συνειπών, οπότε αντειπειν φάσκων άπεκτεινας 

205 Πολέμαρχοι/. 

Φφβ δ?;, τι ά> ει και άδελψοί oWes ετυγχάνετε αυτού 
η καϊ ύεΐς ; άπεψηφίσασθε ; δεΐ γαρ, ω άνδρες δικα- 
σταί, Έρατοσθένην δυοΐν θάτερον απο&εΖξαι, η ώς ουκ 
άττηγαγεν αυτόν, η ώς δικαίως τουτ επραζεν. ούτος 

ziohe ώμολόγηκεν αδίκως συλλαβεΐν, ώστε ραδίαν ύμΐν 

Ζ$την διαψήφισιν περί αύτου πεποίηκε. Και μεν δη 

^^ 7ΓθλλοΧ^Γ^"ωι/ άστών^κ^ν^ών ζε^ων^ μ^ουσ Ί^^εΙσόμενοι 

τίνα γνώμην περί τούτων εζετεΜ , ων οι μεν υμετ έρου 

home see on 1 6. 4• For παρά 
with dat. = wider one's care see 
on 19. 22. — αύτο£$: for ημΐν av- 
τοΐς HA. 686 a; G. 995 ; B. 471, 
n. 1. — fail tovtois : see on im σοι 
§ 26. — ιτάντα τα κακά: all possi- 
ble injuries ; the article is less 
often used in this expression. — 
ctpyaor)jivoi$ : tense, see on § 22. 

34. τί av iroT £ΐΓθίη<τα$: what 
in the world you would have done. 
For ποτ i see on § 29. — φάσκων: 
see on φάσ κοντές § 5. — δή : see 
on 25. 9 Α. — tC αν fl: the Greek 
hearer was no more conscious of 
the loss of a verb here than we 
are with our own " what if." The 
αν serves its own phrase and 
also the following άπεψηφίσα- 

σθε. — καΓάδιλφοί . . . καϊ vets : 
και ( = even) is not here to be 
connected with ει. Cp. on 19. 18. 
— αύτοΟ: Eratosthenes. — vets: 
the t of υιό? disappeared in Attic 
writers of the fourth century, and 
largely in Attic prose writers even 
in the fifth. Declension, HA. 216. 
19; G. 291.35; B. 115. 25; Gl. 
142. 9. — άΐΓ€ψηφίσ-α<Γθ€ : on this 
rare use of the aorist see Crit. 

35. καϊ ucv δή : force, see on 
§ 30. — αστών : distinguish from 
πολιτών, L. & S. s.v. αστός. The 
word is chosen here as suggest- 
ing those of the πολΐται who 
supported the Thirty and were 
known as ol c£ άστεως. — ol ucv 



οντες πολίται μαθόντες άπίασυν πότερον δίκην Ιί^σου^ 
2ΐ$ aw ων aj^ -Λζαμάρτωσινλη πράξαρτες μεν ων -Ιφία^αί 
τύρανν ου της πόλεως )£α:όρτ.αί, δυστυχησαντες δε το 
ίσον ύμΐν εζουσιν * ό σοι δε ζενύί επιδημουσι ν* εΖο ζονταί ' 
πότερόν αδίκως τους τριάκοντα εκκηρύττουσιν εκ των 
πόλεων η δικαίως, εΐ γαρ δη αντο Ι(ρι κακώς πεπονθότες) 
22ολαβόντες άφι^σονσιν, fj που σφας γ % *αντους ηγησον— 
36 rat περιέργους ^υπερ ύμων\ τηρούμενους, ουκ οΖν δεινον . 


4 ι t^blp 

κτλ. : "the scheme of the sentence 

ol μ€ν . . . μαθόντες απίασιν 
πότερον δίκην δώσουσιν 

πράζαντες μλν . . . 

δνστνχήσαντες Sk . . . 
όσοι δέ $€vol €πώημουσι.ν 
πότερον αδίκως . . . Ικκη- 
η δικαίως 

— ών (before αν) : assimilated from 
cognate accus. to case of omitted 
antecedent, HA. 996 a. 2 ; G. 1032 ; 
B. 484. 1, 486; Gl. 614. For ών 
Ιφίζνται (without assimilation) see 
HA. 739, 996 a. 1 ; G. 1099, 1033 ; 
B. 356; Gl. 510 d. — 4£αμάρτα>σ-ιν : 
indefinite, hypothetical sins of 
the future (general future supposi- 
tion) ; Ιφίζνται (indie), the defi- 
nite, known aims of the present. 

— δή : force, see on 25. 9 (B). — 
άφήσΌΐκην : a monitory protasis. 
For the future indie, in minatory 

and monitory conditions see 
GMT. 447 n. 1 ; G. 1405; Gl. 
648 b. So in §§29, 74, 85, 90; 
22. 17, 34. 6. — τηρούμενους: see 
Crit. Note. We infer that some 
of the states friendly to Athens 
had made formal proclamation 
excluding members of the late 
oligarchy from taking refuge with 
them. While Eleusis had been 
set apart as an asylum for the 
Thirty and their supporters, it" is 
not unlikely that some, fearing that 
the democracy would not keep its 
promise of immunity, sought refuge 
in other states. 

36. οΰν: for ovv as a particle 

of emphasis see on 19. 7 (A). — 

Scivov ct : the thought as it lies in 

Lysias's mind at the beginning is 

ου δεινον icm 

(τους /acv στρατηγούς . . . 0α- 
νάτω Ιζημιώσατε 
τούτους δε . .*. ου κολάσεσθε ; 
but as he comes to the climax the 
thought ουκ ουν δεινον is too re- 
mote, and he turns to a stronger, 


/ et τους \fiv] στρατηγούς^ g£ h&KW ναυμαχουντες, 

^ οτ€ δια χειμώνα ονχ οίοι τ* εφασαν thai τους εκ της 

θαΚάττης άνελέσθαι, θανάτω έζημιώσα&ε, ηγούμενοι 

more passionate form in the direct 
appeal ουκ άρα χρη . . . κολά- 
ζίσθαχ ; this leaves τούτους without 
government, and the introductory 
ei, which was brought in by the 
expected ov κολάσεσ^, apparently, 
but only apparently, stands in the 
place of οτι. — ίν£κων : tense, see 
on αδικώ § 14. — tovs *k τή$ 
θαλάττης : in speaking of the same 
event Plato uses τους in της 
ναυμαχίας (Apol. 32 b) ; con- 
structs praegnans, τους c#c της 
θαλάττης standing both for τους 
iv τη θαλάττη, and €#c της θαλάτ- 
της (with άν€λ€σ0αι). HA. 788 a ; 
G. 1225; B. 398 n. 3. — θανάτω 
Φΐμιώ<τατ€ : in the summer of 406 
. the Athenian fleet under Conon 
was shut up in the harbor of 
Mytilene by the Lacedaemonians. 
Desperate efforts were made for 
their rescue; a new fleet was 
hastily equipped and manned by 
a general call to arms. Seldom 
had an expedition enlisted so 
many citizens of every class. The 
new fleet met the enemy off the Ar- 
ginusae islands, and, in the greatest 
naval battle ever fought between 
Greek fleets, won a glorious vic- 
tory. The generals, wishing to 
push on in pursuit of the enemy, 
detailed forty-seven ships under 

subordinate officers to rescue the 
Athenian wounded from the wreck- 
age. A sudden storm made both 
pursuit and rescue impossible, and 
more than 4000 men, probably 
half of them Athenian citizens, 
were lost. The blow fell upon so 
many homes in Athens that public 
indignation against the generals 
passed all bounds, and the gen- 
erals were condemned to death. 
Not only was the sentence in 
itself unjust, but it was carried by 
a vote against the accused in a 
body, in violation of the law's 
guaranty of a separate vote upon 
the case of every accused citizen. 
A reaction in feeling followed, a 
part of the general reaction against 
the abuses of the democracy. 
That the popular repentance was 
not as general or as permanent as 
it ought to have been is clear 
from the fact that now, three years 
after the event, Lysias dares ap- 
peal to this precedent as ground 
for righteous severity in the pres- 
ent case ; he is evidently not afraid 
that it will be a warning to them 
to beware of overseverity when 
acting under passion. ' Yet he 
shows his consciousness that he is 
on dangerous ground, for he takes 
pains, to state the defense of the 



225 χρηναι rrj (τωντεθνεωτων apery παρ* εκείνων δίκην 
λαβείν, τούτουςίδε^οϊ ίδιώται μεν οντες καθ 9 όσον εδύ- 
ναντο εποίησαν ήττηθήναι ναυμαχουντας, επειδή δε εις 
την αρχήν κατέστησαν, ομολογουσιν εκόντες πολλούς 
των πολιτών άκριτους αποκτιννυναι, ουκ αρα χρη αν 

230 τους καϊ τους παιδας υφ* υμών ταΐς εσχάταις ζτ//χίαις 
κολάζεσ θ αι ; cpv'~" 

37 'Εγώ τοίνυν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, ήζίουν ικανά cu^cu 
ατηγοοημένα ' μέχρι γαρ τούτου νομίζω χρηναι 

τα κα 

generals and the ground on which 
it was overruled. — τη άριτη : for 
Lysias's rare use of personification 
see Introd. p. 25, n. 5. — Ιδιώται 
... έπ-οίησ-αν ήττηθήναΐτΐ Lysias 
appeals confidently to the popular 
suspicion that the oligarchical 
clubs were in negotiation with the 
Spartans during the last years of 
the war, and that the catastrophe 
at Aegospotami was a piece of 
sheer treachery carried out under 
their plans. The mismanagement 
there was so notorious that we are 
not surprised at the suspicion, 
though it is doubtful whether there 
was real cause for it. The sus- 
picion was greatly increased by 
the fact that one general slipped 
away unharmed, while another 
was released by the Spartans, 
although all the other Athenian 
prisoners were put to death. — καϊ 
tovs iratSas: an exaggeration, as 
it is in § 83, where he says that 
the death of these men and that 

of their children would not be 
sufficient punishment for them. 
No one ever seriously proposed 
at Athens to put sons to death 
for their fathers' crimes, but lesser 
penalties were put upon them; 
loss of civil rights (ατιμία) was 
often visited upon the sons of a 
man condemned, and the common 
penalty of death and confiscation 
of property brought heavy suffer- 
ing to the family (so in the case 
of the family for which Lysias 
pleads in Speech XIX). Yet even 
here the treatment was not inhu- 
man ; Demosthenes says (27.65), 
"Even when you condemn any 
one, you do not take away every- 
thing, but you are merciful to wife 
or children, and leave some part 
for them." 

37. τοίννν: force, see on 16. 7. 
— ήξίουν κτλ. : άξιον ην ικανά, ctvat 
τα κατηγορημένα would mean, the 
charges ought to be sufficient ; but 
in order to add to this the idea 


κατηγορειν, εως αν ,υανατου όοςτ) τω φευγοντι αςια 

235 ειργάσθαι. ταύτημ,.^αρ φτχάτην δίκην ^ υνάμεθ μ παρ* 

αυτών λαβείν, ώστ ουκ οΐδ'( ο*τΐ/ δει πολλά κατηγο• 

ρειν τοιούτων ανδρών, οι ούδ* αν υπέρ ενός εκάστου 

των πεπραγμένων δις αποθανόντες δίκην δούναι, άξίαν 

239 δύναιντο. , ν ' t 

38 Ου γαρ δή ούδε τούτο αυτώ προσήκει ποιησαι, 

όπερ εν τηδε τη πάλει <jEi&&ji€vdP\ εστί, προς μεν 

τα κατηγορημένα μηδέν άπολογείσσαι, περί δε σφών 

αυτών έτερα λέγοντες ενίοτε εζαπατώσιν, υμιν αποδει- 

"I think," the Greek substitutes 
for ά£ιον ην {ought) the verb άξιόω 
(/ think . . . ought), putting it in 
the mood and tense proper to 
άξιον ην, we translate, then, / 
think the charges ought to be suffi- 
cient. For non-use of αν see on 
είκος ην § 2J. — τφ φιύγοντι : dat. 
of agent with ειργάσθαι. — ταύτην : 
the neut. pronoun is assimilated 
in gender to its predicate apposi- 
tive φίκψ) as always in Lysias. 
Cp. 16. 6, 24. 10, 25. 13, 25. 23, 
25. 28. See GS. 127; B. 465.— 
αυτών: plural because of the plu- 
rality implied in the indefinite τώ 
φενγοντι, to which it refers. — ούκ 
ot8* & τι: the τι (adverbial ace.) 
of the direct question becomes ο τι 
of the indirect. HA. 719 c, 700; 
G. 1060, 1013; B. 336, 490; Gl. 
540, 621. — wip: see on 25. 5. — 
4vos : the word adds emphasis to 
the individuality in εκάστου, each 

one. The speech against Ergocles 
(XXVIII) opens with words simi- 
lar to these : τα μλν κατηγορημένα 
όντως εστί πολλά, και δανά, ω 
άνδρες * Αθηναίοι, ώστε ουκ αν μοι 
δοκεΐ δΰνασ#αι Έργοκλής υπέρ 
ενός εκάστου των πεπραγμένων 
αύτω πολλάκις αποθανών δούναι 
$£κην άζίαν τω νμετερω πληθει the 
charges are so many and so grave, 
Athenians, that it does not seem to 
me that Ergocles, though he should 
die many deaths for each one of 
his deeds, could pay sufficient pen- 
alty to you the people. 

38. γάρ : force, as noted on 16. 
10.— δή: force, see on 25. 9 (B). 
— ού . . . ούδί: for the double 
negative see on 16. 10. — έξαιτατώ- 
<riv : a change from the infin. con- 
struction begun in απολογείσαι 
to the independent indicative ; the 
anacoluthon makes it possible to 
present the long and detailed 



κνύντες ως στρατιώται άγαμοι είσιν, η ως πολλάς των 
245 πολεμίων ναυς ελαβον τριηραρχήσαντες, η ως πόλεις 
39 πολέμιας ούσας φίλας εποίησαν ' \επει κελεύετε αύτον 
άποδεΐζαι δπου τοσούτους των πολεμίων άπεκτειναν 
όσους των πολιτών, η ναυς δπου τοσαύτας ελαβον δσας 
249αύτοΙ ττ\ρεοοσαν, η πάλιν ηντινα τοιαύτην προσεκτή- 
ν Μσαντο οΓαι/ την υμετεραν κατεδουλώσαντο.\άλλα γαρ 

thought of the second member in second οπού and the correspond- 

a simpler and more direct form. 

— τριηραρχήσ -avTcs : note that the 
time of this aorist partic. is coin- 
cident with that of the leading 
verb, ελαβον. " The action of the 
aorist participle is ordinarily prior, 
but it may be coincident, so espe- 
cially when the leading verb is 
aorist or future," GS. 339. Cp. 
HA. 856 b; G. 1290; B. 543,545. 

— φίλος : φιλίας is more common ; 
but cp. Dem. 19. 137 Άμφίπολιν 
. . . ην τότε σνμμαχον αυτόν και 
φίλψ εγραψεν {enrolled) ; Dem. 
20. 59 κα * παράσχοντες φίλην νμΐν 
την αυτών πατρίδα; Isoc. 1 6. 21 
πόλεις . . . φίλας νμίν εποίησε. 

39• For the use of antithesis 
in this section and the next see 
App. § 57. 1. — iirtt: introducing 
the reason for the statement above, 
ov προσήκει ; for tell him to show 
is here only a more emphatic way 
of saying, k< for he could not show." 

— ferovs : for the number see note 
on § 17. — vavs δπου: the first 
οπον had its natural place at the 
beginning of its clause, but the 

ing ηντινα of the third question 
are displaced to give emphasis of 
position to ναυς and πάλιν. — παρ- 
έδοσΌ,ν : though the ships were 
all lost before the establishment 
of the Thirty, the oligarchical 
leaders were commonly charged 
with having betrayed the fleet at 
Aegospotami (cp. on § 36), and 
were held responsible for the terms 
of the final surrender, which in- 
cluded the surrender of all but 
twelve of the war-ships that re- 
mained (Xen. Hell. 2. 2. 20, Andoc. 
3. 12). — οΐαν: the use of this 
relative adjective where the Eng- 
lish has only i as' 1 enables the 
Greek to use a more compact 

40. άλλα γάρ κτλ. : but in fact 
they seized so many arms of the 
enemy (and only so many) as they 
took from you ; they captured such 
walls (and only such) as the walls 
of tJieir country, which they dis- 
mantled; i.e. you, their fellow- 
citizens, are the only enemy that 
they ever faced. — άλλα, γάρ: see 



όπλα των πολεμίων τοσαντα εσκύλευσαν οσα περ υμών 
άφείλοντο, άλλα τείχη τοιαύτα εΐλον οία της εαυτών 
πατρίδος κατεσκαφαν * οΐτινες και τα περί την Άττι- \ * • ^ 
κην φρούρια καθεΐλον, και ύμΐν εδήλωσαν art ουόε τον u ^ 

255Π€ΐραί.ά Αακεδαιμονίων προσταττόντων περιεΐλον, αλλ 5 
δτι έαντοΐς την άρχην ούτω βεβαιοτεραν ενόμιζον thai,. 

41 - Πολλάκις ουν εβαυμασ-α της τόλμης τών λεγόντων 

Η Α. 1050. 4 d; G1. 672 d. In 
άλλα. yap the original confirmatory 
force of yap is preserved (see on 
19. 12) ; it is not for, but surely, 
certainly j in fact. It is often 
better left untranslated in Eng- 
lish. We are not to assume an 
ellipsis and yap in the causal sense 
but this is so, for. An emphatic. 
but is natural in closing the dis- 
cussion of a point ;' άλλα yap is 
often so used. Cp. § 99; 22. 11, 
24. 14, 24. 21, 25. 17, 34. JO.— 
νμΑψ: possess, gen. in the series 
νμετίραν . . . των πολεμίων . . . 
υμών . . . της εαυτών πατρίδος. — 
&φ€(λοντο: for the seizure of the 
arms of all citizens outside the 
3000 supporters of the Thirty, see 
Xen. Hell. 2. 3. 20. This meant 
more than the crippling of the 
power of the people to resist. It 
was a keen personal affront to 
every man, for the lance and 
shield of the Athenian hoplite 
were an outward sign of his politi- 
cal and social rank. Lycurgus 
speaks of them (76) as Upa. δπλα. 
The seizure of these arms, which 

many of the citizens had carried 
through all the years of the Pelo- 
ponnesian War, was one of the 
most outrageous acts of the Thirty. 
— otnves: the simple relative 01 
is replaced by the indefinite rel. 
in a characterizing clause. 05 
specifies; οσπερ specifies and 
identifies, laying stress upon the 
identity (cp. 22. 15, 24. 21,25. 20, 
25. 22, 25. 31, 32. 15, 34. 1, 34. 5) ; 
while δστις often characterizes, = 
the sort oftnan who. *' With όστις 
you relegate the man to the class 
of people who do that sort of 
thing; with ος ye you have in 
mind only the man himself and 
his deed" (Forman, Selections 
from Plato, p. 450). Cp. § 84, 
25. 17, 25. 18, 25. 23.— φρούρια: 
we have no other knowledge of 
this treacherous recall of frontier 

41. !θαΰ|ΐα<Γα . . . όταν ενθυ- 
μηθώ: for the tense of Ιθανμασα 
see on κατίστην § 3• As the aor. 
expresses here a repeated action 
it properly stands as apodosis of 
the general protasis όταν €νβνμηθω. 



ύπερ αυΓου/πλήρ οται/ _ένθυμζ)&ω δτι των αύτων Ιστιν 
259 αυτούς τ€ πάντα τα κακά έργάζεσθαι κςά τους τοιούτους 

42 hraiveiv. ου γαρ νυν πρώτον τω ύμετέρω π\ηθ€ΐ τα 
Ιναντία επραξεν, άλλα καϊ επί των τβτρακοσίωίί Ιν τω 
στρατοπέδω ολιγαρχίαν καθίστας\ ίφζυγε ν 4ζ Έλλτ/- 
σπόντου (τριήραρχος καταΚιπων την ναυι} 9 ]ΐ€τά *\ατρο- 
κλέους και έτερων, ων τά ονόματα ουδέν δέομαι \iytiv. 

26s άφικόμενος δε δενρο τάι /awta τοις βου\ομ4νοις δημο- 

κρατίαν elvai eV/aarre* και τούτων μάρτυρας ύμΐν 


43 Ύον μέν τοίνυν μζταξυ βίον αύτου παρήσω ' έπβιδη 
8c η i/avfta^ta καϊ η συμφορά τύ} πόλβι iyevero, δήμο- 

— των αυτών : a pred. gen. is often 
used to denote one whose nature 
it is to do the act expressed by 
an accompanying infin. HA. 
732 c. — ιτάντα τά κακά: as in 
§ 33. — τού$ τοιούτου$ : i.e. τους 
πάντα τά κακά εργαζομένους. 

42. τω ύα€τέρφ ιτλήθ€ΐ : the 
common term for the democratic 
body of citizens in distinction from 
the oligarchical faction. — &r£: 
force, see on § 17. The time is 
here to be taken broadly, including 
the months of preparation. — τών 
τ€τρακοσίων : see Introd. p. 35. 

— καθιστάβ: conative imperf. of 
an act preliminary to the main 
verb ίφευγεν. See on άνιωμένον 
§ 32. — tycvycv : imperf. of the 
beginning of the flight (see on 
ίβάΗον § 8), the end of which 

# is expressed by άφίκόμενος. We 
must conclude that while the 
leaders of the movement were 
working at Athens and among the 
allied cities (Thuc. 8. 64. 1), Era- 
tosthenes was cooperating with 
them in the fleet on the Hellespont, 
which had headquarters at Ses- 
tos. — καταλιιτών : and so guilty 
of desertion, for the trierarch was 
required to serve in person as 
commander of his ship (for some 
exceptions see on 19. 62). — Ίατρο- 
κλά>υ$ : otherwise unknown. — 
ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕΣ : the clerk of the court 
here reads the depositions of wit- 
nesses, the witnesses themselves 
only acknowledging the written 
testimony as theirs. App. § 20. 

43. toCvw: see on 16. 7 (D). — 
ucto£v: i.e. from 412/ 11-405 B.C. 


2?0 κρατιας ετι ουσης,\ οθΐν της στάσεως ήρζανή 

dvBp€$ εφόρου κμ τεστησ αν νπο τών καλουμένων εταί- 
ρων, συναγωγεΐς μεν των πολιτών, άρχοντες δε των 
συνωμοτών, εναντία δε τω ύμετερω πλήθει πράττον- 

44 τες ' ων Ερατοσθένης και Κριτίας ήσαν. ούτοι δε 

— ή ναυμαχία: the addition of η 
συμφορά makes clear what battle 
is meant. Lysias elsewhere calls 
it η τελευταία ναυμαχία (i8. 4, 
21. 9), η ναυμαχία ή iv Ελλιρ- 
σπόντα» (19• ΐ6), η iv Ελλήσποντο» 
συμφορά (ι 6. 4)• — ^ €V : the 
antecedent of όθεν is here, as often 
with όθεν, the whole following 
clause. Here this position serves 
the periodic form by avoiding any 
interruption in the close succes- 
sion : πέντε άνδρες έφοροι κατέ- 
στησαν ... Ι συναγωγεΐς μεν των 
πολιτών | άρχοντες δέ των συνω- 
μοτών \ εναντία δέ . . . πράττοντες. 

— έφοροι : a central committee, in 
control of the political machine. 
As the leaders of the pro-Spartan 
party, they were well named after 
the Spartan Ephors. The steps 
recounted here were the prelimi- 
nary, secret steps taken to organize 
the anti-democratic citizens, pre- 
paratory to the open attempt to 
set aside again the democratic 
constitution. The organization 
was effected through the league 
of secret oligarchical clubs, εται- 
ρευαι; see Introd. p. 37. — κατά- 
στησαν : the passive force of this 

intrans. act. form justifies the 
agent construction with νπό; cp. 
the trans, κατέστησαν § 2 1 . — 
KpiTias: the secret oligarchical 
clubs had played a large part in 
the revolution of 411 B.C., and 
had probably continued after the 
overthrow of the Four Hundred. 
When Lysander received the sur- 
render of the city (April, 404), 
former members and supporters 
of the Four Hundred who had 
been in exile entered the city with 
him ; among these was Critias. 
It is probable that it was these 
returned exiles, who felt them- 
selves unsafe under the democracy, 
who put new energy into the 
"clubs" and organized their new 
central committee (έφοροι) . The 
fact that it was not one of their 
faction, but Theramenes, to whom 
were intrusted the final nego- 
tiations with Sparta as to terms 
of surrender, confirms the suppo- 
sition that their activity was after 
the surrender and the return of 
the oligarchical exiles. Lysias 
chooses here to represent it as 
before the surrender, in order to 
give the impression that Eratos- 



275φν\άρχους re έπι τας φυλάς κατέστησαν, καϊ ο τι 
Scot χ€ΐροτον€ΐσθαι καϊ ονστινας χρ^ίη αρχζιν παρήγ- 
γέλλον, καϊ ει τι άλλο πράττ€ΐν βουλοαπο, κύριοι 
ήσαν' όντως ούχ ύπο τών πολεμίων μόνον άλλα και 
νπο τούτων πολιτών όντων έπεβουλεύεσθε όπως μήτ' 

&ο αγαθόν μηδέν φηφι&σθε πολλών re ενδεείς έσεσθε. 

45 τοντο γαρ καλώς ήπίσταντο, ότι άλλως μεν ούχ οΓοί 
Τ€ έσονται περιγενέσθαι, κακώς δε πραττάντων δύνη- 
σονται' καϊ ν μας ηγονντο τών παρόντων κακών 

Λ+έπιθυμουντας άπαλλαγ^αι π€ρΙ τών μ€λ\όντων ουκ 

thenes sought his own safety in 
the fall of the city (cp. §§ 44-45 ). 
We cannot determine whether 
Lysias is right in charging Eratos- 
thenes with having been one of 
the Ιφοροι. He does not claim 
to have any proof except what his 
witnesses swear they have heard 
Eratosthenes say. The probabil- 
ity is against Lysias's claim, for 
Eratosthenes was certainly the 
close political adherent of The- 
ramenes, and Theramenes did not 
belong to the inner faction of the 
eratpeuu (see the explicit state- 
ment of Arist. Resp. Ath. 34. 3, 
confirmed by Lys. 12. 76). It is 
very strange, moreover, that if 
Eratosthenes was so prominent in 
the first stage of the movement, we 
have no mention of any activity 
on his part in the accounts given 
by Xenophon and Aristotle. 

44. φυλάρχονς, φυλά* : the ten 

phylae were the first political sub- 
divisions of the citizen body. 
These φνλαρχοι were well planned 
as i district leaders' to pass the 
orders of the five chiefs on to the 
club members in their several 
phylae. The name φνλαρχοι is 
borrowed from that of the com- 
manders of the cavalry, the favorite 
military department in aristocratic 
circles. — τταρήγγβλλον : Lysias 
purposely uses the common term 
for passing the orders of a 
military commander down the 
line. — ψηφΐ4ΐοτ6€ : mood, HA. 
885 a; G. 1372; B. 593; Gl. 
638 a. 

45. ττραττόντων : sc. ν μυών. HA. 
972 a; G. 1568: B. 657 n. 1 ; Gl. 
590 a. — τών παρόντων κακών : the 
hearers would naturally understand 
this as referring to the hard pres- 
sure of famine before the sur- 
render; see on Kpmas § 43. 



4β ει>θυμησεσθαι. ως τοίνυν των εφόρων εγενετο, μάρτυ- 
ρας ύμΐν παρέζομαι, ου τους τότε συμπράττοντας (ου 
γαρ αν δυναίμην), αλλά τους αύτου Ερατοσθένους άκού- 

Μσαντας. καίτοι ^κάκεΐνοι ει εσωφρόνουν καταμαρτυρούν 
αν αυτών, και τους διδασκάλους των σφετερων άμαρτη- 

ζνομάτων σφόδρ* αν εκόλαζον, καϊ τους όρκους, ει εσωφρό- 
νουν, ουκ αν επί μεν τοις των πολιτών κακοΐς πιστούς 
ενόμιζον, επι 8ε τοις της πόλεως άγαθοΐς ραδίως παρετ 
βαινον. προς μεν ουν τούτους τοσαυτα λέγω, τους δε 

294 μάρτυρας μοι κάλει. Και ύμεΐς άνάβητε. 

ν ■ Γ ' 5>ΰ;/Τ 


48 Των μεν μαρτύρων άμ^^κόατε. τω fif τελευταΖον εις 
την άρχην kpt"-****-? αγαθού μεν ούδενος μετέσχεν, 

47• τονβ 8ρκον«: they would 
not, if they were wise, hold invio- 
lable the initiation oaths of their 
political clubs, while lightly vio- 
lating the oath of loyalty which 
they had taken as Ephebi entering 
on citizenship, τονς όρκους in- 
cludes both oaths. The construc- 
tion is — 

el Ισωφρόνονν 

Λ f €7Tl UCV . 

κ αν ] , ν C 

. Ινόμίζον 

The English construction would 
put "would not" with only one 
of the clauses, and express the 
other by " while " with a participle. 
The Greek gives the sharper 
antithesis and so expresses the 

thought more precisely. — irpos : 
see on 32. 19, Crit. Note. — |icv 
οΰν: force, see on 12. 3 (C). — 
κάλα : addressed to the court crier 
(κηρνζ). — άνάβητ€ : i.e. to the 
platform, to acknowledge their 
written testimony. (See App. 

48. άκηκόατ€ : the testimony is 
before you. As commonly with 
the perfect the emphasis is not 
on the past action (the hearing), 
but on the present, result. — ιήν 
*ΡΧή ν : Wilamowitz (Arist. u. 
Athen. II. 219) calls attention to 
this expression as supporting the 
theory that Eratosthenes is under- 
going δοκιμασία for his office, not 
being tried for murder (cp. Introd. 



άλλων Se πολλών, καίτοι εΐπερ rjv άνηρ αγαθός, εχρήν 
αντον πρώτον μεν μη παρανόμως άρχ€υν, ενόντα τβ 
βσυλτ} μηνντην γίγνεσθαι περί των άσαγγελυων άπα- 
3ρο σων, στι ψευδές elevl και Βάτραχ ος καΐ Αισχυλίδης ου 
τάΧηθη μψαϊονσΊ,ν, άλλα τα υπο των τριάκοντα πλα- 
σθεντα είσαγγελλουσι, συγκείμενα έπι τί} των πολιτών 

ρ. 44)- — «λλϋ» «wXXmv: for κα- 
tamw mtXXuv. Such euphemism is 
common in referring to troubles 
and disasters- To use it of Era- 
tosthenes's crimes gives a fine 
touch of irony. — cfvtp : see on 

$27- — h&v- xri($%3h33)i* 3 

feminine noun, with εστί supplied. 
χρην (| 32) is for χμη ην. so 
having an augment in ην. The 
other imperf. form, ίχρψ* some- 
what less frequent than χρψ\ is 
made by the mistaken addition 
of another augment to the form 
χρην; hence its peculiar accent. 
On the possibility of av here with 
εχρην see Crit. Note. — αντόν : in- 
tensive. — ρφΊττήν : as in § 32. — 
yiyvertmi: present, of a series of 
informations : in § 32 χρην . - . 
μηνντην γενέσθαι (aorist) refers to 
a specific case. — tlmyyOuir: in 
the process called απαγγελία, the 
Thirty found a legal name for their 
illegal acts. The εισαγγελία under 
the democracy was a process by 
which any citizen could file infor- 
mation before the Senate, and 
secure more summary action than 
through the ordinary course of 

law: but the accused had oppor- 
tunity for defense before the 
Senate, and. in the more serious 
cases, before the Ecclesia or a 
law court which had final juris- 
diction. Under the Thirty the 
accused lost these privileges of 
defense- — Βάτραχοε : one of the 
most notorious of the informers: 
although protected from legal 
prosecution under the terms of 
the amnesty, he did not venture 
to return to Athens ( [Lys.] 6. 45 ). 
Of Aeschylides we know only that 
Lysias selects him as a worthy 
mate for Batrachus. — Λν . . . 
^ψνουσχψ : the choice between 
opt. of ind. disc, and the mood 
of the direct depends so en- 
tirely on the momentary feeling 
of the speaker that it is not 
strange that as Lysias proceeds 
to give the details of what Era- 
tosthenes should have said, he 
passes over to the mood of the 
direct discourse : see GMT. 670. 
— σ-νγκί#*£τα: used as pass, of 
σνντίθημ^ here in its bad sense, 
concocted. — er£ : force, see on 




*& βλάβίβ. και μεν δη, & άνδρες δικασταί, όσοι κακονοι 
ήσαν τω ύμετερω πλήθει, ούδεν ελαττον εΐχον σιω- 

3<>5πωντες' έτεροι γαρ ήσαν οι λέγοντες και πράττοντας 
ων ούχ οΐόν τ ην μείζω κακά yc^eV^at τη πάλει, 
οπόσοι δ' εΖνοί φασιν είναι, πως ουκ eVraC^a έδει- 
ξαν, αυτοί τε τα βέλτιστα λέγοντες και τους εξαμαρ- 

3Ρ9 τάνοντας άποτ ρέποντες ; / 

50 *1σως δ* άν(εχοι) ειπείν οτι εδεδόίκει, και υμών τούτο 
ενίοις ικανον εσται. όπως τοίνυν μη φανησεται εν τω 
λόγω τοις τριάκοντα εναντιούμενος ' ει βε μη, ενταυθοΐ 

49• καΐ |tcv 8ή : force, see on 
§ 30• — σιωιτώντ€5: Eratosthenes 
cannot claim that silence in this 
crisis showed disapproval ; such 
men " were none the worse off for 
their silence," for there were other 
conspirators whose function it was 
to speak and act, and the silent 
men shared their evil gains. Out- 
spoken opposition was the only 
proof of patriotism in those times. 
— «ν ούχ κτλ. : than which no 
greater evils could have come to 
the city. The case of ών is gov- 
erned by μ.είζω ; its antecedent is 
the omitted object of Xtyovres and 
πράττοντες. — ctveu : tense, see on 
avrtXeyeiv § 26. — airorpiirovrts : 
conative present. See on Ίτννθά- 

V€(T$(LL § 2. 

50. Sires . . . φανήσ€ται : a 
colloquial expression of warning, 
HA. 886; G. 1352; B. 583 n. 3; 
Gl.638.b5 GMT. 271.— toCvw: 


force, see on 16. 7 (A). — iv τφ 
λόγω : in his speech. Lysias fore- 
sees that Eratosthenes will lay 
great stress upon the fact that he 
belonged to the faction of The- 
ramenes, the man who lost his life 
in trying to check the abuses of 
Critias and the extreme oligarchs. 
Eratosthenes will certainly claim 
that he joined Theramenes in op- 
posing the crimes of his colleagues. 
Lysias shrewdly tries to forestall 
this plea by claiming that if Era- 
tosthenes was strong enough ever 
to oppose, his failure to oppose in 
cases like those just' mentioned in 
§ 48 must have been due to his 
approval of what was being done. 

— £vavno4|icvos : tense, see on 
άνιωμ,ένου § 32. — cl 8c μή : other- 
wise; the expression became a 
formula, not necessarily negative. 

— Ινταυθοΐ: the -t is the locative 
ending, as in οίκοι, πέδοι ; so 

9 8 


δ^λος εσται οτι εκείνα τε αύτω ήρεσκε, καϊ τοσούτον 
εδύνατο ώστε εναντιούμενος μηδέν κακόν παθείν υπ 

ράντων, χρην δ' αυτόν ύπερ της υμετέρας σωτηρίας 
ταύτην την προθυμίαν εχειν, άλλα μη υπέρ Θηραμέ- 
νους, ος εις ύμας πολλά εζημαρτεν. Ι αλλ' ούτος τηιι 

^μέν^τό^Αΐ^ εχθροί/ ivAptffv είναι., τους (JT/ υμετέρους 
εχθρούς φίλους, ώς αμφότερα ταύτα εγώ πολλοίς. 

$*οτεκμηρίοις παραστήσω, καϊ τάς προς άλλτίλους δια- 
φορα^ ού\ ύπερ υμών αλλ* υπέρ εαυτών γχρίομένας, 
όπότεροι τα πράγματα πράξουσι καϊ της πόλεως 

Ίσθμώ, McyapoT; cp. on 19. 28 and 
63. — δήλος: with ότι we usually 
find the impersonal οηλον ; with the 
personal form a participle usually 
follows ; cp. § 90 δήλοι εσεσθε ως 
όργιζόμενοι, and 24. 3 δί}λός Ιστι 
φθόνων. — iicciva: the tiaayycXuu 
of § 48. — €ts : force, see on προς 
32. 19, Crit. Note. 

51. ιταρασ-τήσω : this verb, in- 
troduced in a parenthetical clause, 
becomes for the remainder of 
the sentence the governing verb, 
throwing γιγνομένας out of the in- 
die, (it should be coordinate with 
€v<)/u£cv) into the par tic. of ind. 
disc. — irpos: see on 32. 19, Crit. 
Note. — γιγνομ^να* : tense, see on 
άνιωμ,ενον § 32. — oiroTcpoi : which 
faction^ that of Theramenes or 
that of Critias. Isocrates, writing 
a quarter of a century after the 
events discussed here, contrasts 
the spirit of the parties of later 

times with that of the parties in 
the time of the Persian wars. He 
says of the men of the earlier time 
(4. 79) : ούτω oc πολιτικώς ειχον, 
ώστε καϊ τας στάσας εποιονντο 
προς αλλήλους, ονχ όπότεροι τους 
έτερους άπολεσαντες τών λοιπών 
άρζουσιν, αλλ' 6πότ€ροι φθήσονται 
την πάλιν ayaOov τι ποιήσαντες ' 
καϊ τας εταιρείας συνηγον ονχ νπερ 
τών ίδ«α συμφερόντων αλλ' επι Ty 
τον πλήθους ωφελεία they were 
so public spirited that even their 
party struggles were not to see 
which party could destroy the other 
and rule the rest, but which could 
be the first to do the state some ser- 
vice. And their secret clubs tliey 
formed, not for their private in- 
terests, but for the service of the 
state. Isocrates found warrant for 
this view in Herodotus, who rep- 
resents Aristides as beginning his 
night interview with his party op- 



52αρζουσιν. el γαρ υπέρ των αδικούμενων έστασίαζον, 
που κάλλιον ήν άνδρι άρχοντι, η ^Θρασυβούλου Φυλήίϊ 

325 κατ€ί\ηφότο^ τότε €7Γΐδεί£α(Γ#αι την αυτού eivoiav; 6 
δ* αντί του ΙπαγγειΚασθαί tl η πράζαι αγαθόν προς 
τους 4πΙ Φνλτ}, έλθων μ€τά των συναρχόντων είς 2αλα- 
μίνα και Έλευσϊιχιδβ τριακόσιους των πολιτών άπηγα- 
γεν el% το δεσμωτήριον, και /χια ψήφω αυτών απάντων 

33° θάνατον κατεψηφίσατο. 

53 'Επειδή δε eW τον Πειραιά τ ξλ^σρΕ ιΑ και αϊ ταραχαι 
γεγενημεναι ryrojr Ι και περί των διαλλαγώι> οί-λόγοι 

ponent, Themistocles, before the 
battle of Salamis with these words 
(8. 79) : ήμέας στασιάζειν χρεόν 
Ιστι ct cv tcc5 αλλω καιρώ και 8η 
και iv τωδε π€ρι τον οκότερος 
ήμ.€ων πλέω άγαθα. την πατρίδα 
Ιργάσεται Now, if ever, we must 
vie one with the other to see which 
one of us will do his country the 
greater service. 

52. κάλλιον fjv: for non-use 
of αν see on ei/cos ην § 27. — 
Φνλήν: for the event see Chron. 
App. Phyle lay high up on the 
pass across Mt. Parnes (hence 
τους liri Φυλ^). — Σαλαμίνα καΐ 
'EXcwrtvdSc : see Chron. App., 
and the full account of the arrest 
of the Eleusinians given by Xeno- 
phon, who was probably one of 
the cavalry who executed it {Hell. 
2. 4. 8-10). — ui$ ψήφω: these 
were Athenian citizens, entitled 
each to a separate verdict in any 
trial ; cp. on § 36. 

53. ήλθοα€ν : Lysias implies 
that he himself was with the exiles 
(see Introd. p. 20). He would 
be safe in returning from Megara 
as soon as Thrasybulus seized 
t Munychia. — ταραχαί: in speak- 
ing to a jury made up of men from 
both sides, Lysias wisely uses a 
mild term for events which in- 
cluded months of armed hostility 
and one desperate battle, in which 
the leader of the Thirty was killed. 
— ol λόγοι : immediately after the 
battle at the Piraeus there was 
friendly conference between the 
troops while under truce for bury- 
ing the dead. Xenophon {Hell. 
2. 4. 20 ff.) gives the earnest appeal 
of one of the exiles. But the more 
formal negotiations began after 
the arrival of the Spartan king, 
Pausanias. — ίπΈΐδη ήλθομιν . . . 
γ€γ€νημΙναι ήσαν . . . l-ytyvovro : 
this combination of tenses is note- 
worthy (GS. 264) : after our ar* 



ej^j^Qjo-o, πολλάς bcgjzpoi ελπίδας ci^spo; προς άλλι/- 

λονς ΖιαΧΚαγήσ^σθαΛ, ως αμφότεροι ίο^ιξαν. ^αί /*αΓ^ 

235 γαρ έκ ΙΙα,ραιώς^ρείττους ovre$ ilaszav αυτούς απελ- 

54#eip O>* Sc ^fe το άστυ ελ^όιτβς τους /ιει> τριάκοντα 

εζέβα&ν. πλην Φείδωνος και *Έ*ρατοσθάκ>υς, άρχοντας 

Sc τους εκείνοις Ιχθίστους tikovro, -ηγούμενοι δικαίως 

339 αν ύπο των αυτών τους tc τριάκοντα μισεΐσθαι και 

rrval . . . afler the completion . . . 
during the discussions, hrtiorj usu- 
ally takes the aor., forming the 
equivalent of the Eng. plup. : when 
it has the plup., it is to lay stress 
upon the completion of the action 
(as here) or upon its abiding 
result ; with the imperf. it repre- 
sents the action as under way. 
— ικατφοι . . . €ΐχο|ΐττ: definite 
recognition of the fact that on 
the jury are members of both 
parties. — SSafav: the text is un- 
certain (see Crit. Note), but the 
change to the third person is not 
strange, as the division into the 
two parties immediately follows. 
The exiles showed their hope of 
reconciliation by letting the van- 
quished return unmolested to the 
city : the city party showed their 
Kke hope by deposing their war 
leaders Kpcirrevs : another in- 
tentionally mild term for the vic- 
tors in a hard battle. 

54. {ξφαλον: the Thirty were 
probably not formally banished: 
but deposed from office, only the 

least compromised among them 
could safely remain, as the peace 
party was apparently coming into 
control. Cp. Xen- Hell. 2. 4. 
23 f. ksmjl το rcAcvnuor α/τηφισαντο 
€K€ivovs phr κατατανσαχ. άλλον? 
oe eAercW. καΐ elXovro ooca. era 
euro φνλι/ς. καΐ οι μεν τριάκοντα 
Έληχτικάδ* άτηλθον And finally 
they voted to depose tkem and elect 
others. And they elected ten* one 
from each phyle. And the Thirty 
went to Eleusis : Arist. Resp. Ath. 
38. I rois /act τριάκοντα κατίλν- 
σαν. aipoxYToi oe ooca τύτ toXitwv 
αίτοκράτορας ext rrpr τον xoXe- 
μον κατάλνιτιν They deposed the 
Thirty, and they elect ten citizens. 
tirith full p>.m:er. to put a stop to 
the war. — Έρ*το*#ένον$ : Era- 
tosthenes was not one of the new 
board. The feet that he dared to 
remain in the city is a strong argu- 
ment in his favor, which Lysias tries 
to counteract by throwing upon 
him the odium of connection with 
Phidon. — Inims: the Thirty as 
represented by the war faction- — 



55 τους εν ΤΙειραιεΐ φιλεΐσθαι. τούτων τοίνυν Φείδων γενό- 
μενος και Ίπποκλής και Έπιχάρης 6 Ααμπτρεύς και 
έτεροι οί δοκουντες είναι εναντιώτατοι Χ,αρικλεΐ καϊ 
Κριτία καϊ ττ} εκείνων εταιρεία,, [επειδή αύτοι εις την^. 
344 αρχήν κατέστησαν, πολύ μείζω στάσιν και πόλεμον 
δββπϊ τους εν ΤΙειραιεΐ τοις εζ άστεως εποίησαοΰ ω και 
φανερώς επεδείζαντο δτι ούχ ύπερ των εν ΤΙειραιεΐ 
ούδ' ύπερ των αδίκως άπολλυμένων εστασίαζον, ούδ* οί 
τεθνεωτες αυτούς ελύπουν ούδ* οί μέλλοντες αποθάνει- 
349 σ*#αι, αλλ* οί μείζον δυνάμενοι καϊ θάττον πλουτούντες* 
57 λαβόντες γαρ τάς αρχάς καϊ την πόλιν άμφοτέροις επο- 

|iurcfcrO<u, φιλ€ΐσ-θαι : on the rhe- 
torical form see App. § 57. 3. 

55. Έιτιχάρης 6 AapirTpcvs : 
Andocides describes an Epichares 
as a sycophant under the demo- 
cracy, a tool of the Thirty, and a 
member of the Senate under 
them (Andoc. i. 95, 99). — Χαρι- 
kXci: Xenophon {Mem. 1. 2. 31) 
and Aristotle {Pol. 1305*» 25) speak 
of him as a leader of the extreme 
faction. — τη IkcCvcov ircupcC^: the 
"club" element formed only a 
part of the Thirty. There was a 
large conservative element in the 
city who were dismayed at seeing 
the radicals with Critias in con- 
trol ; they now took the lead, but 
were again disappointed in that 
the new board of Ten fell under 
control of men who were in full 
sympathy with the Thirty at Eleu- 
sis, actively cooperated with them, 

and continued their war policy. It 
was an instance, not infrequent in 
modern times, of the better ele- 
ment in a city rising up under 
a sudden impulse and apparently 
overthrowing a political machine, 
only to find the machine still in 
control after the excitement was 
over. — στάσαν καϊ iroXcpov : on 
the συνωνυμία see App. § 58. 2. 
— Iirt: see on προς yz. 19, Crit. 

56. arrcurCagov, ίλνιτουν: pro- 
gressive imperfects of acts previ- 
ous to €7rc8ct^aKTo. The simple 
Eng. plup. secures the expression 
of the preliminary time (not ex- 
pressed in the Greek) at. the 
sacrifice of the expression of the 
progressive quality of the act ; but 
the Eng. forms "had been quar- 
reling," "had been troubling" 
combine both ideas. 




λεμονν, τοις τε τριάκοντα πάντα κακά είργασμενοις και 
νμΐν πάντα κακά πεπονθό&ι. " καίτοι τοντο πάσι δηλον 
ην, στι ει μεν εκείνοι δικαίως εφενγον, νμεΐς αδίκως, 
ei δ* νμεΐς δικαίως, οι τριάκοντα αδίκως' ου γαρ δη 
355 έτερων έργων αιτίαν λαβόντες εκ της πόλεως εζέπεσον, 
58 άλλα τούτων, ώστε σφόδρα γρη οργίζεσθαι, ότι Φ€ΐ- 
δων αίρεθείς υμάς διαλλά^αι και καταγαγ€ΐι> των αντων 
έργων Έρατοσθένει μετείχε και τη αύτη γνώμη τους 
μεν κρείττονς αντων δι ν μας κακώς ποιειν έτοιμος ην, 

57- to£s tc τριάκοντα. : here, as 
in the statement that the city party 
" expelled " the Thirty, Lysias ex- 
aggerates. The Ten, so far from 
making war on the Thirty at 
Eleusis, joined them in asking 
help from Sparta against the dem- 
ocrats. In answer to their com- 
mon request, Lysander came• up 
to Eleusis and there raised a mer- 
cenary force, directly protecting 
the Thirty. Xenophon says {Hell. 
2. 4. 29), οι δ' εν τω άστα πάλιν 
αν ftcya εφρόνονν επί τω Λυσάνδρω 
the city party were again greatly 
encouraged by Lysander's action. 
Indeed, Lysias himself ascribes to 
Phidon the securing of this very 
force which Lysander organized 
at Eleusis (§ 59) . — πάντα κακά : 
but in § 33 πάντα τά κακά. — νμϊν, 
v|icts: the democratic exiles. So 
large a portion of the jury were 
of the party of the Piraeus that 
Lysias speaks as though all were. 
The other element in the jury were 

not at all offended at being in- 
cluded among the ' patriots.' — 
<ίφ€νγον: were in exile ; see on 
αδικώ § ΐφ — 8ή : see on 25. 9 
(Β) . — α1τ(αν λαβόντ€$ : αιτίαν λα- 
βαν and αιτίαν σχεΐν (ingressive 
aorists) = to incur a charge : αιτίαν 
εχειν = to be under a charge (cp. 
22. 18 πολλών ήδη εχόντων ταύτην 
την αιτίαν) . — εξίπεσ-ον : used as 
passive of εξεβαλον (§ 54), HA. 
820 ; G. 1241 ; Β. 513 ; Gl. 499 a. 
58. οργΗ^σθαι 8τι : see on 
§ 80. — διαλλάξαι : a true dative 
infinitive, HA. 951 ; G. 1532; B. 
640 ; Gl. 565. — καταγαγ€ΐν : again 
he speaks as though all the jury 
were of the Piraeus party. — τη 
αύτη γνώμη : i.e. the same as that 
of Eratosthenes. — τού$ |wv Kpctr- 
του«: their colleagues among the 
Thirty. — 8ι* ύμά$ : through your 
means. For Βιά with ace. see on 
§ 87. The Thirty were deposed 
by the city party, but it was in the 
interest of reconciliation, and so 



$6ο νμΖν δβ αδίκως φεύγουσιν ουκ ηθέλησεν άποδουναι την 
πόλιν, αλλ* ίλθών €t? Αακεδαίμονα επειθεν αυτούς στρα- 
τεύεσθαι, διαβάλλων δτι Βοιωτών η πόλις βσται, και 

59 άλλα λέγων οΐς ωετο πείσειν μάλιστα* ου δυνάμενος 
δε τούτων τυχειν, είτε και τών ιερών Ιμποδών όντων είτε 

3β$καΙ αυτών ου βουλομένων, εκατόν τάλαντα εδα^βι- 

σατο, ι^α €χοι επίκουρους μισσουσσαι, και Αυσανορον 

. άρχοντα ήτήσατο, ευνούστατον μεν οντά ττ} ολιγαρχία, 

κακονούστατον δε ττ} πόλει, μισουντα 8ε μάλιστα τους 

βοεν ΤΙειραιεΐ. μισθωσάμενοι δε πάντας ανθρώπους επ* 

37 ο6λεθρω της πόλεως, και πόλεις ολας επάγοντες, και 
τελευτώντες Αακεδαιμονίους καϊ τών συμμάχων οπόσους 
εδύναντο πβΓσαι, ου διαλλά^αι αλλ* άπολβσαι παρε- 

it was done " thanks to " the exiles. 
The speaker strains the facts for 
the sake of his neat antithesis : 
&' ν μας κακώς ποιέιν Ιτοιμος ην, 
νμΐν δέ . . . άποδουναι την πόλιν. 

— lirciOcv : co native impf. HA. 
832; G. 1255; B. 527; G1.459a; 
GMT. 36; GS. 213. Cp. 19. 22. 

— Βοιωτών : the exiles gathered at 
Thebes before they seized Phyle, 
and were hospitably received there. 

59. €Ϊτ€ καϊ . . . €Ϊτ€ και : the 
correlation of the two clauses is 
emphasized by adding και . . . και 
to είτε . . . είτε. — Upwv : an allu- 
sion to the well-known superstition 
of the Spartans. Lysias may have 
in mind the Carnean festival (Aug.- 
Sept.), which made the Spartans 
too late for the glories of Mara- 

thon (Herod. 6. 106). — αυτών: 
intensive. — €ύνούστατον, κακονού- 
στατον: on the παρονομασία see 
App. § 58. 5. 

60. μισθωσάμενοι: the merce- 
nary force raised by Lysander at 
Eleusis ; it supported the Thirty as 
much as the Ten ; Lysias chooses 
to misrepresent their relation. Cp. 
on § 57. — 4ir όλέθρω: a substan- 
tive purpose construction. See on 
§ 24. — iroXcis 8\os • a great exag- 
geration. The only " cities " which 
sent out troops were those which 
later joined Pausanias, and these 
are included in τών συμμάχων of 
the next line. — ού 8ιαλλάξαι : in- 
serted to keep the jury intent upon 
the central thought that in all this 
Phidon and Eratosthenes were 



σκενάζοντο την πάλιν, εί μη δι άνδρας αγαθούς, όΐς 
37Αυμε7,ς δηλώσατε πάρα των έχθρων δίκην λαβόντες, δτι 
61 /cat εκείνους χάριν αποδώσετε, ταύτα δε έπίστασθε 
μεν και αυτοί, και ουκ οΐδ* ο τι δει μάρτυρας παρασχέ- 
σ#αχ• όμως δε' έγώ τε γαρ δέομαι άϊ>α7Γαύσ-ασ#αι, 
υμών τ ένίοις ηδιον ως πλείστων τους αυτούς λόγους 
379ακούειν.\ ^λ™™™™^ " ■ J ( 



Φέρε δη και περί Θηραμένους $ς αν δύνωμαι^διά 

βραχυτάτων διδάζω. 

betraying their trust and bejying 
their own professions. Note that 
while the infin. (not in ind. 
disc.) regularly takes μη, a nega- 
tived infin. standing in parentheti- 
cal antithesis takes ov. — ct μή δι' 
άνδρας αγαθούς : but for good men. 
For 8«£ with ace. see on § 87. 
d μη διά became a fixed formula, 
like Eng. "but for" (cp. on α 
δ« μη § 5θ). The phrase throws 
its force back upon ατταλέσαι only 
(not upon παρεσκευάζοντο). There 
underlies it the thought that the 
action άπολεσαι did not come to 
pass, and it states whom we have 
to thank for it, HA. 905. 2: G. 
1414. 1 ; B. 616. 2 ; Gl. 656 a. The 
" good men " to whom, above all 
others, the exiles owed their res- 
cue from an apparently hopeless 
situation were the Spartan king, 
Pausanias, and others of the anti- 
Lysander faction in Sparta. Lysias 
shrewdly hints to the jury that in 

δεο/ιαιδ' υμών άκουσαι υπέρ τ 

punishing the men who were re- 
sponsible for Lysander's efforts at 
Eleusis in support of the Thirty and 
the Ten, they will please the pres- 
ent Spartan administration. — ois 
vncis 8ηλώσατ€ : the Eng. requires 
"must" in place of the simpler 
Greek imperative in a relative 
clause ; cp. ώστε with the impv., 16. 
8 N. — IkcCvois : the "good men." 

61. ουκ ot8' δ τι: see on § 37 
and Crit. Note. — δέομαι άναιταύ- 
σ-ασ-θαι : hardly the real reason ; he 
had ζ rested ' a few moments before 
(§§ 42, 47) ; but by seeming indif- 
ferent to the testimony, he gives to 
his statements an air of certainty 
as needing no proof. In fact, he 
knows that they are full of exagge- 
ration. What his witnesses proved 
we cannot say : certainly not that 
Eratosthenes was responsible for 
the policy of Phidon and the Ten. 

62. 8ή : cf. § 34 and see on 
25. 9 (Α). — διδάξω: "The sub- 



εμαυτου και της πόλεως, καϊ μτηδενϊ τονζο παβοαχ^ 

Ι ως Ερατοσθένους κινδυνεύοντοά Θηραμένους κατηγορώ. 

3&4 7τυνθάνομαι yap ταύτα απολογήσεσθαι αυτόν, δτι 

63 εκείνω φίλος ην καϊ των αυτών έργων μετείχε, καίτοι 

σφόΰρ' αν αυ^ρν oj^aL μετά Θεμιστοκλέους πολιτευό- 

μενον προσποιείσθαι πραττβιν δπως οίκοδομηθήσεται 

τα τείχη, οπότε και μετά Θηραμένους δπως καθαιρεθή- 

σεται. ου γαρ μου Ζοκουσιν Ισου άξιοι γεγενησθαι ' δ 

39o^ei/ γαρ Αακεδαιμονίων ακόντων ωκοδόμησεν αυτά, 

junctive is used as the imperative 
of the first person, positive and 
negative. The negative particle 
is μη. The first person singular 
is less common than the plural, 
and is usually preceded by φίρε, 
instead of which Homer uses aye," 
GS. 373 f. Cp. HA. 866. 1 ; G. 
1344-5; B. 585; Gl. 472 — Θη- 
ραμένους: for the bearing of this 
discussion of Theramenes's career 
see In trod. pp. 54-56. — ώς . . . 
κατηγορώ : * Let not the thought 
occur to you that I am accusing 
Theramenes when it is Eratos- 
thenes who is on trial. I am, 
indeed, accusing Theramenes, but 
as a part of my prosecution 
of Eratosthenes., for he will try 
to win your favor by claiming to 
have been a friend and supporter 
of Theramenes.' — ιτυνθάνομαι : 
tense, see on αδικώ § 14. 

63. The thought is : That citi- 
zen must indeed be in desperate 

straits and in sore need of reha- 
bilitation who seeks to make him- 
self more respectable by claiming 
connection with the man who de- 
stroyed our walls. ' If Eratosthe- 
nes is so eager to claim connection 
with Theramenes, who destroyed 
the walls, how eagerly he would 
have claimed connection with 
Themistocles, who built them, if 
he had but lived in his time ! ' — 
σ-φόδρ' &v: emphatic position, 
widely separated from the verb 
(προσποιείσθαι) ; for αν see HA. 
964 b; G. 1308; B. 647; Gl.579. 
— ιτραττ€ΐν : tense, see on άντι- 
Xeyciv § 26. — oitotc καί : when 
actually. — μ«τά Θηραμένους : sc. 
πολιτευόμενος προσποιείται πράτ- 
τειν. — 6 μεν . . . ούτος 8έ : a shrewd 
device for throwing contempt on 
the modern patriot.' For The- 
ramenes's responsibility for the 
destruction of the walls see on 



β4 ούτος he τους πολίτας έζαπατησας καθεΐλε. πζριίστη- 
Kep ουν τη πόλει τουναντίον η ως βίκος ήν. αζιον μ€ν 
γαρ ην καϊ τους φίλους τους Θηραμένους προσαπο\ω- 
λά/αι, πλην ci τις έτύγχανβν Ικείνω τάναντία πράττων * 

395 νυν 8e ορώ τάς τ€ απολογίας εις εκείνον άναφερομένας, 
τους τ έκβίνω συναντάς τιμασθαι πειρωμενους, ωσπ€ρ 
πολλών άγα#ώι> αιτίου αλλ* ου μεγάλων κακών yeye- 

Οδνημένον. ος πρώτον μεν της προτερας ολιγαρχίας 
αιτιώτατος έγενετο, πείσας υμάς την 4πι τών τετρακο- 

64. τουναντίον: subject of περι- 
εστηκεν] so Thuc. 6. 24. 2 του- 
ναντίον περιεστη αυτω. A more 
common construction is that of 
Dem. 25. 12 φοβούμαι μη το 
πραγμ εις τουναντίον περίστη. — 
τουναντίον ή ώ$ : cvavrto? is treated 
as a comparative, and may be fol- 
lowed (1) by η, (2) by the less 
common comparative connective 
η ως, or (3) by the gen. without. 
η. (ι) § 2, τουναντίον . . . η iv 
τω προ τον χρόνο» (2) Herod. 
I. 22 ηκουε του κηρυκος . . . τους 
εναντίους λόγους η ως αυτός κατ€- 
δόκεε he heard from the herald 
words the opposite of what he had 
expected. (3) Dem. 19. 329 δ£- 
Solkci μη τουναντίον ου βούλομαι 
ποιώ / fear I may do the opposite 
of what I wish. For 17 ώς with 
other comparative words cp. Xen. 
Anab. I. 5. 8 θαττον η ως τις αν 
ωετο more quickly than one would 
have thought. Dem. 6. n εστί 
yap μείζω τά κείνων έργα, η ως τ<£ 

λόγω τις αν ειποι their deeds are 
greater than one could tell. — 
άλλ* oi: ωσπερ is not treated as 
conditional, and takes the neg. ου, 
HA. 978. a; G. 1576; B. 656 n. ; 
Gl. 593 d; GMT. 867. See on 
25. 23. — γ€-γ€νημΙνου : see on πρατ- 
τόντων § 45- 

65. αΐτιώτατος: Thucydides 
says (8. 68) that Antiphon was 
the moving spirit in planning the 
revolution of 411 B.C., that Pisan- 
der was the most prominent man 
in its execution, and Phrynichus 
the most daring ; but he adds, και 
Θηραμένης 6 τον "Αγνωνος iv τοις 
£υγκαταλυουσι τον σημον πρώτος 
ην, άνηρ ούτε ειπείν ούτε γνώναι 
αδύνατος and Theramenes, the son 
of Hagnon, was a prime mover 
in the abolition of the democracy, 
a man not without ability as a 
speaker and thinker. Aristotle 
says {Res p. Ath. 32. 2) η μεν ουν 
ολιγαρχία τούτον κατέστη τον τρό- 
πον} . . . αίτιων μάλιστα γενο- 

<P^ C " το'•'" 


4oo σίων πολιτείαΚεΧεσθαι. > καί 6 μεν πατήρ αυτού jiov 
προβούλων ων ταυτ επραττεν, αυτός 8ε δοκών εύνού- 
στατος εΐναι τοις πράγμασι στρατηγός υπ αυτών 

66 ypeOrf. και εως μεν ετιματο, πιστον εαυτόν τύ} πολιτεία 
παρεΐχεν' επευδτι δε ΊΙείσανδρον μεν καί ΚάΧΚαισχρον 

4θ5 καί έτερους ,ίώρα προτέρους αύτου γιγνομένους, to δέ 


μένων ΊΙεισάνδρου και * Αντιφώντος 
καί Θηραμένους, ανδρών και γεγενη- 
μενων ευ, και συνεσει και γνώμ-ρ δο- 
κούντων διχχφερειν λ? the oligarchy 
was thus established . . . the men 
most responsible being Pisander 
and Antiphon and Theramenes, 
men of good birth and of eminent 
reputation for ability and judg- 
ment. Lysias exaggerates some- 
what by failing to mention the 
two who shared the leadership 
with Theramenes, but he charges 
Theramenes with little more than 
do Thucydides and Aristotle, who 
are friendly to him. — 4irl τών 
τετρακοσίων: for επί, see on § 17. 
— ιτροβονλων : see Chron. App., 
413 B.C. ; cp. Thuc. 8. 1. 3, 
67. 1 ; Arist. Resp. Ath. 29. 2. 
Membership in this board was an 
honor, in view of the emergency 
which the πρόβουλοι were elected 
to meet. Some of them, like 
Hagnon, actively favored the 
change in government ; others 
assented to it reluctantly, as being 
the only possible course. Aris- 
totle's Rhetoric (3. i8) e preserves 

an anecdote of Sophocles (proba- 
bly the poet) which illustrates the 
attitude of men of this second 
class : "Σοφοκλής ερωτώμενος υπο 
UetaavSpov ει εδοζεν αντω ωσπερ 
και τοΐς άλλοις προβούλοις, κατά- 
στησαι τους τετρακόσιους, εφη' 
τι δε; ου πονηρά σοι ταύτα €*δό- 
κει είναι; εφη' ουκουν συ ταύτα 
επραζας τα πονηρά ; ναι εφη • ου 
yap ην άλλα βελτίω Sophocles, 
when asked by Pisander whether 
he, like the other Probouloi\ ap- 
proved of the establishment of 
the Four Hundred, said, u Yes." 
" But what? Did that not seem 
to you a bad business ? " " Yes" 
said he. " Then did you take 
part in that 'bad business^?" 
" Yes," said he, u for there was 
nothing better to do." — τοίβ irpo/y- 
μασι: to the government; see 
on 16. 3. — vir αυτών: i.e. των 

66. τή πολιτεία : to the admin- 
istration. — €ΐτ€ΐ8ή : for επειοη with 
imperf., see on ε-γίγνοντο, § 53. 
— Κάλλακτχρον : his son Critias 
became the head of the second 



ύμετερον πλήθος ούκέτι βουλόμενον τούτων άκροασθαι 9 
τότ ήδη δια τε τον προς εκείνους φθόνοι/ και το παρ 9 

β 1 ! υμών δέος μετεσχε των 9 Αριστοκράτους έργων, βου- 
λόμενος δε τω υμετέρα* πλήθει δοκβΐν πιστός είναι 

4ΐο' Αντιφώντα καϊ * Αρχεπτόλεμον φιλτάτους οντάς αύτω 
κατηγορών άπέκτεινεν, εις τοσούτον δε κακίας ήλθεν 9 
ώστ€ α/χα μεν δια την προς εκείνους πίστιν ύμας κατε- 
δουλωσατο, δια δε την προς ν μας τους φίλους απώλεσε. 

oligarchy seven years later. — ού- 
κέτι: the people had been per- 
suaded to accept the new form of 
government in the hope of ending 
the war through Alcibiades with 
Persian support ; this hope had 
now failed, Introd. p. 36. — ή8η : 
strengthening τότ£, then, and not 
till then. So in 25. 22. — tc: for 
position see on §30. — τόν irpos 
IkcCvovs φθόνον ... τό παρ' υμών 
S&s: the active emotion, envy, 
takes 717005 with accus. of the object 
toward which the envy is directed ; 
the passive emotion, fear, takes 
παρά with the gen. of the source 
from which the emotion springs. 
The objective gen. is oftener used 
with Scos, but the prepositional 
phrase is more explicit and stands 
in better parallelism with προς ckci- 
νονς. — μ€τ&τχ€ : ingressive aorist 
(see on μετέσχον, i6. 3) ; cp. the 
imperf. in §§ 58 and 62. — Άρι- 
«ττοκράτονς : a man of prominent 
family, who had done the city 

good service during the war. He 
was put to death in 406 B.C. with 
other generals after the battle of 
Arginusae. His association with 
Theramenes in deposing the Four 
Hundred is confirmed by Aris- 
totle, Resp. Ath. 33. 2 αΐτιώτατοι 
δ iyivovro της καταλύσεως ' Αρι- 
στοκράτης και Θηραμένης. So 
Thuc. 8. 89. 2. 

67. τω νμέτίρφ ιτλήθα : cp. 
§ 66 and see on § 42. — 'Αντι- 
φώντα : see on § 65. — 'ApxcirroXc- 
μον : he had worked for peace 
with Sparta earlier in the war 
(Ar. Equ. 794). After the depo- 
sition of the Four Hundred, Anti- 
phon and Archeptolemus were put 
to death on the charge of having 
plotted with others of the oli- 
garchs to betray the city to 
Sparta. Theramenes was at the 
head of the government, under a 
moderate constitution, from Sep- 
tember, 411, to about July, 410 
(see Introd. p. 55). 



,nH C 

68 τιμώμενος δε καϊ των μεγίστων άζι,ούμενος, αντος επαγ- 

4ΐ5 γειλάμενος σώσειν την πόλιν αύτος απώλεσε, φάσκων 

πράγμα ηύρηκεναι μέγα καϊ πολλοί) άξ^ον. ύπεσχετο 

8ε είρηνην πουήσειν μήτε ομηρα^ δονς* μήτε τά τείχη 

καθελων μήτε τάς νανς παραδονς • ταύτα δε είπεϊν 

4ΐ9 μεν ονδενϊ ήθέλησεν, εκελευσε δε αντω πιστεύειν. 

68. The following events be- 
long to the time (404 B.C.) after 
the complete restoration of the 
democracy, when the administra- 
tion had passed from Theramenes 
and the moderate aristocrats into 
the hands of Cleophon and other 
popular leaders. Under their mis- 
management came the disaster at 
Aegospotami, the siege of the 
city, and the unsuccessful at- 
tempts to obtain from Sparta 
moderate terms of peace. In that 
crisis Theramenes came forward 
and offered to go to Lysander 
(see Introd. p. 37). — avros: of 
his own accord. Greatly strength- 
ened by repetition (επαναφορά, 
App• § 57- 5) with άπώλεσ*. — 
μέγα, «ολλον άξιον : on the συνω- 
νυμία, see App. § 58. 2. — νητ6τχ€το 
U : after a general statement (here 
φάσκων . . . ηυρηκίναι) the par- 
ticular explanation is often intro- 
duced by a neutral &, which has 
lost all adversative force. The 
English, and usually the Greek, 
more logically uses •• for, v as giv- 
ing the grounds for the general 
statement. Cp. on γάρ explicative, 

19. 12. — νκίσχντο : Xenophon 
says (Hell. 2. 2. 14 if.) that the 
Spartans had already announced 
the destruction of ten stadia of 
the Long Walls as a condition of 
peace, and that what Theramenes 
offered to do was to find out from 
Lysander whether this was in- 
tended as a preliminary to the 
enslavement of the city, or only 
as a means of guaranteeing their 
faithful obedience to the other 
terms of peace. After remaining 
three months with Lysander he 
returned to Athens with the re- 
port that Lysander had no power 
in the matter, and that it must be 
determined by the government at 
Sparta. Theramenes was then 
sent to Sparta with nine others to 
negotiate peace. Lysias represents 
all this as one mission, and as 
the work of Theramenes alone; 
the whole impression given is pur- 
posely misleading. — μ•ήτ€, μή™ : 
μη instead of ου with the parti- 
ciples because they depend on 
ποίησειν, which, if negatived, 
would take μη. HA. 1024 (last 
line); G. 1496; B. 549. 2. A 



ββΰ/χβΓς 8c, & άνδρες * Αθηναίοι, πραττούσης μεν της εν 
Άρείω πάγω βουλής σωτήρια, άντιλεγόντων δε πολ- 
λών Θηραμενει, είδότες δε οτι οι μεν άλλοι άνθρωποι 
των πολεμίων ένεκα τάπόρρητα ποιούνται, εκείνος δ* εν 
τοις αύτοΰ πολίταις ουκ ηθέλησεν ειπείν ταυθ* α προς 
425 τους πολεμίους εμελλεν ερεΐν, δμως επετ ρέψατε αύτω 
πατρίδα καϊ παίδας και γυναίκας και υμάς αυτούς. 

70 ό δε ων μεν ύπεσχετο ούδεν επραξεν, ούτως δε 4νετε- 
θύμητο ως χρή μικράν και ασθενή yei/eV^cu την πόλιν, 

participle takes μη (A) when it is 
equivalent to a protasis (this in- 
cludes " generic " expressions, see 
on 25. 1). So in 12. 85, 19. 29, 
19. 53, 25. 34. (B) when it depends 
on a verb which has μη or would 
have it if negatived. So in 19. 
33, 19• 37, 19• Sh 24. 18, 24. 26, 
25. 4, 25. 22, 32. 18. 


ιτραττούσης |uv . . . βουλής 

άντιλ€*γόντων 8c πολλών 

cISotcs 8c οτι 

fol pcv άλλοι . 

! ckcCvos 8c . . . 
vjicts . . . ^*ΪΓ€Τρ€'ψαΤ€. 

The use of μεν ... 8c ... 8c is 
due to the feet that while ctSorcs 
is not correlative in form with the 
two other participles, it is in 
thought. We find similar con- 
struction in 19. 23, 19. 26, 25. 31. 
— σωτήρια : we have no other 
knowledge of these measures. 
Ordinarily the Areopagus had no 
jurisdiction in political or military 
affairs, but this crisis was so 

extreme, involving the very ex- 
istence of the city, that extraor- 
dinary action by the Areopagus 
is not unlikely. — άντιλ*γόντων : 
see Introd. p. 37. — τάπόρρητα 
ποιούνται : keep state secrets. — 
αύτω: on the first mission, that 
to Lysander, Theramenes went 
alone, but had no authority to ne- 
gotiate; on the second, he had 
authority, but it was shared with 
nine fellow-ambassadors. Lysias 
purposely represents it as resting 
entirely with him. — γυναίκα* : the 
article is often omitted with words 
of family relationship (definite by 
their own force), especially where 
several are joined ; cp. the Eng. 
omission of the possessive pro- 
noun in the same expressions ; 
both languages extend the con- 
struction to * fatherland.' 

70. ovrtos ^vctcOv|it)to : he was 
so convinced; the plup. to express 
mental attitude where the impf. 
would express mental action. Cp. 




ώστε περί ων ον&εϊς πώποτε ovre των πολεμίου/ εμνησθη 

43ο ούτε των πολιτών ηλπισε,Κτανθ* • ύμας έπεισε πραζαι, \ 

ονχ νπο Κακοδαιμονιών αν αγκαζό μένος, αλλ* αντος ) 

εκείνους επαγγελλόμενος, τον τ€ Πειραιώς τα τείχη 

περιελειν καϊ την ύπάρχονσαν πολιτείαν καταλνσαι, εν 

434€ΐδώς οτι, €ΐ μη πασών τών ελπίδων άποστερησεσθε, 

Ίΐταχείαν παρ* αυτόν την τιμωρίαν κομιεισθε, καϊ το 

on καταπεφρόνηκεν § 84• — ήλιτισι : 
ελπίζω has strictly only the idea 
of expectation ; hope (its usual 
force) or fear is determined by the 
context. — eircurc : i.e. in the assem- 
bly which received and acted upon 
the report of the ten ambassadors 
on the day after their return 
(Xen. Hell. 2. 2. 22). — αύτόβ: as 
in §68. — Παραιώς: the demand 
made on the first embassy was for 
the destruction of ten stadia of the 
Long Walls. The new demand 
was probably caused in part by 
exasperation at the stubborn re- 
fusal of Athens to accept unex- 
pectedly mild terms, and in part 
by Spartan finding it necessary 
to compromise with some of her 
own leading allies, who demanded 
the annihilation of the city. — 
— iroXiTctav καταλνσαι : it is 
almost certain that the change 
of government was agreed upon 
between Sparta and Theramenes 
and his friends before the sur- 
render ; but it is not likely that it 
was one of the formal conditions 

of peace openly proposed to the 
people and ratified by them. It 
is not included in the terms given 
by Xenophon {Hell. 2. 2. 20) and 
Andocides (3. 12). Aristotle 
(Resp. Ath. 34. 3) regards it as 
one of the actual conditions; so 
Diodorus (14. 3. 2). The expres- 
sion of Lysias himself in 13. 14 
ονόματι μλν είρήνην \ε•γομίνην, τω 
δ' c /ογω την δημοκρατίαν καταλνο- 
μένην implies that the change of 
government was not in the nomi- 
nal terms of peace. — άιτοστιρή- 
<rc<r6c: voice, HA. 496; G. 1248; 
B. 514-15; Gl. 393. — τιμωρίαν: 
Lysias is claiming that Theram- 
enes sought to destroy the inde- 
pendence of the city from fear that 
if the people should be left free to 
act their pleasure, they would 
inflict extreme punishment upon 
him. But punishment for what ? 
He was under no accusation and 
in no danger. In the period im- 
mediately after the fall of the Four 
Hundred, when some of his col- 
leagues were executed and others 



τελειπαΐον, ω άνδρες μικασταί, ου π pore pop εΐασε την 

εκκλησίαν γενέσθαι, €ά>ς ό ώμολογημένος υπ εκείνων 

καιρός επιμελώς υπ' αυτού ετηρήθη, και μετεπεμψατο 

\39μεν τας μετά Αυσάνδρου ναυς εκ Σάμ,ον, επεδημησε δε 

72 το των πολεμίων στρατόπεδον. τότε δε τούτων ύπαρ- 

banished, he retained the confi- 
dence of the people and was for a 
time at the head of the new ad- 
ministration. In the years that 
followed (410-404), when the ex- 
treme democracy had returned to 
the fullest power, still no attack 
was made upon him. Had he 
been able to secure moderate terms 
from Sparta, he would have been 
the most popular man in the city. 
71. 4κκλησ£αν: Lysias, having 
shown that Theramenes carried 
the proposition for surrender in 
the assembly on the day after his 
return from Sparta, turns now to 
the discussion of his efforts in a 
later assembly, called to discuss 
a change of government. He 
expects his hearers to understand 
by the words το τελενταΐον that he 
is passing to this later and final 
act. To hearers familiar with the 
events, less than two years past, 
this was probably clear ; by us the 
words την εκκλησίαν are liable at 
first to be understood as referring 
to the assembly of which he has 
just been speaking ; but six lines 
below he makes all clear by adding 
the phrase περί της πολιτείας. 

This explicit statement should 
acquit Lysias of the charge brought 
by recent critics (cp. Meyer, 
Gesch. des Alterthums IV. 666) 
that he is purposely confusing the 
two assemblies. — ov irporcpov . . . 
&»s : the ordinary construction is 
either ου πρότερον . . . πριν or ov 
. . . «υς ; here the two are com- 
bined, as in 25. 26. — IkcCvuv : the 
Spartans. — 4κ Σάμου : see Chron. 
App. Diodorus says (14. 3. 4-5) 
that Lysander had just taken 
Samos and that he came to the 
Piraeus with 100 ships. But Xeno- 
phon (Hell. 2. 3. 7) says that on 
the surrender of Samos Lysander 
dissolved the Lacedaemonian fleet, 
and gives the impression that he 
sailed directly from Samos home. 
It is probable then that his visit 
to Athens was during the siege of 
Samos, with only a part of his 
fleet, and that he returned to 
Samos to complete the siege. — 
τό στρατόιτ€8ον : the large Pelo- 
ponnesian army which Pausanias 
brought up to Athens after Aegos- 
potami, and which encamped in 
the Academy with Agis's troops 
from Decelea, was soon dismissed, 



χόντων, και παρόντος Αυσάνδρου και Φιλοχάρονς καΐ 
Μιλτιάδου, nepi της πολιτείας την έκκλησίαν Ιττοίουν, Αχ 
Ινα μητβ ρητωρ^ αυτοΐς μίηδέις ivavriovro μηδέ δι- ^^^ 
444 απβιλοιτο νμέις τβ μη τα τη πόλει συμφέροντα eXoi- 
73σ-#€, άλλα τάκείνοις δοκονντα ψηφίσακτθβ. ίάναστάς 
δβ Θηραμένης εκέλβνσβν νμας τριάκοντα άνδράσιν 
έπιτρέψαι την πόλιν και τη πολιτεία χρησθαι ην Δ/οα- 
κοντίδης άπέφαινβν. νμεΐς δ* δμως και ούτω δια /cct- 

Lysander being left to carry on the 
winter siege with his fleet (Diodor. 
l 3- lo 7- 3) ϊ Dut a Spartan land 
force probably remained to co- 
operate with Lysander, and even 
after the surrender it would natu- 
rally be retained till the Athenians 
had completed the stipulated de- 
struction of their walls, the work 
of several months. 

72. υπαρχόντων: force, see on 
νπάρχεί § 23. — Φιλοχαρον$, Μιλ- 
τιάδου: the names are Attic; we 
can only conjecture that they were 
prominent men of the oligarchical 
party. — Ιιτοίουν : tense, see on 
ίβάΰιζον § 8. — ρήτωρ: the term 
for one who addresses the popular 
assembly. The ρήτωρ may or 
may not have the technical train- 
ing of the rhetoricians. The power 
possessed by one who could move 
the assembly tended to develop a 
class of professional ρήτορες. — 
tc : correlative with μήτε, and used 
instead of a second μήτ€, so that 
it may connect the preceding with 
lysias — 8 

both the negative eXourdc and the 
positive ψηφίσαασθε, — 

Γ ivavnoiro 

μήτ€ ρήτωρ { μη$€ 

[ Sujlw€.l\olto 
' μη Ζλοισθε 

υμάς τ€ άλλα. 

73• Δρακοντίδηβ : confirmed by 
Arist. Resp. Ath. 34. 3. He was 
appointed one of the Thirty. — 
airtycuvcv: the word would be 
used properly of the publication 
of a scheme of government by a 
lawgiver, or of the * report ' of a 
commission appointed to frame 
laws ; Lysias uses it with the sar- 
castic implication that this was 
not a proposition for the people to 
discuss, but a ready-made scheme 
thrust upon them. There is no 
real inconsistency between the 
statement of Lysias that Dracon- 
tides presented a form of govern- 
ment (πολιτ^ίαν άπίφαινεν) and 
that of Xenophon {Hell. 2. 3. 11) 
that the Thirty were appointed to 

114 *• AYSIOY 

J . 
μα/οι εθορυβειτγως ου ποιησοντες ταύτα ' εγιγνώσκετε 

450 yap δτι περί δουλείας καϊ ελευθερίας εν εκείνη tq ημέρα 

74 ήκκλησιάζετε^ {Θηραμένης δέ, ώ άνδρες δικασταί, (/cat 
Α' τούτων υμάς αυτούς μάρτυρας παρέξομαι) εΐπεν otl 
V ουδέν αύτω μέλοι του υμετέρου θορύβου, επειδή πολ~ 

>£ λούς /χει/ Αθηναίων είδείη τους τα όμοια πράττοντας 
455"αύτω, δοκουντα δε Αυσάνδρω και Αακεδαιμονίοις λέγοι. 
μετ εκείνον δε Αύσανδρος άναατάς άλλα τε πολλά είπε 
και δτι παρασπόνδους υμάς εχοι, καϊ ότι ου περί πολι- 
τείας ύμΐν εσται άλλα περί σωτηρίας, εΐ μη ποιήσεθ' 

75 ά Θηραμένης κελεύει. των δ* εν tq εκκλησίφ όσοι 
46ο άνδρες αγαθοί ήσαν, γνόντες την παράσκευην και την 

ανάγκην, οι μεν αυτού μένοντες ησυχίαν ηγον, οι δε 
ωχοντο άπιόντες, τούτο γουν σφίσιν αύτοΐς συνειδότες, 


frame a constitution (συγγράψαι. struction). For the rare impf. 

νόμους). Dracontides doubtless see GMT. 674. 2 ; HA. 936; G. 

presented the general plan, and 1489. 1. 

the Thirty were chosen to draft a 74. πολλούς : emphatic predi- 
constitution which should carry cate of τους πράττοντας. — ιταρα- 
it out in detail. — «s : for the usual <rirov8ov$ : Diodorus (14. 3. 6) and 
force of as with a partic. see on Plutarch (Ly sunder 15) say that 
16. 8. But sometimes, as here the Athenians had not completed 
and in § 90 and 32. 23, it gives to the demolition of their walls within 
the partic. nearly the same force the appointed time. — &τται . . . 
of ind. disc, which ως so often ιτοιήσ€θ' . . . KcXifai: for mood see 
gives to the indie. HA. 978 ; G. Crit. Note and on αφήσουσιν § 35. 
1593. ι: B. 661 N. 4; Gl. 594; 75. -yvovTcs: ingressive aor., 
GMT. 919. — ήκκλη<τιάζ€Τ€ : for the see on μετεσχον 1 6. 3. — αύτοΰ: 
form of augment see Crit. Note. the adverb. — φχοντο amovrcs : 
The addition of iv iKeivy rrj ήμερα- ωχοντο* were gone, is more sum- 
has led editors to the rejection of mary than άπηλθον ; ωχοντο Awl- 
£κκλτ/σιά£€Τ€, the Mss. reading όντες is more summary still, went 
(present, normal ind. disc, con- straight off. 


οτι ουδέν κακόν τη πόλει έφηφίσαντο ' ολίγου 8ε τινές 

Φα καΐ πονηροί καϊ κακώς βουλευόμενοι τα τ/ροσ&^(θεντα 

7β ^χειροτόνησαν, παρηγγελτο γαρ αύτοΐςί 8εκα μεν ους 

Θηραμένης άπβδει^ε χειροτόνησαν, 8έκα8ε ου? οι κάθε- 

στηκότες έφοροι κελεύοιεν 9 δέκα δ' εκ των παρόντων ' 

ούτω γαρ την ύμετεραν άσθει/ειαν < εω^ων και την αυτών 

φ$8ύναμιν ήπίσταντο, ώστε πρότερον. η8εσαν τα μελ- 

Τΐλοντα εν τη εκκλησία πραχθήσεσθαιϊ ταύτα 8ε ουκ 

εμοϊ 8εΐ πιστευσαι, άλλα εκείνω ' πάντα γαρ τα υπ' 

εμού είρημενα εν τη βουλή άπολογούμενος ελεγεν 9 

76. The scheme was carried 
out by means of the political ma- 
chinery described in detail in 
§ 44. — δέκα: it is evident that 
the Board of Thirty was the re- 
sult of a union between the aristo- 
cratic club element represented by 
Critias and the moderate .aristo- 
crats led by Theramenes, with the 
addition of a third group to give 
nominal representation to the 
democratic masses (cp. Aristotle's 
explicit statement as to the two 
aristocratic groups, Resp. Ath. 
34. 3). Theramenes was at first 
the strongest man in the plot 
because of his personal connection 
with Lysander. This compromise 
in the formation of the new ad- 
ministration explains the feet of 
the almost immediate outbreak 
of dissension within its own ranks. 
— &ir&€i{c . . . kcXcvoicv : The- 
ramenes had doubtless designated 

his ten candidates before the pre- 
liminary club meetings were held ; 
at these meetings the district 
leaders appear to have said to the 
members, naming two groups of 
ten men each, "Vote for these 
ten men whom Theramenes has 
designated (a7rc8€i£c), and for the 
following ten whom our chiefs, the 
Ephors, order you (κελενονσιν) 
to vote for." aw^Set^e remains 
unchanged according to the regu- 
lar principle that dependent sec- 
ondary tenses of the indicative do 
not become opt. in ind. disc, HA. 
935 b, c ; G. 1497. 2, 1499 ; B. 675. 
1, 3 ; GMT. 689. 3, cp. 695 I, last 
paragraph. — Ικ των παρόντων: i.e. 
from the citizens at large ; a mere 
pretense of representation of the 
popular body. 

77. αΐΓθλογούμ€νο$ : Xenophon 
{Hell. 2. 3. 35-49) gives at some 
length the speech of Theramenes 



όνειδίζων μεν τοις φεύγουσιν, οτι δι' αυτοί/ κατέλθοιεν, 
ρύδΐι/ φροντιζόντων Αακε8αιμονίων[ ονειδίζων δε τοις της 

475 πολιτείας μετέγουσιν, οτι πάντων των πεπραγμένων τοις 
είρημένοις τρόποις υπ* εμού αυτός αίτιος γεγενημένος 
τοιούτων τυγγανοι, πολλας πίστεις αύτοΐς έργω δεδω- 

78κώς και παρ* εκείνων όρκους είληφώς. και τοσούτων 
και ετέρων κακών καϊ αισχρών καϊ πάλαι και νεωστι 

48ο και μικρών και μεγάλων αιτίου γεγενημένου τολμ^σου- 
σιν αυτούς φίλους οντάς άποφαίνειν 9 ούχ ύπερ υμών 
αποθανόντος Θηραμένους αλλ* ύπερ της αυτού πονη- 

when accused by Critias before 
the Senate; but it is probably 
Xenophon's own defense of his 
former party chief rather than a 
literal report of the speech de- 
livered. There is in it no refer- 
ence to the points which Lysias 
mentions here. — ovciSCgcov, ovci- 
δίζων : on the επαναφορά see App. 
§ 57. 5. — Si αυτόν : they had him 
to thank for their return. See on 
§ 87. — κατ&.θοΐ€ν : see note on 
Κριτίας § 43- The return of the 
aristocrats who had been banished 
after the overthrow of the Four 
Hundred was one of the terms 
of the peace which Theramenes 
and his fellow-ambassadors nego- 
tiated with Sparta,. The Spartans 
were probably not as indifferent 
to this as Lysias would have us 
believe. The best guaranty of 
the continuance of Athens under 
Spartan hegemony lay in the re- 
pression of the democracy, The- 

ramenes and his friends saw in 
this fact their own opportunity. 

— W Ιμον : emphasis is given by 
the variation from the normal posi- 
tion (cp. τα νπ εμον ειρημενα five 
lines above). The central point 
of the argument is, " Theramenes's 
speech agrees with my account. 1 ' 

— irfrrus : L. & S. s.v. II. — ckcC- 
νων : referring to the same persons 
as αντοΐς in the preceding line. 
When two clauses or phrases are 
sharply contrasted, εκείνος often 
takes the place of αυτός in one of 
them. Cp. 14. 28 ονχ ως άδελφον 
αντης, αλλ ως άνδρα εκείνης not 
as her brother \ but as her husband; 
Plato, Euthyphro 14 d αΐτεΐν re 
φης αυτούς και διδόναι εκείνοις do 
you say that we ask of them {the 
gods) and give to them t 

78. On the striking ττολυσΰν- 
δετον of the opening words see 
App. § 58. 4. — wrcp . . . πονηρία? : 
4 he was serving — not the people, 



ρίας, και δικαίως μεν εν ολιγαρχία δίκην δόντος, ήδη 
yap αύτην κατέλυσε ' δικαίως δ* αν εν δημοκρατία, δις 

485 γαρ ν μας κατεδουλώσατο,\των μεν παρόντων καταφρο- 
νων, των δε απόντων έπιθυμωνΛκαι τω καλλίστψ ονό- 
ματι χρώμ&ος δεινότατων έργων διδάσκαλος καταστάς. 

79 ΤΙερι μεν τοίνυν Θηραμένους Ικανά μοί εστί τα κατη- 
γορημένα* ήκ£ΐ δ* ύμΐν ^ΐνης η κΉΐ.ρης^ \εν ω \δεΐ 

49οσνγγνώμην και έλεον μη €ΐι/αι εν ταΐς ύμετέραιςγνω- 
μ,αι?, άλλα παρά 'Ερατοσθένους και των τούτου συναρ- 
χόντων δίκην λαβείν, [μηδέ μαχόμενους μεν κρείττους 
eti /αι των πολεμίων, ψηφιζο μένους δε ήττους των εχθρώνλ? 

but his own base nature ' ; νττίρ 
gives a touch of personification 
that we should not have in Ινζκα. 
Cp. on υπό § 3• — κατέλφσ•: for 
force of the tense see Crit. Note. 
— δικαίως S' αν: av in this con- 
nection marks the thought as 
6 contrary to fact ' (δόντος being 
supplied from the preceding). 
HA. 987 (b) ; G. 1308. 2 ; 
B. 662, 606 ; Gl. 595. The 
thought is that had the Thirty 
not put Theramenes to death the 
restored democracy would justly 
have done it. On the Ξαναφορά 
of δικαίως, δικαίως see App. § 57. 5. 
Cp. όνειδίζων, όναδίζων §77- — 
παρόντων . . . απόντων : to de- 
spise what one has and to covet 
what one has not was a proverbial 
mark of the restless and discon- 
tented man, the man who did not 
submit to the decrees of the gods 

as fixing his lot in life, and who 
failed of the due measure of self- 
control. On the rhetorical form 
of the clauses see App. § 57. 3. 
— ονόματι : the name of restora- 
tion of the government to the 
form of the ancestral limited de- 
mocracy. — 8€ΐνοτάτων : outra- 
geous, a stronger word* than 
αισχιστος, the ordinary opposite 
of κάλλιστος. 

79. IkcCvos: used rather than 
οντος, as suggesting "that time" 
for which they had long been 
hoping. — τούτου : note that<rurap- 
χόντων has become so fully sub- 
stantivized as to take the gen. 
instead of the dat. proper to it as 
a participle. So τους σννάρχοντας 
αντου § 87. GS. 39 ; HA. 966 a ; 
B. 650 n. I. — ο-υναρχόντων : see 
Introd. p. 44, note 3. — Ιχθρών: 
since the amnesty the Thirty are 




^ ^ 

80/xr/§' ων φασι μίΚλβιν πράξειν ίπλζίω χάριν αύτοΐς 

495?ο"τ€Ι η ων εποίησαν οργίζεσθε' μη8' άπουσι μβν 

τοις* τριάκοντα 4πιβον\€ν€τ€ 9 παρόντα* δ' άφήτβ' μη8ε 

fj^Trjf τύχης, ή τούτους παρ48ωκε tq πόλε ι, κάκιον νμέίς 

* υμίν αύτοΐς βοηθήσητβ. ^^ 

81 ΤΖατηγόρηται μεν 'Ερατοσθένους και των τούτον φίλων, 

no longer πολέμιοι, but in the 
feeling of their former victims 
they will always be Ιχθροί. 

8o. όργ(ξ«τθ€ : ων is assimilated 
to the case of the (omitted) ante- 
cedent. Cp. on §35. Lysias's con- 
structions with όργίζεσθω. are the 
following : (A) the person against 
whom the anger is felt is always 
in the dat., 16. 17, 22. 2, 25. 1, 
and often. (B) the occasion of 
the anger is expressed by (1) gen. 
with v7r€/>, 12. 2 ; (2) gen. with 
άιτι, 12. 96; (3) dat. with «ri, 
14. 13, 28. 2, 32. 21 ; (4) ace. with 
δια, 2i. 9, 3θ. 13; (5) dat. with- 
out prep., 12. 90, 20. 1 ; (6) gen. 
without prep., 12. 80, 27. 11, 31. 
11 (in the first two the gen. 
is connected with another gen. 
clause); (7) a οτι clause, 1. 15, 
12. 58, 14. 20. — άιτονσ-ι : the 
Thirty had withdrawn to Eleusis ; 
the people were by no means 
sure that they could be safely 
allowed to hold that place per- 
manently. In fact two years later 
Athens came to armed conflict 
with the aristocrats at Eleusis, 
and brought that city back under 

the Athenian government. — fcirt- 
povXciicTc, άφήτ€: the English 
idiom does not here allow the 
use of coordinate clauses corre- 
sponding to the Greek (cp. on 
§ 47 ϊνόμχζον . . . ιταρίβαλνον) ; 
the Greek yields the sharper 
antithesis. For change of mood 
and tense from όργίζεσθ* . . . 
€πιβονλ€ν€Τ€ to άφητ€ . . . βοη- 
θησητ€ see HA. 874 a; G. 1346; 
B. 584; Gl. 485. 

81. κατηγόρηται : § 79 marks 
the close of the attack on the 
memory of Theramenes, and § 81 
the close of the attack on the 
career of Eratosthenes and the 
whole moderate party. — τούτον : 
used of one's opponent present in 
court, as in § 79, Ερατοσθένους 
και των τοντον σνναργόντων. The 
English admits only the colorless 
"his" (αυτοί)). Cp. § 84, 24. 3, 
25. 3, 25. 24, 25. 33,34. 1, 34- 6.— 
φίλων: Theramenes, Phidon, and 
the others whom he has attacked ; 
to be distinguished from the 
friends who will plead for Eratos- 
thenes in court (των σννερονντων) ; 
the attack upon them comes in 

ΚΑΤΑ ΕΡΑΤ02ΘΕΝΟΥ2 XII 80-84 «* "9 

500 οΓς τάς απολογίας ανοίγει και μεθ* &ν αντφ ταύτα 

πεπρακται. 6 μεντοι άγων ουκ εζ ίσου τη πόλει καϊ 

'Έρατοσθενει * οΰτος μεν γαρ κατήγορος καϊ δικαστής 

6 αύτος ην των κρινόμενων, ημείς δε νυνϊ εις κατή" 

82 γορίαν και άπολογίαν καθεσταμεν. καϊ ούτοι μεν τους 

5θ5θύδεν άδικουντας άκριτους άπεκτειναν 9 ύμεΐς δε τους 

άπολεσαντας την πόλιν κατά τον νόμον 4Jjwur<E κρίνειν 9 

[jrap* ων ούδ* αν παρανόμως βουλόμενοι δίκην λαμβάνειν ^ 

άζίαν των αδικημάτων ων την πόλιν ήδικηκασι λάβοιτίλ ' 

5θ9τίγάρ αν παθόντ^δύ^^?^ των έργων 

88 8εδωκότες ; πότερον ει αυτούς άποκτείναιτε και τους 

παίδας αυτών, ικανην αν του φόνου δίκην λάβοιμεν, ων 

ούτοι πατέρας και ύεΐς και αδελφούς άκριτους άπέκτει- 

ναν ; άλλα γαρ ει [τα χρήματα τα φανερά, ση μευσαιτε, 

5ΐ4 καλώς αγ^ςχοΰ η τη πόλει, ης ούτοι πολλά ειλήφασιν, η 

84 τοις ίδιώταις, ων τάς οικίας εζεπόρθησαν ; επειδή τοίνυν 

§ 86. — οΐβ . . . άνοίσ -ci : an un- change to the first person. The 

usual construction for the regular jury alone could put them to death, 

one of § 64. but Lysias would share in this 

82. άδικονντας : tense, see on requital for wrongs suffered. — «5v : 
αδικώ § 14. — άκρίτονς : cp. on the antec is the subject of λά- 
§ ιγ. — d{iovrc: L. & S. s.v. βοιμεν. — vets: form, see on § 34. 
III. 2. — δίκην την &(ίαν : '-the — Αλλ&γάρ: emphatic yap really y 
substantive takes no article before possibly (see on § 40) ; connect 
it. when it would have none if the with καλώς αν ίχοι. — τά, φαι*ρά : 
attributive were dropped," HA. it is assumed that they have put 
668 a; cp. B. 452. — δίκην ... all their other property out of 
ScS«kotcs : the unusual position of reach. — η*. «5v: possessive gen. 
words throughout gives emphasis : — ιίλήφαοιν : the perfect implies 
see on ημΧν § 33. that they still have their ill-gotten 

83. wotSos : cp. on και τους gains in their possession. 
voiSas § 36. — λάβοιμιν: note the 84. rotor: force, see on 16. 



J-:, w^,• 



πάντα ^ποιοΰντζς δίκην παρ* αυτών την άξίαν ουκ αν 

δυι>αισ#€ \αβ€Ϊν 9 πως ουκ αισχρον υμιν καΐ ηντινουν. 

άπολιπεΐν, ηντινά τις βούλοιτο πάρα τούτων \αμ- 

βάνζιν; κ ^ η . αιΛϊ-.•^ .-. - -.ι 

Sao Παι/ δ' αι/ μ,οι δοκβΐ το\μησαι 9 όστις wvl ούχ έτερων 

όντων των δικαστών αλλ' αυτών τών κακώς πβπονθότωϊΐ, ' 

ηκ€ΐ αποΚογησο μένος προς αυτούς τους μάρτυρας της 

τούτου πονηρίας '^τοσούτον η υμών καταπβφρόνηκ€ν η 

85cr€poi9 πβπίστ€υ^€ν. ων αμφοτέρων άξιον έπιμεληθή- 

s*svai 9 ένθ$μδ*ϋρ8ύ?ους δτι ούτ αν εκείνα εδύναντο ποιείν 

7 (Α). — ηντινουν: sc. δι'κτ/ν. For 
the force of -ow see HA. 285 ; 
G. 432. 1 ; B. 151 n. ; Gl. 221 c. 
— βοΰλοιτο: opt. in protasis, the 
apodosis πως ονκ αίσχρον . . . 
άπολιπεΐν being nearly equivalent 
to πως ονκ αίσχρως αν άπολίποιτε. 

GMT. 555• — * ν: see on § ι - — 
δστιβ : the όστις of a 'characteriz- 
ing clause,' see on § 40. As the sen- 
tence advances the speaker passes 
from the general word όστις to 
the particular τούτον. For τούτον 
rather than εαντον see on τούτον 
§ 8l. — ήκ€ΐ άπολογη<ΓΟ|ΐ€νο$ : this 
implies that Eratosthenes has 
come into court of his own free 
will. It is therefore a very strong 
argument for the theory that this 
is a case of accounting, not 
a prosecution for murder. Cp. 
Introd. p. 44. — τοσούτον : for the 
asyndeton cp. Crit. Note on 
αργασται § I . — καταικφρόνηιαν, 

ircirUrrcvKcv : perfect to denote a 
permanent attitude of mind where 
the present would denote a present 
mental action (cp. καταφρονων 
§ 78 ; the distinction is one of 
emphasis). Lysias nowhere else 
uses the perf. active of either of 
these verbs. Cp. ενετεθνμητο § 70 ; 
Dinarch. 1. 104 συ δ* οντω σφόδρα 
πεπίστενκας τοις σεαυτοΰ λόγοι? 
και καταπεφρόνηκας της τούτων 
ενηβεΐας you have such confi- 
dence in your own eloquence and 
such contempt for the honesty 
of these citizens ; Lycurg. 68 και 
όντως εστίν ανόητος και παντά- 
πασιν νμων καταπεφρονηκώς he 
is so foolish and so full of con- 
tempt for you ; Isoc. 4. 136 
δικαίως απάντων ήμ,ων καταπε- 

85. αμφοτέρων: their scorn of 
you and their trust in others ; but 
what follows deals with the second 



μη έτερων συμπραττόντων, ούτ αν νυν επεχείρησαν 
ελθεΐν μη ύπο των αύτων οιόμενοι σωθήσεσθαι, οί ου 
τούτοις ηκουσι βοηθήσοντες, άλλα ηγούμενοι πολλην 
dSeiav σφίσιν εσεσθαι καϊ του λοιπού ποιειν δ τι αν 
530 ρουΚωνται, ει τους μέγιστων κακών αίτιους Καροντες 

86 αφήσετε. \ Ι Άλλα και των συνερούντων αύτοΐς άξιον 
θαυμάζειν, πότερον ώς καλοί κάγαθοι αΙτησονται 9 την 
αύτων άρετην πλείονος άξίαν άποφαίνοντες της τούτων 
πονηρίας ' εβουλόμην μεντ αν αυτούς ούτω πρόθυμους 

535 eti /αι σωζειν την πόλιν, ώσπερ ούτοι άπολλύναι ' η 
ώς δεινοί λέγειν άπολογησονται και τα τούτων έργα 
πολλού α£ια άποφανούσιν. αλλ* ούχ ύπερ υμών ουδείς 
αύτων ούδε τα δίκαια πώποτε επεχείρησεν ειπείν. 

87 U Άλλα τους μάρτυρας άξιον ίδεΐν£ο± τούτοις μαρτυ- 
54° ρούντες Γ αυτών κατηγορούχτιΛσφόδρα έπιλήσιιονας καϊ 

) ^^^V fK^T J KJ" J \ -/Sis' . /_/./.. , ι 

idea only. — μη 4τ6*ρων συμπραττόν- 
των : μη in protasis, see on § 68 
(A). — του λοιπού iroiciv : the 
fuller and more regular construc- 
tion is that of 30. 34 aSetav cis τον 
λοιπόν χρονον λη^σθω. τον ποιειν 
δ τι αν βονλωνταί. For case of 
λοιπόν see HA. 759; G. 1136; 
Β. 359 ; Gl. 5 1 5. — άφήο-€Τ€ : mood 
and tense, see on άφήσονσιν § 35. 
86. άξιον θανμάξ€ΐν 

' irOTCpov ώ$ καλοί . . . 

ή ώ$ Scivol . . . άττο- 

The two halves of the double ques- 
tion are widely separated by the 

- -/ / 

^ ~S* 'γ ' ■' I ■/ *-ivu ^J 

insertion of the parenthetical sen- 
tence εβουλόμην . . . άπολλνναΑ. 

— έβονλόμην αν : cp. on § 22. 

— o-iptciv, άπολλύναι : conative 
presents, see on πννθάνεσθαι. § 2. 

— Scivol λέγιιν : a common char- 
acterization of the sophists and of 
the rising profession of pleaders, 
voicing the popular suspicion of 
their power; cp. Plato, Apol. 17 a 
e\cyov ω? χρη υμάς ενλαβεΐσθαι 
μη νπ Ιμον €$απατηθητε ώ$ Sewov 
ovtos λέγειν they said that you 
must be on your guard against 
being deceived by me, on the 
ground that I am an eloquent 





ενηθεις νομίζοντες ύμας είναι, ει Sta > μ^ιΚτου ύμβτέρσυ-^ 
πλήθους άδέως ηγούνται τους τριάκοντα σώσειν, <διά ]οε / 
Έρατοσθενην και τους συνάρχοντας αυτοΰ)8εινον fjv και 
9% των τεθνεώτων έπ ιίκφοραν ελθεΐν. καίτοι ούτοι μεν 
545 σωθεντες πάλιν αν δύναιντο την πάλιν άπολεσαι * εκεί- j, 
νοι 8ε 9 ους oxrroi απώλεσαν, τελευτησαντες τον βίον ' \ 
πέρας ενρνσι της των εχθρών τιμωρίας, ουκ ουν 8εινον 
ει των Gtej/ αδίκως τεθνεώτων 6ί φίλοι συναπώλλυντο, 
αύτοΐς \8ε \ τοις την πόλιν άπολέσασιν — ή που επ* 

87. €*ήβ€ΐ$ : for the change of 
this word from an originally good 
meaning (cv, ήθος) cp. the his- 
tory of Eng. simple and silly. — 
διάιτλήθονς, 8ιά Ερατοσθένη ν : note 
the change from gen. to accus. 
with δια. νπό with the gen. de- 
notes the voluntary agent by whom 
an act is performed, δια with the 
gen. denotes the mediator (GS. 
163) through whose voluntary ac- 
tion an effect is produced, δια 
with the ace. denotes the person 
through whom an effect is pro- 
duced without implying that it 
was directly intended by him, the 
person thanks to whom something 
comes about. "When δια with 
gen. is used the agency is pur- 
poseful, when δια with ace. is used 
it is accidental" (Gildersleeve, 
A.J.P. XI. 372). For διά with 
gen. cp. § 92, 32. 27; δια with 
ace. §§ 58, 60, 77 ; 25. 6, 25. 27, 
25. 29, 25. 30, 25. 32. For com- 
bination of the two see 25. 33. 

— ιτλήθονδ: cp. §§ 42, 66, 67.— 
&: substitute Eng. while; as in 
§§ 47 and 80 the Eng. idiom 
does not allow the coordinate 
clauses. — αΰτοΰ : for the case see 
on tovtov § 79. 

88. * Extreme severity against 
the Thirty is necessary, for they, 
if permitted to live, will endanger 
the state, whereas their severity 
in dishonoring the dead bodies 
of their victims was wanton bar- 
barity. 1 — 2χου<τι: we should ex- 
pect €ΐχον, but Lysias neglects 
precision of connection in the 
pressure of his feeling that ven- 
geance for his brother and the rest 
can come only through the fidelity 
of their friends now. — εχθρών: 
obj. gen. — σ-υναιτώλλνντο : were 
in danger of dying with them, 
impf. of an expected action, B. 527 ; 
GS. 213. So iyiyvero 25. 10, 
άπ£στ£ρονμ.ην 25. 13. — fj iro© κτλ. : 
Lysias started to say, "Is it not 
then outrageous, if the friends of 



55© εκφοραν πολλοί ήζουσιν, οπότε βοηθεΐν τοσούτοι παρα- 

89 σκευάζονται. \ και μεν δή πολύ ραον ηγούμαι είναι υπέρ 
ων ύμεΐς έπάσχετε άντειπεΐν 9 η υπέρ ων ούτοι πεποιή- 
κασιν άπολογησασθαι. καίτοι λεγουσιν ώς Έρατο- 
σθενει ελάχιστα των τριάκοντα κακά ειργασται, και δια 

555 τούτο αυτόν άξιουσι σωθτ^ναι # οτι δε των άλλων Έλλτ/- 
νων πλείστα εις υμάς εζημάρτηκεν, ουκ οΐονται χρηναι 

90 αυτόν άπολέσθαι ; ύμεΐς δε δείξετε ηντινα γνώμην 
έχετε περί των πραγμάτων. ε^μεν}γάρ τούτου κατά' 
ψηφιεΐσθε, δήλοι εσεσθε ώς οργιζόμενοι τοις πεπραγ- 

56ο μένοις ' ει δε άποψηφιεΐσθε, οφθησεσθε των αυτών 
έργων επιθυμητά! τούτοις οντες, και ούχ εζετε λέγειν 

those who were unjustly put to 
death were in danger of perishing 
with them, while (8e) to the very 
men who destroyed the city so 
many are preparing to bring 
aid?" But instead of following 
out the second half of the sentence 
he interrupts it with a bitterly 
sarcastic exclamation, and from 
that point abandons the connec- 
tion with the original principal 
clause, ονκ ovv Scivov : Aye, doubt- 
less many will come to their fune- 
ral, when so many are preparing 
to bring them aid, — ktc ίκφοράν : 
a grim reminder to the defense, 
that there is no doubt whatever 
as to the coming verdict. 

89. καΐ yXv 8ή : force, see on 
§ 30. — ctvai : the direct discourse 
would have ποΚν ραον ^v . . . 
avT€LTT€iv rj («rri ) αποΧογησασθαι 

it were much easier to accuse than 
{it is) to defend. For ^v without 
αν see on €ΐκος r\v §27. — wcp ων : 
cp. on ων § 35. On νπψ see on 
25. 5. — ικίΓοιήκασΊν : tense, see on 
αργασμένοι είσιν § 22. — των άλ- 
λων Έ. trXturra : strictly it should 
be των άλλων Ελλήνων ττλαω, but 
such looseness of expression with 
the superlative is not infrequent, 
and is here caused by the parallel- 
ism with ελάχιστα των τριάκοντα. 

— els ύμα$: force, see on προς 
32. 19, Crit. Note. 

90. καταψηφΐ€ΐσ-θ€ : monitory 
protasis, see on άφήσουσιν § 35. 

— ώ$: an uncommon use with 
δήλος and the partic. of ind. disc, 
(see on § 73) ; cp. Xen. A nab. 
1.5.9 δήλος ην Κύρος ως σττα/δων 
it was evident that Cyrus was 
hastening. — toIs ircirpa-yiiivois : 


91 δτι τά νπο των τριάκοντα προσταχθεντα εποιειτε * νννϊ 
μεν γαρ ουδείς ύμας αναγκάζει πάρα την ύμετεραν 
γνώμην χίτηφίζεσθαι. ώστε συμβουλεύω μη τούτων 

Ζ^άποψηφισαμένους υμών αυτών καταψηφίσασθαι. μηδ' 
οΐεσθε κρύβδην εΐι^αι την ψήφον ' φανεράν γαρ tj} 
πόλει την ύμετέραν γνώμην ποιήσετε. 

92/ Βούλομαι δε ολίγα εκατέρους άναμνησας καταβαί- 
νειν 9 τους τε έζ άστεως και τους εκ Τ1ειραιώς 9 ίνα τάς 

57ούμΐν δια τούτων γεγενημενας συμφοράς παραδείγματα 
έχοντες την ψήφον φερητε\ καΧ πρώτον μεν όσοι εζ 
άστεως εστε, σκέψασθε δτι ύπο τούτων ούτω σφόδρα 
ήρχεσθε, ώστε άδελφοΐς και ύέσι καϊ πολίταις ηναγκά- 
ζεσθε πολεμεΐν τοιούτον πόλεμον, εν ω ηττηθεντες μεν 

575 τοις νικησασι το ίσον έχετε, νικήσαντες δ* αν τούτοις 

case, see on opy&aOe § 8o. — in μη&ενΐ τούτο τταρασττ), ως . . . 

ιτρο<Γταχθέντα : a side thrust at κατηγορώ § 62. 
Eratosthenes's excuse, § 25. — 92. καταβα£ν«.ν : i.e. from the 

liroictrc: tense, see on Ιποίονν speaker's platform.' — 8ιά τούτων: 

§ 25. force, see on δια πλήθους § 87, — 

gi. μη8* otco-Oc: nor think, την ψήφον φ^ρητ€ : by position and 

" The ballot is secret." The ballot construction this is the leading 

of the individual juror will be phrase as compared with τας σνμ.- 

secret, but the jurors are not to φοράς . . . έχοντες, but subordi- 

be influenced by that fact, for if nate in thought. The dropping 

the secret ballot acquits Eratosthe- of emphasis in delivery would give 

nes, it will be clear that the mem- to it its real subordination ; it may 

bersofthe city party have so voted, well be made subord. in trans.: 

and are therefore still hostile to that you may have the misfortunes 

the democracy. The negative μ.η&* . . . as warnings, as you cast your 

όίεσθ* does not imply the untruth vote. — 4v φ: the main clause of 

of κρνβδψ elvai, as it would in result has the construction ούτω 

an ordinary connection. Precisely . . . ώστ€, the subordinate one, 

similar is the use of the negative τοιούτον iv ω. 



93 εδουλεύετε. και τους ιδίους οίκους ούτοι μεν έκ των 
πραγμάτων μεγάλους εκτησαντο, ύμεΐς δείδιά τον προς 
αλλήλους πόλεμον ελάττους έχετε ' συνωφελεΐσθαι μεν 
yap υμάς ουκ ήξίουν, συνδιαβάλλεσθαχ δ* ήνάγκαζον, 

580 €19 τοσούτον υπεροψίας ελθόντες ώστε συ των αγαθών 
κοινούμενοι πιστούς υμάς εκτωντο 9 άλλα των ' ονειδών 

94 /κ,€ταδιδόιτ€9 ευνους ωοντο €u>cu. avff ων ύμεΐς νυν 
εν τω θαρραλέα) οντες, καθ" όσον δύνασθε, καϊ ύττερ 
υμών αυτών καϊ ύπερ των εκ ΤΙειραιως τίμωρήσασθε, 

-βζένθυμηθεντες μεν ση ύπο τούτων πονηρότατων όντων 
ήρχεσθε, ενθυμηθεντες δε ότι μετ ανδρών νυν αρίσ- 
των πολιτεύεσθε καϊ τοις πολεμίους μάχεσθε καϊ 
περί της πόλεως βουλεύεσθε, άναμνησθεντες δε των 

93• For the use of antithesis 
in this section see App. § 57. 1. 
— obcovs: Xenophon sums up a 
discussion on the meaning of οίκος 
in these words, οίκος δ* ημΐν Ιφαί- 
vcro oircp κτησις η σν/Λττασα we 
agreed that οίκος is the same as 
ο fit's whole property (Oecotiom. 
6. 4) . — tovs ISCovs οίκους . . . μτγά.- 
λουδ Ικτήο-αντο: the Greek con- 
denses into the one expression 
the thoughts expressed by the two 
Eng. sentences, "They acquired 
great estates" 1 and <% They made 
their own estates great. " — 4κ τΑν 
νραγμάτων: from their political 
activity* see on 16. 3. — -rods : see 
32. i9,Crit. Note. — ίκτώντο: cona- 
tive impf., see on aretdev § 58. — 
αλλά . . . ωοντο ctvoi: but they 

thought you were satisfied if they 
let you share the blame. 

94. vvv br τψ θαρραλί» : imply- 
ing that under the Thirty they had 
acted from fear. — * »θ υμ η( Μ »τ «ν 4r- 
0υμη0έντ€$ : on the επαναφορά see 
A PP• § 57• 5•— **r Αρίστων: vw 
with iroXtTcvtafo ; the reversal of 
the ordinary position, αρίστων vvr, 
throws strong emphasis upon both 
words ; see on ημϊν § 33. — woXc- 
ptots : * you now fight against the 
enemy, no longer against your fel- 
low-citizens.' Not that Athens 
was at war at this time, but that 
the former supporters of the Thirty 
are now back in normal relations ; 
their wars are now against the 
public enemies, no longer against 
brothers and sons and fellow- 



επικούρων, ους ούτοι φύλακας της σφετέρας αρχής και 

59©τ^9 υμετέρας δουλεία? εις την άκρόπολιν κατέστησαν• 

95 καϊ προς ύμας μεν en πολλών όντων είπεΐν τοσαυτα λέγω. 

όσοι δ* εκ ΤΙειραιώς εστε, πρώτον μεν τών οπλών άναμνη- 

σθητε, οτι πολλας μάχας εν ry άλλοτ/πα μαχεσάμενοι 

ούχ υπο τών πολεμίων αλλ' υπό τούτων ειρήνης ούσης 

595 άφηρέθητε τα όπλα, επειθ* οτι έζεκηρύχθητε μεν εκ της 

πόλεως, ην ύμΐν οί πατέρες παρέδοσαν, φεύγοντας δε 

96υμ,ας εκ τών πόλεων εζητουντο. ανθ* ων οργίσθητε μεν 

ώσπερ οτ εφεύγετε, αναμνήσθητε δε και τών άλλων 

κακών α πεπόνθατε υπ' αυτών, οι τους μεν εκ της 

citizens (§ 9 2 )• — ^ιτικούρων : the 
Spartan garrison under Callibius 
(see Chron. App.). Lysias rep- 
resents the calling in of foreign 
troops as a sign that the Thirty 
distrusted their own supporters. 

95. τών Τίτλων : brought out of 
the otl clause into immediate con- 
nection with αναμνήσθητε (pro- 
lepsis) ; its repetition in the otl 
clause is unusual, but is justified 
by the length of the intervening ex- 
pression and by the emphasis that 
rests upon the words άφυρεθητε 
τα όπλα. — άλλοτρία : L. & S. s.v. 
II. 2. — 4κ τή« iroXcus : strictly 
speaking €κ του άστεως only (προ- 
εΐπον μλν τοις €<£ω τον καταλόγου 
μη earicwu cfe το άστυ, Xen. Hell. 
2. 4• ι)• The term πόΚις would 
include the Piraeus, but very many 
of the exiles feared to remain 

there ; Lysias's statement is there- 
fore little beyond the fact. — U 
των ιτόλιων : the cities of the Pelo- 
ponnesian alliance, the demand 
being made by Sparta, the sup- 
porter of the Thirty. But not 
all these cities obeyed. Thebes 
became the chief rallying point 
of the exiles. When Lacedaemo- 
nian ambassadors demanded of 
Argos the surrender of certain of 
the fugitives, the Argives gave the 
embassy till sunset to leave the 
country (Dem. 15. 22) ; exiles 
were also harbored at Megara 
(Xen. Hell. 2. 4. 1) and at Chal- 
cis (Lys. 24. 25). — ίξητοδντο : the 
imperf. of the repeated and inef- 
fectual action ; cp. the aorists άφη- 
ρέθητε, ίξεκηρνχθητε, of summary, 
consummated actions. 

96, 4v0* wv: see on όργίζεσθ* 


6οο αγοράς τους δ' εκ τών Ιερών συναρπάζοντες βιαίως 
άπέκτειναν, τους δε από τέκνων καϊ γονέων καϊ γυναι- 
κών άφελκοντες ψόνεας αυτών ήνάγκασαν γει/εσί?αι 
και ουδέ ταφής της νομιζομειηης ειασαν τυχεΐν, ηγού- 

^μενοι την αυτών άρχην βεβαιοτεραν ειι^αι της παρά των 

97 θεών τιμωρίας, όσοι 8ε τον θάνατον διεφυγον 9 πολλά- 
νου κινδυνεύ&αντες και είς πολλάς πόλεις πλανηθεντες 
και πανταχόθεν εκκηρυττομενοι, ενδεείς δντες τών επι- 
τηδείων, 6ί μεν εν πολέμια τη πατρίδι τους παιδα? 
καταλιπόντες, οί δ* εν ζενη γη, πολλών έναντιουμενων 

ίιοηλθετε εις τον Πειραιά, πολλών δε καϊ μεγάλων κινδύ- 
νων υπάρζάντων άνδρες αγαθοί γενόμενοι τους μεν 

98 ήλευθερώσατε, τους δ* είς την πατρίδα κατηγάγετε. ει 
δε εδυστυχησατε και τούτων ημάρτετε 9 αύτοι μεν αν 
δείσαντες εφεύγετε μη πάθητε τοιαύτα οία και πρό- 

>ΐ5τερον, και ουτ αν ιερά ούτε βωμοί ύμας αδικούμενους 

§ 8ο. — Upwv : cp. § 98. — φονέα$ force, see on υπάρχει § 23. — τούβ 

αυτών . . . ταφή* : as in the case \Uv : the children left at Athens, 

of Polemarchus. — Tfjs νομιζομίνηβ : g8. τούτων: the safe return 

for position see on την άξίαν and the rescue of their children. 

§ 82. — tycuycTc : the time may be pres- 

97. ιτολ€μΙα : the Greek predi- ent or past (HA. 895 and 895 a ; 

cate position provides a more G. 1397; B. 606; Gl. 649), you 

compact expression than is pos- would now be in exile, or you 

sible in Eng. ; see on εκτησαντο would have gone into exile (cp. 

§ 93, and cp. Xen. Anab. 1.3. 14 tytvyov § 16) ; the second trans. 

ηγεμόνα aiTeiv Κ,νρον όστις δια is better, for owr av tcpa . . . ωφε- 

φιλίας της χώρας άπάξει. — ήλθ€Τ€ : λησαν (aor.) must be past. — μη 

the sentence began with διαφυγόν, ιτά0ητ€ : connect with Sct'cravre? ; 

but as it develops the speaker a negative purpose after c^cvyere 

passes over unconsciously to the would in Lysias have ίνα μη 

second person. — νπ-αρξάντων : (GMT. 315 n. 1). — καϊ πρότ*- 



δια τους τούτων τρόπους ωφέλησαν, α και τοις άδικονσι 
σωτήρια γίγνεται ' οι δε παίδες υμών, όσοι μεν ενθαδε 
'ήσαν, υπ ο τούτων αν ύβρίζοντο, οί δ* επι ξένης μικρών 
αν ένεκα συμβολαίων εδούλενον ερημιά, των επικουρψ 

62ο σόντων. 

99 Άλλα γαρ ου τα μέλλοντα €σ€σ#αι βούλομαι λέγειν, 
τα πραχθέντα ύπο τούτων ου δυνάμενος ειπείν, ουδέ 
γαρ ενός κατηγόρου ουδέ δυοα> έργον έστίν 9 άλλα 
πολλών, δμως δε της έμης προθυμίας ούδεν έλλέ- 

625 λειπται, υπέρ τε των ιερών, α ούτοι τα μεν άπέδοντο τα 
δ* είσιόντες έμίαινον, υπέρ τε της πόλεως, ην μικράν 
εποίουν, υπέρ τε τών νεωρίων, α καθεΐλον, και υπέρ τών 

ρον : for και in a comparison see 
on 19.2. — διά τρόπους: connect 
with ovrc ωφέλησαν. — &: agree- 
ment, HA. 628 ; G. 1021 (a) ; B. 
463; Gl. 613 a. — ύβρίζοντο . . . 
Ιδούλευον: of present time. — Ivcxa: 
on the position of fvc/ca see on 19. 
17. — συμβολαίων : loans. How far 
slavery for debt existed in other 
states is uncertain; in Athens it 
had not existed since Solon's re- 
forms. Perhaps the term εδον- 
λευον is used only as a strong 
expression for forced labor of a 
debtor unable to meet his note by 
money payment. 

99. άλλα γάρ: force, see on 
§ 40. — τά μέλλοντα : = α έμελλεν. 
For the non-use of αν see G. 1402. 
3 ; B. 567. 1 . On the tense see on 
άνιωμένου § 32. — λέγειν . . . ctirctv : 
continuative present, complexive 

aorist. — ri y ri y W, καί: on the 
7τολυσννδετον see App. § 58. 4. — 
τά μεν : not the temples, but prob- 
ably treasures from the temples, 
and especially tracts of land be- 
longing to their endowments, 
ordinarily rented to private per- 
sons for the benefit of the temple 
funds. — ίμίαινον : the Thirty were 
so steeped in guilt that their very 
entrance into a temple was a pol- 
lution to it. — νεωρώ>ν : the entire 
loss of the fleet at the close of 
the Peloponnesian War had left 
the dockyards and naval arsenal 
empty. It was the plan of Sparta 
and her Athenian supporters to 
see to it that the fleet should never 
be restored. This was the more 
acceptable to the Thirty as the 
fleet had always been the center 
of democratic power. We are not 



τεθνεώτων, οΐς ύμείς 9 επειδή ζώσιν επαμνι/αι ουκ βδν- 

Ιθθι/ασ0€, άποθανουσι βοηθήσατε, ίοιμαι δ* αυτού? ημών 

630 τε άκροασθαι καΧ ύμας είσεσθαι την ψηφον φέροντας, 

ηγουμένους, όσοι μεν αν τούτων άποψηφίσησθε, αυτών 

θάνατον καταψηφισμένους εσεσθαι, όσοι δ' αν πάρα 

τούτων δίκην λάβωσιν, ύπερ αύτων τάς τιμωρίας πεποιη- 


635 ΤΙαύσομαι κατήγορων, ακηκόατε, εωράκατε, πεπόν- 

θατε, — *X eTe ' δικάζετε. 

surprised, then, to read in Isocra- 
tes (7. 66) that the dockyards, 
which had cost not less than 
1000 t., were sold by the Thirty 
for 3 t. to be broken up. But 
apparently the work of destruc- 
tion was not completed, for four 
years after the Thirty Lysias (30. 
22) speaks of the dockyards as 
then falling into decay. 

100. v|ias cfcrc<rOai την ψήφο ν 
φέροντας: this would ordinarily 
mean, "will know that you cast 
your vote" an impossible meaning 
here. The parallelism with ημών 
re ακροασθαι, together with proper 
division of phrases in delivery, 
makes the meaning clear : 
I think they hear us, and will take 
ktiowledge of you, as you cast your 
vote; see G. 1582-3. For the in- 
gressive meaning of άσισΒαχ cp. 
27. 7 ηκουσι δέ 7τάντ€9 oi τα. της 
πόλεως πράττοντες ονχ ημών άκρο- 
ασόμενοι, αλλ' υμάς εΐσόμενοι ήν- 
τίνα γνώμην περί των άδικονντων 
lysias — 9 

Ιζετε all who are active in politics 
have come, not to hear us, but to 
take knowledge of you, what view 
you are going to hold about the 
guilty. — κατ€ψηφι<τμίνου$ 2o~c<r0ai : 
tense, future responsibility ; cp. on 
είργασμενοι άσίν § 22. — τά« τιμω- 
ρίας: the penalty due. This passage 
is of great interest as bearing on 
the question of the belief of the 
common people, in distinction from 
that of the poets and philosophers, 
as to the condition of the dead. 
Lysias assumes that the jurymen 
believe in the conscious existence 
of the dead, and their knowledge 
of what is being done in this world 
for or against them. An appeal 
of this sort is not uncommon in 
Athenian pleas, but in all other 
instances is qualified by some ex- 
pression which implies that such 
knowledge on the part of the 
dead is only a possibility. — On 
the remarkable ασννδετον in the 
final sentence see App. § 58. 3. 




Lysias wrote this speech for Mantitheus, 1 a young man who, as 
a candidate for office, probably that of senator, was to appear 
before the outgoing Senate to pass his scrutiny (δοκιμασία)? 

The charge was brought against Mantitheus that he had been a 
member of the cavalry which had supported the Thirty, and that 
he was therefore not a fit candidate for office. 

The following facts as to cavalry service in Athens will make 
clear the point of this attack, and the bearing of the argument 
in reply. 

Before the Peloponnesian War Athens had made very little use 
of cavalry, but from the beginning of that war to the close of the 
next century a force of a thousand horsemen was maintained. 8 

1 We know the name only from the title handed down in the Mss. In 
§ 13 we find one Orthobulus having charge of the cavalry list of the speaker's 
tribe. On a fragment of an Attic treaty, probably of the year 378 B.C., an 
Orthobulus of the deme Ceramicus is named as one of an embassy to 
Byzantium. If this is the Orthobulus of § 13, that fact determines the tribe 
of Mantitheus, for Ceramicus belonged to Acamantis (Kohler, JJermes,V. 11). 

2 See p. 253 N. 2. The office must have been that of senator or archon, 
for these offices only were subject to δοκιμασία by the Senate (Arist. Resp. 
Aih, 45. 3). In § 8, where Mantitheus cites precedents, he speaks of senators, 
generals, and hipparchs, but not of archons. Nor is there any reference to 
special duties involved in the office sought, or to the second δοκιμασία, which 
would follow before a law court if the office were an archonship (Arist ibid, 
55. 2). 

3 These Iwweis are not to be confused with the imrets who formed the 
second property class of Athenian citizens. The name as applied to the 



This force was made up from members of the first two property 
classes, selected by a board of ten Commissioners («araXoyctf), 
who were appointed annually. 1 Cavalrymen on the new list, who 
had served the year before, might be excused by the Senate upon 
their taking oath that they were physically incapable of serving 
longer. Newly enrolled members who refused to serve could be 
compelled to do so through legal proceedings. But the service 
was popular, and it is probable that a large part of the men of one 
year were glad to be enrolled for the next, and that many young 
men stood ready to fill vacancies. 2 The new members were 
obliged to pass their δοκιμασία before the Senate. 3 

The cavalryman furnished his own horse, and in time of peace 
kept it in his own stable, but both in peace and in war he received 
a fixed sum for its keeping. He also received from the state, on 
entrance into the corps, a sum of money (κατάσταση) for an outfit/ 

The cavalry not only served in war but played an important 
part in the festal processions of the city. It was a matter of pride 
to appear there with spirited and finely trained horses, with 
brilliant equipment, and with perfect training in maneuver». 
The frieze of the Parthenon preserves in idealized form the beauty 
of such a troop of cavalry in the Panathenaic festival. 

An enrolment which thus offered opportunity for display in time 
of peace, and a less dangerous and less irksome form of service in 
war, attracted the more ambitious and proud young men of the 
aristocracy. As the feeling against the radical democracy steadily 
strengthened during the Peloponnesian War it found strong sup- 
political dhision was an inheritance from a very early time when pwfc&My 
tbe aristocracy were all \rvw. In the historic tine ineraberskfp in the 
fotiOcal division was purely a matter <A property rating- 

1 Arist. Resp. Afr. 49. 2. Bat see on f l\ 

* See XenopiioiL, Ifipparckicm, i. If 1 

* ArisL Lc- Lyiu 14- 8, τοί *ipm> 4at\*A*m* Hv ns 4fa«U***T*s 'ntrw4h§ 4 
tv^pm* ebmj- Op. li>. 15. 

* Wlact tlrtr outfit included we 3eam iivm Xeavpikon's teet m b» pwwpfeltst, 
Dt Re Eptcstri, iz. 1-12. 


port in this aristocratic corps, and when at last the Thirty gained 
control of the city they depended largely for their military strength 
upon this well trained and equipped body of cavalry, cooperating 
with the Spartan garrison. When the returning exiles seized 
Phyle the cavalry went out with the garrison to attack them, 1 and 
two squadrons of the cavalry were left to guard the frontier. 8 
At a later date the cavalry were drawn up outside the gate at 
Eleusis as the citizens were treacherously led out and seized, and 
they took the captives to Athens to their death. 8 Later they took 
part in the unsuccessful assault on Munychia. 4 When the Thirty 
were "replaced by the Ten, the cavalry still supported the city 
party, guarding the circuit of the walls by night, and skirmishing 
against the Piraeus troops by day. 6 Finally they were with the 
Spartans under Pausanias in their attack on the exiles at the 
Piraeus. 6 From first to last they fought stubbornly to maintain 
the power of the oligarchy, and were the objects of the bitter 
hatred of the exiles. 7 

The cavalry were, of course, included in the amnesty, but we 
learn from our speech (§6) that a vote was passed requiring 
every cavalryman to pay back into the treasury the sum which 
he had received for his outfit (κατάσταση). The full purpose 
of this action is not clear. The motive may have been to raise 

1 Xen. Hell. 2. 4. 2. 2 Ibid. 2. 4. 4. 8 Ibid. 2. 4. 8. 

4 Ibid. 2. 4. 10. 6 Ibid. 2. 4. 24, 26. 6 Ibid. 2. 4. 31. 

7 Xenophon was probably a member of the cavalry during this whole period. 
The fact of the suspicion under which he was sure to stand with the democ- 
racy in consequence of this service may well have been a strong motive in 
determining him to join his friend Proxenus in the expedition with Cyrus. 
He gives a striking testimony to the hatred of the democracy toward the 
cavalry corps in his statement that when, four years after the Return, the 
Spartans called upon Athens to furnish cavalry to help in the campaign in 
Asia Minor, the Athenians sent them three hundred of those who had served 
as cavalrymen under the Thirty, ρομί^ορτα κέρδος τψ δήμφ, el άποδημοΐ€Ρ καΐ 
έραπόλοιρτο thinking it a good thing for the Demos if. they should go abroad 
and die there {Hell. 3. I. 4), a statement which betrays Xenophon's own 
feeling toward the people. 


money for the empty treasury by putting this indirect tax upon 
the rich aristocrats, without a technical violation of the terms of 
the amnesty ; but some consider this only a part of a wider decree 
dissolving the whole corps. 1 

As public life settled back into the old channels after the 
Return, individuals from among these former cavalrymen of the 
Thirty began to come forward in political life and even to offer 
themselves as candidates for office. It must have vseemed to 
many of the returned exiles that the men who had so actively 
supported the lost cause ought to be more than content with per- 
mission to live retired lives as private citizens, and that for them 
to come forward now, seeking public office or any political in- 
fluence whatever, was the height of presumption, and more than 
was ever intended, morally, at least, by the amnesty. 2 

Such, then, was the state of feeling when Mantitheus presented 
himself for the δοκιμασία. 

The senatorship was open to all citizens who had reached the 
age of thirty years. Fifty seats belonged to each of the ten phylae, 
and were distributed among the several demes according to their 
population. The lot was drawn in early spring among the mem- 
bers of the deme who offered themselves as candidates. The year 
of service for the new Senate began on the 14th of Scirophorion 
(two weeks before the close of the civil year, July-August). 

The list of senators for the new year having been thus drawn up, 
the outgoing Senate passed upon the qualifications of each candi- 
date. This scrutiny (δοκιμασία) did not cover questions as to 
technical knowledge of the duties to be performed, but only 
questions of good character and citizenship. Aristotle gives the 
following description of the examination of candidates for the 

1 We 6nd the statement in Harpocration (j,v. καταντά**) that the «erl* 
*r«*-if was always paid back to the treasury when a cavalryman retired from 
service. If this is true, the decree that all now repay their ιατάντα** i» 
doubtless a part of a decree dissolving the force ; bat the statement in Har* 
pocration may be based only on a misunderstanding of the present case, 

* ¥ λ Lysaas's position on this <jaestv>n f see Itrtrod* pp. 40-42, 


archonship, which probably did not differ materially from the ex- 
amination for the senatorship : " When they are examined, they 
are asked, first, ' Who is your father, and of what deme ? Who is 
your father's father? Who is your mother? Who is your mother's 
father, and of what deme ? ' Then the candidate is asked whether 
he has an ancestral Apollo and a household Zeus, and where their 
sanctuaries are ; next, if he possesses a family tomb, and where ; 
then, if he treats his parents well, and pays his taxes, and has 
served on the required military expeditions. 1 When the examiner 
has put these questions, he proceeds, ' Call the witnesses to these 
facts ' ; and when the candidate has produced his witnesses, he 
next asks, ' Does any one wish to make any accusation against this 
man?'" {Resp. Ath., ch. 55, Kenyon's trans.). 

We conclude, then, that when at the hearing before the Senate 
the presiding officer asked the final question, some member of the 
outgoing Senate, or some private citizen, presented the formal 
objection that Mantitheus had served in the cavalry under the 
Thirty. The candidate must now have been given time to pre- 
pare a defense, so that we must assume that the charge was laid 
over for a later meeting of the Senate. Mantitheus then went 
to Lysias, who had in the past ten years won a reputation as 
a writer of court speeches, and employed him to compose a 

The lawyer could not appear in the Senate to plead for his 
client, but the young man was obliged, according to the custom 
both of court and Senate, to deliver his own plea. 

The problem for Lysias was, then, to learn whether the charge 
was true, and if true whether it formed a valid ground for his 
client's exclusion, and to determine what pleas could be presented 
to offset the charge. Moreover, Lysias had to bear in mind the 
fact that the speech was to be spoken by the young man himself. 
The more the writer could adapt the tone of the speech and the 

1 The question as to taxes would hardly be asked of candidates for a 
senatorship, for this was open to men of the lowest property class, who were 
not subject to taxation. 


nature of the plea to the personality of his client, the less artificial 
would the plea appear, and the more effective would it be. He 
had, in short, to write the speech which the young man would 
himself have written if he had possessed Lysias's knowledge of 
law and politics, and Lysias's training in argumentation. 

As the advocate went over the facts with his client, it appeared 
that the complainants did not attempt to cite any instance when 
Mantitheus had served with the cavalry, but had based their whole 
attack upon the fact that his name was found in the official list. 
The first business of the defense was, therefore, to throw dis- 
credit on this list. But if that should not convince the Senate, it 
remained still to show that service in the cavalry of the Thirty had 
not been interpreted as excluding a man from holding office under 
the restored democracy, if he was otherwise uncompromised. So 
much the lawyer could furnish for the defense. But Lysias knew 
the Athenian audience too well to suppose that plausible proof or 
valid proof would carry the case. He knew that their verdict 
would be determined more by their feelings than their judgment, 
and as he talked with his young client he saw that the man's own 
personality would be his best defense ; that after the briefest argu- 
ment on the technical charge the best possible course would be to 
let the young man talk in the most frank way of his own attitude 
and conduct. For he was a type of the best citizen, frank, enthu- 
siastic, eager to serve the state, personally brave in danger, " the 
first to take the field and the last to return " ; he had shown his 
devotion to the restored democracy by the most honorable military 
service ; he had only to tell his story to the jury as he told it to 
Lysias to win their confidence. And so Lysias let him tell his 
story. Few speech writers would have been able to compose a 
speech which would let the man speak in his own hearty, uncon- 
scious way, and yet would present each fact in the most telling 
form. "Youth is confident and talkative, it lays stress upon 
details, it overestimates the importance of what it has itself ex- 
perienced and accomplished. In Mantitheus these qualities seem 
to have been especially marked. In his interviews with his lawyer 


they would not have failed to manifest themselves." 1 Lysias's 
mastery of simple, clear language, of brief expression, of vivid 
narration, was precisely what was needed in preparing a speech 
which should seem the natural expression of his client's own 
qualities. 2 

The date of the speech is between 394 and 389 B.C. It can- 
not have been written before 394, for § 15 speaks of events of that 
year. It can hardly have been written after 388, because in that 
year Thrasybulus died, while the sportive way in which he is 
spoken of in § 15, and the use of the perfect tense in ών£ΐδικότος 
in that passage, almost compel the inference that he was living 
when the speech was delivered. The reference (§ 18) to other 
military services than those of § 15 makes it likely that the speech 
falls a considerable time after 394. It was certainly after the tide 
of popular feeling had begun to turn from Thrasybulus (see on 
§ IS)• 


Ι. Ήροοίμων, Exordium (with first Πρό&σις), §§ 1-3. 

I am confident in my innocence (§§ 1-2); I shall prove that 
I have shown more than passive loyalty to the Democracy; but 
first I shall prove that I did not serve in the cavalry of the Thirty 
(Προ'^σις), (§ 3 ). 

II. Πίστας, Argumentation §§ 4-8. 
Answer to the immediate charge. 

A. Proof that I could not have been in the cavalry, §§ 4-5. 

B. Invalidation of the official cavalry roll. 

1. It has been found unreliable in other cases, § 6. 

2. My name is not in the reliable roll of the phylarchs, §§ 6-7. 

C. Even had I served, precedent is in favor of my admission 
to office, § 8. 

1 Bruns, Literarisches Portrat, p. 448. 

2 In this speech Lysias was evidently concerned only for securing a verdict 
for his client. The argument is entirely personal. The great issues involved 
in the question of the interpretation of the amnesty are not discussed. 


III. Second Πρό&σι$, Propositio, § 9. 

A plea in δοκιμασία should include review of the whole life : 
such a review I will give. 

IV. Διήγησκ, Narratio, §§ 10-18. 

A. My family relations, § 10. 

B. My social relations, §§ 11-12. 

C. My military record : 

1. The expedition to Haliartus, §§ 13-14. 

2. The expedition to Corinth, §§ 15-17. 

3. Other military service, § 18. 

V. Ανσκ, Refutatio, §§ 18-21. 

A. Answer to prejudice arising from my personal appearance 
and bearing, §§ 18-19. 

B. Answer to the charge of forwardness in taking part in public 
life, §§ 20-21. 


Ι. ΠροοίμΛον, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

The opening words strike the note of confidence that is to per- 
vade the speech. 

An important point in any good proem is its power to catch the 
attention of the hearer ; to this end a bright paradox is an excel- 
lent means. So the attention of any senator who was expecting 
to hear the usual complaint against the malice of the prosecution 
is pleasantly quickened by the opening remark that the speaker is 
almost grateful to them. 

The formal scheme of the rhetoricians for the framework of a 
speech prescribed, as the second or third division, a πρόθεσις 
(propositio), a formal statement of what the speaker proposes to 
prove. But here Lysias weaves his πρόθεσις into the proem so 
naturally and closely that we can hardly draw the line between 
them ; § 3 begins as part of the proem,. but its last sentence is in 
the full form of πρόθίσπ. 


The proem is free from rhetorical embellishment. The lan- 
guage is dignified and forcible, but entirely natural. 

II. Πίστας, Argumentation §§ 4-8. 

A. §§ 4-5. The argument that the Thirty would not have 
received so late a comer into their service is weak. The time 
when the exiles were moving down upon the Piraeus was just the 
time when the Thirty were glad of help. The fact that Manti- 
theus chose this time to return to the city, and that he was ad- 
mitted by the administration, looks as though he was avowedly on 
their side. From what we see later of the enthusiastic eagerness 
of the young man to be at the front in time of danger, it is hard 
to believe that, returning to Athens as the crisis was approaching, 
he took sides with neither party. 

B. §§ 6-7. The argument from the double lists is stronger, 
but it is impossible to say how strong. If the testimony presented 
at the close of § 8 included testimony from the phylarchs that his 
name was not on their lists, it would be almost convincing. But 
it is not quite certain that the absence of the name from the list 
of those who received the cavalry outfit proves that he was not in 
the service during the last weeks. May not some have furnished 
their own outfit in those times of great financial need on the part 
of the administration, and would this not be particularly likely in 
the case of a late comer and well-to-do volunteer like Mantitheus? 
The most surprising thing is that neither the prosecution nor the 
defense seems to have produced the testimony of the officers 
under whom Mantitheus would have served. 

C. § 8. The third argument would be conclusive if we could 
count upon consistent action by the Athenian courts or Senate. 
The amnesty, if followed in good faith, ought to have precluded 
even the raising of the question of excluding a former member of 
the cavalry from the Senate. But the fact that Lysias does not 
dare let the case rest upon this one argument and that he passes 
over it quickly, shows how unreliable he felt the temper of the 
people to be. 


The language is as simple and direct as that of the proem. 
There is nothing to suggest to the hearer that Mantitheus is speak- 
ing words other than his own. 

III. Second Πρόθεσις, Proposition § 9. 

Lysias now prepares the way for his main defense, the presen- 
tation of the young man in his own frank, enthusiastic personality. 

IV. Διήγηση, Narratio, §§ 10-18. 

For this broader phase of the defense Lysias turns to narrative. 
There are three ways of using narrative as a part of a plea : the 
speaker may give his full narrative and then argue the conclusions 
to be drawn from it ; l or he may narrate step by step, and at each 
step argue as to the conclusion to be drawn from a particular inci- 
dent; 2 or he may give the full narrative without argument or 
comment, trusting to the power of the narrative itself to make its 
own argument. This last and most artistic form Lysias chooses 
for Mantitheus, making only the slightest comment on the bearing 
of the several statements. As Mantitheus proceeds with his story 
the senators see in him the generous brother, the temperate and 
orderly young man in a social circle inclined to intemperance and 
folly, the eager young soldier, seeking out the post of danger, 
and generous in sharing his means with his poorer comrades. If a 
little too eager in putting himself forward, and a little too confident 
in telling of his own achievements, yet he has only the amiable 
faults of youth. It needed no argument to convince the hearers 
that such a man as that, and with such a record of chivalrous 
service to the restored democracy, was not a dangerous man to 
sit in their Senate. Lysias leaves the simple, clear account to 
make its own impression. 

V. Λυσις, Refutatioy §§ 18-21. 

In a strict sense all that a defendant says in his argument is in 
the nature of a " refutation " of the charges ; but th£ term λΰσις 

1 So in Lys. XII, the narrative of the abuse of Lysias and his family. 

2 So in Lys. XII, the discussion of the career of Theramenes (see p. 56). 


applies also to the answer to attacks of the other side subordinate 
to the main attack. Lysias knows that two such minor attacks 
are likely to be made; one, that the defendant belongs to the 
long-haired, swaggering Laconizers, the other that he is a forward 
and conceited aspirant for political preferment. Lightly and 
modestly Mantitheus answers both, without attempting to deny 
that he has given some occasion for such an impression. Then, 
with a word of compliment to the senators, quite unexpectedly, 
without summing up or final plea or peroration of any kind, he 
steps down. 

This omission of the usual appeal to the feelings of the hearers 
is quite in keeping with the confident tone of the whole speech. 
The omission of the peroration is also wise from the rhetorical 
point of view. Throughout the speech Lysias has repressed 
everything that could suggest artificial or studied speech; it 
is in keeping with this that he omits that part of the plea in 
which rhetorical art was usually most displayed. 

The language of sections IV and V preserves the simplicity of 
the earlier sections. We notice only a tendency to use larger and 
more rounded sentences in the main narrative, §§ 13-17, giving a 
compactness and force that are less often found in narrative style. 1 
There is also a considerable use of antithetic cola 2 in this part 
of the plea, but hardly more than is natural in any earnest 

No speech of Lysias offered a better opportunity for his peculiar 
skill in fitting the speech to the man (ηθοποιία) ; 8 having decided 
to let the case depend chiefly on the impression which Manti- 
theus's personality (ήθος) would make upon the hearers, he devel- 
oped every thought and expression which would reveal this, and 
suppressed every other. 

It is noticeable that there is no counter-attack on the prosecu- 
tion, no denunciation of those who, according to his claim, must 

1 On this type of sentence structure see App. § 51. 

2 For the term ' colon ' see App. § 44. 

8 On the meaning of ηθοποιία see Introd. p. 28. 


have maliciously inserted his name in the list of the cavalry. 
Here, too, he is a gentleman and speaks like one. He says 
plainly that the motive in this complaint is personal injury to 
himself (§1), and speaks of the complainants as enemies of his 
(των ίχθρων, §3), but that is all. Lysias always refrains from 
abuse and scurrilous language, but he knows how, on occasion, to 
attack his opponent (cp. p. 31) ; in this speech he refrains from 
it altogether. 



1 Ει μη συνήδη, ώ βουλή, τοις κατηγόρους βονλομενοις 
εκ παντός τρόπον κακώς εμέ ποιεΐν, πολλην αν αύτοϊς 
χάριν ειχρν ταύτης της κατηγορίας ' ηγούμαι γαρ τοις 
αδίκως διαβεβλημενοις τούτους είναι μεγίστων άγα^ώι/ 

5 αίτιους, οΐτινες αν αυτούς άναγκάζωσιν εις ελεγχον 

2 των αύτοΐς βεβιωμενων καταστηναι. βγω γαρ ούτω 
σφόδρα εμαχπω πιστεύω, ωστ ελπίζω καϊ ει τις προς 
με τυγχάνει άηδως διακείμενος, επειδάν εμού λέγοντος 
ακούση περί των πεπραγμένων, μεταμελήσειν αύτω 

ίο και πολύ βελτίω με εις τον λοιπόν χρόνον ήγήσεσθαι. 
Ζαξιω δε, ω βουλή, εάν μεν τούτο μόνον ύμΐν επιδείξω, 

ι. σ-υνηδη : the older Attic form Dem. 18. 265 ίξίτασον τοίνυν παρ* 

is 17877, contracted from rjSea (used άλληλα τα σοϊ κάμοί βεβιωμένα 

by Homer). The later rjSetv be- examine side by side your life and 

came the usual form in the fourth mine. 

century B.C. — rots κατήγοροι* βον- ι. καϊ et: even if. So 19. 3, 

λομένοις : as οίδα takes the accusa- 19. 37, 19. 59, 34. 8. και el repre- 

tive participial construction in sents a statement as an extreme 

indirect discourse, so συνοιδα takes supposition, or as the utmost that 

the dative. — otrives : see on 12. can be assumed, or as improbable.^ 

40. — ete €λ€γχον κτλ. : to present But d kill represents the state- 

themselves for an investigation of ment as something that, while not 

their life, — των β€βιω|&ένων : cp. disputed, is of little importance 




ώς €υνους ct/u τοις καθζστηκόσι πράγμασι και ώς 
ηνάγκασμαι των αύτων κινδύνων μετέχςιν νμΐν, μηδέν 
πω μοι πλέον eiv<u' έαν $€ φαίνωμαι και περί τα 
ΐ5 άλλα μετρίως βββιωκώς καϊ πολύ πάρα την δόζαν και 
παρά τους λόγους τους των έχθρων, δέομαι υμών έμ€ 
μ£ν δοκιμάζεις τούτους δβ ^ycwr&u -χείρους elvai. 

for the matter at issue, or as some- 
thing that is waived aside ; so in 
19. 1,32. 11. 

3. rots καθ€<Γτηκό<η ιτράγμασ-ι : 
to the existing government, viz. 
the democracy, τα πράγματα is 
often used of the governmetit, as 
here, and in 12. 65, 25. 3, 25. 8, 
25. 10, 25. 12. But also in the 
sense of administration of public 
affair s, political control; so in 
12. 93, 25. 14, 25. 18, 25. 23.— 
ηνάγκασμαι: see on αργασμένοι 
elaiv 12. 22. — τών αντων κινδύνων : 
not the dangers of the exile under 
the Thirty, to which citizens so 
proudly referred in these times, but 
dangers in the Corinthian War, 
where Mantitheus has served the 
restored democracy and thereby 
shown his loyalty to it. — μηδέν 
κτλ. : not yet do I claim any ad- 
vantage for myself viz. until I 
have shown more than this, I 
make no plea for special consid- 
eration from you. — ιτλέον: more 
than if I did not have such con- 
duct to my credit. — καϊ irepl τά 
&λλα: in all other relations also. 
— |UTpU»s β«βιωκώ$ : an expression 

which comes from the heart of 
Greek ideals of life. The Greek, 
and especially the Athenian, de- 
manded avoidance of extremes as 
a fundamental principle in ethics, 
precisely as in literature and art. 
Asceticism was as far from the 
ideal as drunkenness, officious- 
ness as little worthy of praise as 
indifference. The words μετρίως 
βεβιωκώς express this ideal life 
both in private and public rela- 
tions, μηδέν άγαν is the ancient 
proverbial expression of the same 
standard, σωφροσύνη its abstract 
name. In Athenian public life the 
doctrine of democratic equality 
strengthened this principle. Es- 
pecially was this quality demanded 
of the rich or gifted man, who 
could easily show insolence toward 
common men. Cp. Taylor, Ancient 
Ideals, I. 202 ff. — δέομαι : he had 
said, " / do not claim' 1 ''; by a 
neat turn he now uses the modest 
"/ beg™ (8co/&uu). — δοκίμαζαν: 
in the technical sense ; see In- 
trod. p. 133. — xcCpovs : i.e. to hold 
them in less esteem than in the 
past. So the plaintiff in the 



πρώτον 8e αποδείξω ως ονχ ΐππευον επι των τριάκοντα, 

ΐ9 ούδε μετεσχον της τότε πολιτείας. 

4 'υμάς γαρ 6 πατήρ προ της εν 'ΈΧλησπόντω συμ- 
φοράς ώς Χάτνρον τον εν τψ ΤΙόντω διαιτησομενονς 
εζεπεμψε, καϊ ούτε των τειχών καθαιρονμενων επε- 
δημοΰμεν ούτε μεθισταμενης της πολιτείας, αλλ 9 ηλθοτ 

speech against Diogiton tells 
the jury, in case he shall fail to 
prove his charges, to hold him 
and his associates in less esteem 
for all future time (ημάς Sk eh τον 
λοιπόν χρόνον η-γύσθαι χείρονς 
elvcu 32. 3)• — ^ irt: force, see on 
12. 17. — |ut&t\ov : ingressive 
aorist, received a share. HA. 
841; G. 1260; B. 529; Gl. 464; 
GMT. 55 ; GS. 239. Cp. μ&τίσχι 
12. 66, μετίσχον 2$. 1 8, γνόντες 
12. 75> άθνμησαι 24• 7> ωργίσθψ 
μεν 32. 21. 

4• γαρ: explicative γαρ, see 
on 19• 12. — τή$ <τυμφορα$: the 
battle of Aegospotami. Cp. 
on 12. 43. — «bs: Lysias uses ως 
oftener than any other word for 
u to" with personal words after 
verbs of motion. (He always uses 
it when the idea of going to one's 
house or shop is clearly added to 
that of going to the man.) Cp. 
19. 22, 19. 23, 24. 19, 24. 20. 
παρά is used in this way only in 
l • *5> 1• 35» 3• 8. προς only in 
32. 10 (twice), 32. 14, 1. 16, 1. 19, 
4. 7, 7. 2, Fr. 1. 1. — Σάτνρον: 
In a speech of Isocrates, de- 

livered about this time, we read 
07• 57) that Satyrus, and his 
father before him, had always 
given trade preference to the Athe- 
nians, that they had furnished car- 
goes of grain for Athenian ships 
when others had to go away empty, 
and that as judges in civil suits 
they had given Athenian litigants 
more than justice. Cp. Hicks and 
Hill, Greek Historical inscrip- 
tions, 269 ff. — Πόντφ: otherwise 
called τ6 κοινον των Βοσπορανών, 
a Greek colony in the Taurian 
Chersonese (Crimea). Its chief 
city was Panticapeum (modern 
Kertch) . It stood in close trade 
relations with Athens, furnishing 
cargoes of grain and salt fish, 
and of the hides and other raw 
products of the interior. — καθαι- 
ρουμένων: the demolition of the 
walls, begun in a spectacular way 
by Lysander (Xen. Hell. 2. 2. 23), 
but left to the Athenians them- 
selves to complete, continued for 
some time, being probably still un- 
finished when Lysander returned 
to Athens from Samos to set up 
the oligarchy (cp. on 12. 74). — 



24/ief πριν τους άπο Φυλής εις τον Πειραιά κατελθείν 

δπράτερον πενθ* ημεραις. καίτοι ούτε ημάς εικός ην 
εις τοιούτον καιρόν άφιγμενους επιθυμείν μετέχειν των 
ά\\οτρίων κινδύνων, ουτ εκείνοι φαίνονται τοιαύτην 
γνώμην έχοντες ώστε και τοις άποδημουσι και μηδέν 
εζαμαρτάνουσι μεταδιδόναι της πολιτείας, άλλα /χάλ- 

soXov ήτίμαζον και τους συγκαταλύσαντας τον δήμον. 

6*Επ€ΐτα δε εκ μεν του σανιδίον τους ιππεύσαντας 
σκοπεΐν ευηθες εστίν • εν τούτω γαρ πολλοί μεν των 

xarcXOctv : the compound is doubly 
fitting as applied to the ' coming 
down' from their hill fort, Phyle 
(see on 12. 52), and the 'coming 
back ' from exile, for which it is the 
regular expression (cp. § 6; so 
25. 29 φ€νγοντ€ς μ&ν . . . κατ«λ- 
θόντες 8c). — ιτίν0' ήμέραις: in 
emphatic position and drawing 
irportpov with it from its natural 
position before πριν. 

5. cIkos : for the prominence of 
the argument from ' probability ' 
(εικός) in the teaching of the cur- 
rent rhetoric, see Introd. p. 14. 
— els : this is the only place where 
Lysias uses cfe καιρόν for the 
ordinary iv καιρώ (cp. 30. 14 cv 
τοιοντω καιρώ) ; the accus. with 
ets represents the act as breaking 
into the time. — μ«τ*χ€ΐν : compare 
the tense with that of μετίσχον 
§ 3• — 2χοντ€$: impf. with refer- 
ence to φαίνονται ; so άποδημονσι 
and Ιξαμαρτάνονσι impf. with ref- 
erence to μ£ταδιδάναί. See on 


άνιωμενον 12. 32. — ήτίμαζον : i.e. 
visited them with ατιμία; impf. 
referring to the general policy 
of the ruling faction of the 

6. σ-ανιδίου: a wooden tablet 
with whitened surface, used for 
public documents which were not 
of sufficient importance to be in- 
scribed on stone. The prosecu- 
tion had probably obtained from 
the official ' archives the list of 
cavalrymen called out for service 
under the Thirty. Some men 
whose names were in such a list 
may have been out of the city, 
others excused from serving (cp. 
Arist. Resp. Ath. 49. 2), and under 
the great pressure of the final 
conflict, others, not originally 
drawn for the service, are likely to 
have been accepted. We need 
not assume any tampering with 
the list to account for the state- 
ment that it was not reliable. 
— €δη耫: meaning, cp. on 12. 87. 



ομολογούντων Ιππενειν ουκ ivetaiVy ενιοι δε των άπο- 

δημονντων εγγεγραμμένοι εισίν. εκείνος δ 9 εστίν 
35 έλεγχος μέγιστος • επειδή γαρ κατηλθετε, εψηφί- 

σασθε τους φυλάρχους άπενεγκεΐν τους ίππενσαντας, 
Τίνα τάς καταστάσεις άναπράξητε παρ 9 αντων. εμε 

τοίνυν ουδείς αν άποδείζειεν οΰτ άπενεχθεντα ύπο των 

— iinrcfaiv, άιτοδημούντων : tense, 
see on άνιωμένου 12. 32. — 4iceivo$ 
. . . μέγιστος : but the greatest 
proof lies in another fact (not 
in this (tovto) worthless list). 
Although the pronoun refers to 
what immediately follows and to 
what is nearest in thought, the 
fact of its sharp contrast brings in 
ckcivos in place of 6Se. For gen- 
der see on ταντην 12. 37. — φυ- 
λάρχονς : one phylarch was elected 
annually from each of the ten 
phylae as commander of its cav- 
alry contingent. The whole force 
was under the command of two 
hipparchs. The phylarchs here 
referred to are the new board, 
elected after the return of the ex- 
iles. — aircvcYKctv tovs iinretferav- 
τα$ : make a return of the names 
of those who joined the cavalry 
(under the Thirty). — καταοτά- 
ereis: see Introd. p. 131. — άνα- 
ιτράξητ€: mood, HA. 881 a; G. 
1369; B. 590, 674; Gl. 642 a. 
For the usage of Lysias and others 
in the choice between subj. and 
opt. in final clauses after a second- 
ary tense, see GMT. 320 n. 1. 

7. .toCwv: this particle is a 
compound of τοί (locative of 
the demonstrative to), and νυν 
in its weakened form vuv, as a 
particle of transition. The toc 
was a weaker equivalent of the 
Homeric τω = in that case, there- 
fore, tolwv thus receives illative 
force ( = therefore) from its first 
member, and transitional force 
from its second. In its common 
use sometimes one prevails, some- 
times the other, but for the strictly 
illative use Lysias commonly pre- 
fers ovv. His uses of τοινυν are 
these : (A) As an illative particle 
= ovv therefore, 12. 50, 12. 84, 
19.38, 19. 51,24. 3,24.7, 24.26, 
25. 20, 25. 23. (B) As a weak 
illative, marking the close of an 
argument, or in turning to tes- 
timony, or in commenting on it, 
12. 37, 12. 46, 12.79, 16.9, 19. 23, 
and often. (C) With slight illative 
force, after the statement of a 
general fact or principle, τοινυν 
introduces the individual instance 
to which the principle is applied, 
19. 57, 19. 60, 25. 11, 25. 12. 
(D) As a mere particle of transi- 



φν\άργων ούτε παραδοθέντα τοις συνδίκους ως κατά- 
Αρστασιν παραλαβόντα. καίτοι πασι ρφδιον τοντο 
γνωναι, δτι αναγκαίοι/ ην τοις φνλάρχοις, ει μη άποτ 
δβίζειαν τους έχοντας τάς καταστάσεις, αντοΐς ζημιου- 
σ^αι. ωστ€ πολύ αν δικαιότερον εκείνοις τοις γράμ- 
μαχτιν η τούτοις ττιστενοιτε • εκ μεν γαρ τούτων ράδιον 
45^^ εζαΚειφθηναι τω βουΧομένω, έν εκείνους δε τους 

tion ( = μίν ονν) marking the next 
step in the argument, or the next 
detail in the narrative = again, 
further, now ; so in our passage, 
and in 12. 43, 12. 55, 16. 12, 
16. 14, 16. 15, 16. 18, 19. 15, 
19. 59, 25. 15, and very often. 
— παραδοθέντα : by the Senate. — 
rots ο-υνδίκοιβ: after the restora- 
tion of the democracy it was 
found that there were many claims 
of individuals for the restoration 
of property that had been seized 
by the oligarchy in the name of 
the state, and many others for the 
recovery of state property that had 
come into the possession of indi- 
viduals. To investigate these 
claims, and to preside in civil suits 
arising from them, special com- 
missioners, called σύνδικοι, were 
appointed. The recovery of state 
funds paid to the cavalry properly 
fell to them. — αναγκαίο ν : inevita- 
ble. — airo8ct£ciav : opt. because it 
is the indir. expression of the past 
thought in the minds of the phy- 
larchs (iav μη άποδείξωμεν) . ΗΑ• 

937; G. 1502. 2; Β. 677; GMT. 
696. — ticcCvois rots γράμμασιν : the 

lists reported by the phylarchs. 
— rovrois: the lists presented in 
court from the archives (either the 
originals or certified copies). The 
argument is, * The absence of my 
name from the phylarchs 1 lists is 
conclusive, for a name could not 
fail there, as it might so easily in 
the complainants 1 list. 1 The usual 
explanation of the possibility of 
erasure from the state list is that 
it was kept posted in a public 
place. But if erasure had been 
so easy, few names would have 
remained on the bulletin boards 
after the Return. The possibility 
of erasure lay in the possibility 
of securing the connivance of 
the keepers of the records. — 
tv 4kc£vois &: the placing of 8i 
after cxctVois (cp. c/c μεν just 
before) throws emphasis on 
CKcivxH9. So in § 10 ; 24. 4, 25. 
22. For similar displacement 
of μίν see on 12. 15. — τουβ 
iinrcwo*avTas : cp. the construe- 



Ιππεύσαντας άναγκαΐον fy ύπο των φυλάρχων ane- 
&νεχθήναι. "Ετι Se, ω βουλή, εΐπερ ίππευσα, ουκ αν 
fj εζαρνος ώς δβινόν τι πεπονηκώς, αλλ' ήξίονν, άποτ 
δβί^ας ώς ούδβϊς υπ εμού των πολιτών κακώς πέπονθε, 
$οδοκιμάζεσθαι. ορώ 8έ καϊ υμάς ταύτγ) ττ) γνώμΐ) 
χρωμένους, και πολλούς μεν τών τότε ίππευσάντων 
βουλεύοντας, πολλούς δ' αυτών στρατηγούς και ιππάρ- 
χους κεχειροτονημένους. ώστε μηδέν δι* άλλο με 

tion with that of tois φυλάρχοις 

8. «m, : furthermore, cp. hcivra. 
§ 6. — clirep : see on 12. 27. — αν : 
with both η and ήξίονν. — ή : the 
older Attic form is rj, contracted 
from ηα (used by Homer) ; the 
later form ην was beginning % to 
appear in literature late in the 
fifth century; cp. $8η and rjbeiv 
(§ 1, N.). — ώ$ . . . ΐΓ€ΐτοιη- 
κώ$: with a participle ως has 
"subjective" force. The idea ex- 
pressed by the participle is repre- 
sented as lying in the mind of 
some person, as something which 
appears to him to be true, or some- 
thing which he assumes to be true. 
It may or may not be true in fact, 
and the writer may or may not 
believe in it; subjective ώς does 
not, like the English as if, imply 
untruth. Cp. on 12. 13. So 
12. 2, 16. 14, 22. 5, 24. 13, 
25. 13. — ΐΓΜΓΟίηκώς, ιτ£ΐΓθνθ€ : perf. 
because the question is as to 
the speaker's credit or guilt. See 

on αργασμένοι c«riv 12. 22. — 
ήξίουν : / would claim as my right. 
Cp. ά£ιώ § 3. — inr 4μοΰ: for posi- 
tion see on ημ,ΐν 12. 33. — ιτολλού$, 
πολλούς : on the επαναφορά see 
App. § 57. 5. — ffovXcvovras : in 
the technical sense of member- 
ship in the βονλή. — κ£χ£ΐροτονη- 
μένους: the Athenians did not 
venture to make universal their 
general principle of appointment 
to office by lot. The lot applied 
to officials whose work did not 
absolutely demand political or 
military experience or technical 
knowledge. But they elected all 
higher military officers, the chief 
treasury officials, the officers who ■ 
superintended the training of the 
cadets, and a few others whose 
work needed special knowledge 
or experience. — ώσ•τ€ μη&ν . . . 
ήγ€ ισ0€ : so that you must not sup- 
pose. ωστ€ with the imperative 
gives closer connection than the 
illative ovv. Cp. the imperative in 
relative clauses, 12. 60 Ν. — μη&ν : 


ηγ€Ϊσθ€ τ αυτήν ποιεΐσθαι την άπολογίαν, η δτι περι- 
55φανώς έτόλμησάν μου καταψεύσασθαι. Άνάβηθι 84 
μου και μαρτύρησον. 


9 Tlepi μ€ν τοίννν αντί} ς της αιτίας ουκ οιδ* ο τι δει 
πλβίω λέγειν • δοκει 8έ μοί, ω βουλή, iv μ€ν τοις 
άλλοις άγώσι περί αυτών μόνων των κατηγορημένων 
6οπροσηκ€ΐν άπολογέΐσθαι, iv Se ταις δοκι/χασίαις δί- 
καιοι €Lvau παντός του βίου λόγον δίδομαι, δβομ,αι 
ουν υμών μζτ εύνοιας άκροάσασθαί μου. ποιήσομαι 
δβ την άπολογίαν ως αν δύνωμαι, δια βραχυτάτων. 
10 Έγω γαρ πρώτον μ£ν ουσίας μοι ου πολλής κατά- 
βζλειφθείσης δια τάς συμφοράς και τάς του πατρός και 
τας της πόλεως, ουο μεν αοεΚφας εςεοωκα επιοους 
τριάκοντα μνας βκατβ/οα, προς τον άδελφον δ* οΰτως 
ένειμάμην ώστ ' εκείνον πλέον όμολογεΐν έχειν έμου 
των πατρώων, και προς τους άλλους απαντάς ούτως 

the negative would be ονδίν (infin. inherited the property, but with it 

in ind. disc.) but for the effect of they inherited the father's obliga- 

the imperative. tion for the support of the daugh- 

9. τοίνυν : force, see on § 7 (B). ters and for proper dowry for their 

— «uvtos του βίου : on this plea marriage. — τριάκοντα fivds : in 
see Introd. p. 135. — δια βρα- court speeches we have numerous 
χντάτ«ν : see on &' ελάχιστων references to dowries ; from these it 
12. 3. appears that thirty minae was an 

10. -yap : here explicative yap average sum in a family of moder- 
introduces a new point in the dis- ate means. The rich Diogiton 
cussion, without any preceding provided that his widow should 
general statement: see on 19. 12. have twice this amount if she 

— 4£&»κα: if a father left both married again (32. 6). — α&λφον 
sons and daughters, the sons only U: for position of 8/ see on § 7. 



7οβφίωκα ώστε μηδεπώποτέ μοί μηδέ προς eva μηδέν 

11 έγκλημα γενέσθαι, και τα μεν ίδια όντως διφκηκα • 

περί δβ των κοινών μοι μίγιστον ηγούμαι τεκμηριον 

είναι της εμης επιεικείας, οτι των νεωτέρων όσοι περί 

κνβονς η πότους η τας τοιαύτας ακολασίας τυγχά- 

— μη&ιτώίΓΟΤΐ . . . μη& . . . μη&ν: 
ΗΑ. 1030; G. 1619; Β. 433; G1 • 
487. The Greek, unlike the Eng- 
lish, recognized the value of the 
instinctive tendency to pile up 
negatives for emphatic denial, and 
made the usage normal, under re- 
strictions which avoided confusion. 
Morgan's translation gives an ex- 
cellent equivalent under the limi- 
tations of English usage : " There 
has never been any ground of com- 
plaint at all against me on the 
Part of a single solitary man? 

— μηδί irpos tva : stronger than 
μφίνα by bringing Ινα into sharp 
relief, προς Ινα is not strictly 
equal to a prep, with the genitive, 
complaint coming from one, but 
has originally the meaning in 
my relation toward as in προς 
τον άδελφόν and προς τους άλλους 
just above. This peculiar use 
of προς arises from the fact 
that with words of friendship, 
agreement, hostility, complaint, 
and the like, we may think 
of the friendship, hostility, etc., 
as coming to us in our relation 
toward a person (προς τίνα), as 
well as coming to us from a per- 

soft (παρά τίνος). For other ex- 
amples see 32. 2 ; 10. 23 τίνος 
οντος €μοϊ προς νμας εγκλήματος 
on the ground of what complaint 
from you against me? So Thuc. 
5. 105. ι προς το θείον ευμενείας 
favor from heaven ; Isoc. 7. 8 
της έχθρας της προς βασιλέα the 
hostility of the king; Dem. 18. 36 
την μεν άπεχθειαν την προς ®ψ 
βαίονς και ®ετταλονς Trj ποΚει 
•γενέσθαι the hatred of the Thebans 
and Thessalians came to the city. 
11. ΐδια . . . κοινών: under 
κοινών Mantitheus includes all 
conduct that touches the public, 
not merely his political relations. 
— κύβους : gambling with dice was 
common. The son of Alcibiades 
was alleged to have lost his prop- 
erty at dice (κατακνβενσας τα. 
οντά ΐφ 27). The aged Isocrates 
includes it in his list of the em- 
ployments of the young men of 
the times as contrasted with the 
earnest pursuits of the youths 
of Marathonian Athens: The 
young men did not waste their 
time in the gambling halls, nor 
among the flute girls, nor in com- 
pany of the sort in which they 



7$νουσι τάς διατριβας ποιούμενοι, πάντας αυτούς οφεσθε 
μοι διαφόρους οντάς, και πλείστα τούτους περί εμού 
λο*γοποιούντας και ψευδόμενους, καίτοι δηλον δτι, ει 
των αυτών επεθυμούμεν, ουκ αν τοιαύτην γνώμην είχον 
12 περί εμού. έτι δ', ω βουλή, ουδείς αν αποδειζαι περί 
So εμού δύναιτο ούτε δίκην αίσχραν ούτε γραφην ούτε 
εισαγγελίαν γεγενημένην • καίτοι έτερους οράτε πολλά- 
κις είς τοιούτους άγώχ/ας καθεστηκάτας. προς τοίνυν 
τας στρατείας και τους κινδύνους τους προς τους πόλε- 
ΐζμίους σκέφασθε οίον εμαυτον παρέχω rrj πάλει, πρω- 
s$tov μεν γαρ, οτε την συμμαχίαν εποιήσασθε προς 

now spend their days, but they at- 
tended to the business appointed 
to them, admiring and emulating 
their superiors in these employ- 
ments. And they so shunned 
the Agora that if they did have to 
pass through it, they were seen to 
do it with great modesty and pro- 
priety. . . . But as for eating 
or drinking in a tavern, not even 
a respectable slave would have 
ventured to do that (7. 48, 49). 
— irdvras αυτούς : ούτος is the 
usual word for taking up the 
relative pronoun and carrying it 
into the antecedent clause, when 
the relative clause has preceded 
(ovros analeptic) ; but here the 
weaker αυτούς takes the place of 
τούτους in order that the whole 
stress may fall upon πάντα*. In 
the next clause the pronoun be- 
comes emphatic, and the stronger 

τούτους appears; cp. 25. 11 and 

12. 3τι : cp. €TL § 8 and hrtiTa 
§ 6. — δίκην, γραφήν, cttrayycXCav : 
δίκη is a civil suit, γραφή a crimi- 
nal indictment, elaayycXia a sum- 
mary criminal prosecution (cp. on 
12.48). Mantitheus does not, as 
Lysias himself does in the twelfth 
speech (§ 4), claim to have kept 
entirely out of the courts, but only 
that there has been no litigation 
that reflected upon his character. 

— τοίνυν : further, introducing the 
next detail in the argument ; cp. cti 
above, and see on § 7, tolwv (D). 

— irpos (line 83) : see on 19. 20. 

13. ιτρ&τον μ^ν: correl. with 
μετά ταύτα τοίνυν § Ιζ• — την <τυμ- 
μαχίαν: When, in 395 B,c *> tne 
Spartans were fully engaged in 
their contest against Persia on the 
coast of Asia Minor, Thebes saw 



Βοιωτούς και εις *Α\ίαρτον έδει βοηθεΐν, ύπο Όρθοτ 
βοΰΚου κατειλεγμενος ιππεύεις επειδή πάντας έώρων 
τοις μεν ίππεύουσιν ασφαΚειαν είναι Βεΐν νομίζοντας, 
τοις δ' όπλιταις κίν8υνον ηγουμένους, ετέρων άνα- 
9οβάντων επί τους ίππους άδοκιμάστων πάρα τον νόμον 
εγώ προσελθων εΐπον τω Όρθοβούλφ εζαλεΐψαί με εκ 

the possibility of becoming the 
center of a coalition against Sparta. 
Athens was ready to grasp any 
opportunity to weaken Sparta, and 
the veterans of the democratic 
exile were grateful for the help 
which they had received at Thebes 
when banished by the Thirty act- 
ing with the support of Sparta. 
The advance of two Spartan armies 
upon Boeotia led to an urgent call 
for help from Athens. The re- 
sponse of Athens was the first step 
in her reentrance into Hellenic af- 
fairs after her entire prostration. — 
«irpos Βοιωτούς : on omission of the 
article see Crit. Note. — 'Αλίαρ- 
τον: Haliartus was the Boeotian 
city immediately threatened by 
Lysander's army. Before the 
Athenian contingent arrived the 
Spartans had been defeated and 
Lysander killed (Chron. App.) — 
lirciSt) ιτάνταβ κτλ. : when I saw 
that all believed the cavalry were 
likely to be safe. The Athenians 
never lost their dread of the Spar- 
tan hoplites. — ctvcu 8civ : here 
used of what ' ought ' from the 
nature of the case to follow. — 

άδοκιμάστων : without passing the 
scrutiny of the Senate. See In- 
trod. p. 131. Shortly before this 
Lysias had written two speeches 
for clients who prosecuted the 
son of Alcibiades for just this 
conduct at this time. — Όρθο- 
βονλω: if the method of making 
up the cavalry roll described by 
Aristotle (Introd. p. 131) was in 
use as early as this, — and the 
reference to the dokimasia of the 
cavalry supports this view, — Or- 
thobulus must have been the κατά- 
λογεΰς of Mantitheus's tribe (νπο 
Όρθοβονλου καταλεγ μένος) and 
unable to erase a name, now that 
the lists had been passed on by the 
Senate and handed over to the 
cavalry commanders. Perhaps 
Mantitheus appealed to him to 
secure the change by special act 
of the Senate. But it is possible 
that the method of Aristotle's 
time was not yet in use, and that 
at this earlier time the phylarchs 
drew up the lists and had power 
to excuse members, even after 
dokimasia by the Senate. On 
this supposition Orthobulus was 



του κατάλογου, ηγούμενος αίσχρον είναι του πλήθους 
μέλλοντος κινδυνενειν άδειαν έμαυτω παρασκευάσαντα 
94 στρατενεσθαι. Και μοι άνάβηθι, Όρθόβουλε. 


14 ^υλλεγεντων τοίνυν των δημοτών προ της εζόδου, 
είδώς αυτών ενίους πολίτας μεν χρηστούς οντάς και 
πρόθυμους, εφοδίων δε άποροΰντας, εΐπον δτι χρη τους 
έχοντας παρεχειν τα επιτήδεια τοις άπόρως διακει- 
μένοις. και ου μόνον τούτο συνεβούλευον τοις άλλοις, 

ιοο άλλα και αύτος έδωκα δυοΐν άνδροΐν τριάκοντα δραχμάς 
έκατερω, ούχ ώς πολλά κεκτημένος, άλλ* Γι>α παράδειγμα 
τούτο τοις άλλοις γένηται. Και μοι άνάβητε. 

the phy larch of Mantitheus's tribe. 
See Introd. p. 130. 

14. των δημοτών : the contingent 
from a deme was one of the units 
of which the levy from the tribe 
was made up. Fellow-demesmen 
were neighbors and knew one 
another's circumstances. — 4φο- 
8£ων : the state allowed an average 
of two obols a day as pay to the 
hoplite, and two obols for food; 
the four obols were about what an 
unskilled laborer would earn at 
hbme. A poor man who had to 
support his family at home on this 
pay might well need help. Cp. 
App. § 63 f. Under the earlier 
military organization only members 
of the three higher property classes 
served as hoplites, the men of the 

lowest class, the Thetes, serving 
only as light-armed troops, or as 
rowers in the fleet. But at the 
time of the Sicilian Expedition the 
hoplites had been so reduced in 
number by pestilence and war 
that Thetes were called in to arm 
as hoplites and serve as fighting 
men on ship-board (Ιπιβάται των 
ν€ων Thuc. 6.. 43). From that 
time on they were used for similar 
service. We do not know how far 
they were called upon for hoplite 
service on land. Cp. Gulick, The 
Life of the Ancient Greeks, 1 90 if. — 
τριάκοντα δραχμές : as much as the 
man would receive from the state 
for service of a month and a half. 
— Ικατέρω : HA. 624 d ; G. 914 ; 
B. 319. — ώ$ : force, see on § 8. 




15 Μετά ταύτα τοίνυν, Ζ βουλή, εις Κόρινθον εξόδου 
γενομένης και πάντων προειδότων δτι δεήσει κινδυνεύειν, 

ιο5 ετέρων αναδυομένων εγώ διεπραξάμην ώστε της πρώτης 
τεταγμένος μάχεσθαι τοις πολεμίοις- και μάλιστα της 
ημετέρας φυλής δυστυχησάσης, καϊ πλείστων έναπο- 
θανόντων, ύστερος ανεχώρησα του σεμνού Στειριώς 

15 . μ€τά ταΰτα: the battle of 
Haliartus was in the autumn of 
395, the expedition to Corinth in the 
following spring or early summer. 
The victory at Haliartus brought 
Corinth into the anti-Spartan alli- 
ance of Athens and Thebes, and 
in the next summer the allies at- 
tempted to hold the Isthmus of 
Corinth against the advance of a 
large Peloponnesian army. The 
armies met at the north of the 
stream Nemea, on the coast a 
little west of Corinth. Never be- 
fore had so large forces of Greeks 
met in battle. The Athenian hop- 
lites were in the most dangerous 
position, for they stood opposed 
to the Spartans, and in such way 
that the Spartans could easily 
outflank them if the Athenians 
kept connection with the rest of 
the army. The Athenians were 
defeated with heavy loss. This 
led to the defeat of the whole 
army of the allies, and they were 
forced to retreat upon Corinth 
(Xen. Hell. 4. 2. 9-23). — τήβ 

πρώτης: sc. τάξεως. Case, HA. 
732 a ; G. 1096, 1094. 7 ; B. 355. 2 ; 
Gl. 508. — μάλιστα . . . 8υστυχη- 
σ-ώτης : therefore probably on the 
left wing, which was overlapped 
by the Spartan right. — ivairo- 
θανόντων : iv = ' therein, 1 iv ravrrj 
rrj δυστυχία. — σ-€μνοΰ: a word 
properly of good meaning, but 
often used as here in a sarcastic 
sense. The σεμνός άνηρ is the 
man who * takes himself seriously.' 
For the relation of this slur on 
Thrasybulus to the question of 
the date of this speech, see In- 
trod. p. 136. Thrasybulus was at 
first the idol of the people under 
the restored democracy; but his 
moderate and conservative policy, 
sternly opposed to every violation 
of the amnesty and every indul- 
gence of revenge, grew vexatious 
to the more radical element. Only 
an inflexible will could keep back 
the crowd from acts which would 
reopen the old controversies and 
endanger the democracy itself. 
It is not strange that they came to 



16 του πασιν άνθρώποις heikiav ώνειδικότος. και ου 
ιιοπολλαις ημεραις ύστερον μετά ταύτα εν Κορίνθω 
χωρίων Ισχυρών κατειλημμένων, ώστε τους πολεμίους 
μη 8wacr0<u προσιέναι, ' Αγησιλάου δ* εις την Βοιω- 
τίας εμβαλάντος ψηφισαμένων των αρχόντων άποχω- 
ρίσαι τάζεις αΐτινες βοηθησουσι 9 φοβούμενων απάντων 
ιΐ5(είκότως, ώ βουλή* Βεινον γαρ 7\ν άγαπητως ολίγω 
πρότερον σεσωμενους εή> έτερον κίνδυνον teVat) προσ- 
ελθων εγώ τον ταζίαρχον εκελευον άκληρωτι την 

feel that he was self-willed and 
that i he despised the people ' (αύ- 
θάδης, υπερόπτης τον &ήμον, Schol. 
Ar. Eccl. 203). The defeat of the 
expedition to Corinth in 394 was 
a blow to his reputation. Then 
came Conon with his foreign fleet 
and Persian subsidies (see XIX. 
Introd. p. 160) and in the full tide 
of enthusiasm for the new navy 
and its commander the people 
forgot their allegiance to Thrasy- 
bulus. It is significant that Lysias 
dares to sneer at him in a speech 
before a body largely made up of 
democrats of the Return. — Στ«- 
pute : Thrasybulus was of the deme 
Stiria. — ών«8ικότο$ : the perfect 
would not be used if Thrasybulus 
were now dead ; nor would Lysias 
be likely to speak of him in this 
jesting tone. He evidently refers 
to some well-known speech of his. 
16. χωρίων Ισχυρών : the occu- 
pation of these posts held back 
the great Peloponnesian army from 

crossing the Isthmus and joining 
Agesilaus, who, recalled from Asia, 
and coming by the land route, was 
entering Boeotia from the north. 

— ιτροσιέναι: see Crit. Note. — 
'Αγησιλάου . . . ίμβαλόντος : mod- 
ifying ψηφισαμ,εων των αρχόντων. 

— ό/ττοχωρίσαι: see Crit. Note. — 
τάξ€ΐ$ : not as in § 15 (της πρώτης) 
of a line in battle, but the regular 
word for the contingent from a 
tribe. Its commander is the ταξί- 
αρχος ; he corresponds to the φύ- 
λαρχος of the cavalry contingent. — 
βοηθήσουσι : for the relative clause 
of purpose see HA. 91 1 ; G. 1442 ; 
B. 591; Gl. 615. — άγα«ττητώ$: 
barely. The word has passed far 
from its original meaning: (1) to 
onfs satisfaction, (2) in a way 
with which one may well be satis- 
fied (cp. αγάπησαν 12. 1 1), hence 
(3) scarcely, barely. — iic&cvov : 
had the request been granted we 
should expect to hear of Manti- 
theus's part in the Boeotian cam- 


17 ημετεραν τάζιν πεμπειν. ώστ ει τίνες υμών οργίζονται 
τοις τά μεν της πόλεως άζιουσι πράττειν, εκ δε των 

ΐ2ο κινδύνων άποδιδράσκουσιν 9 ουκ αν δικαίως περί εμού 
την γνώμην ταύτην εχοιεν • ου γαρ μόνον τα προστατ- 
τόμενα εποίουν προθύμως, άλλα και κινδυνεύει ετολ- 
μων. και ταυτ έποίουν ούχ ως ου δεινον ηγούμενος 
είναι Αακεδαίμονίοις μάχεσθαι, αλλ' ίνα, ε? ποτέ αδίκως 

ΐ25 εις κίνδυνον καθισταίμην, δια ταύτα βέΚτίων ύφ' υμών 
νομιζόμενος απάντων τών δικαίων τυγχάνοιμι. Και 
μοι άνάβητε τούτων μάρτυρες. 


18 Ύων τοίνυν άλλων στρατειών καΧ φρουρών ουδεμίας 
άπελείφθην πώποτε, άλλα πάντα τον χρόνον διατετε- 

ΐ3ολεκα μετά τών πρώτων μεν τάς εξόδους ποιούμενος, 
μετά τών τεΚευταίων δε άναχωρών. καίτοι χρη τους 

paign with its great battle of Coro- 18. άλλων : as the expedition 

nea. We must conclude that his to Haliartus was the first after the 

comrades did not second his request. Peloponnesian War, and the one 

17. ωο-τ . . . ovk αν δικαίως to Corinth the second, these other 

. . . 2χο«ν : ώστε here much like expeditions and services in garri- 

ωστε with impv., § 8 : stronger son must have been after 394. 

than ovv. — τοίβ . . . άξιονσ-ι : case, The speech, then, could hardly 

see on δργίζεσθε 12. 8o. — ϊνα have been delivered before 392: 

κτλ. : a neat turn of the thought ; cf. Introd. p. 136. — ttc&itotc : very 

the jury do not for a moment emphatic by its position in its 

understand him as really repre- own clause, and by the chiastic 

senting this as his motive. Cp. arrangement with πάντα τον χρό~ 

the similar turn in 25. 13. — fk\- vov. — τών «ιτρώτων μίν: for the 

τίων: cp. on χείρον? §3. — άιταν- position of μεν see on 12. 15. — 

των τών δικαίων : one of his tovs . . . ihAitcvojUvovs : the ob- 

* rights' certainly is to hold office ject of σκοπεΐν. — εκ τών τοιούτων: • 

like other citizens. εκ with the gen. to express the 



φιλοτίμως και κοσμίως πολιτευόμενους εκ των τοιούτων 

σκοπεΐν, αλλ* ουκ ει τις κομα, δια τούτο μισεΐν • τα 

μεν γαρ τοιαύτα επιτηδεύματα ούτε τους ίδιώτας ούτε 

ΐ35 το κοινον της πόλεως βλάπτει, εκ 8c των κινδυνεύειν 

• εθελοντών προς τους πολεμίους άπαντες ύμεΐς ώφε- 

ΐνλεΐσθε. ώστε ουκ άζιον απ* όψεως, Ζ βουλή, ούτε 

φιλεΐν ούτε μισεΐν ούδένα, αλλ' εκ των έργων σκοπεΐν • 

πολλοί μεν γαρ μικρόν διαλεγόμενοι και κοσμίως 

source from which the knowledge 
must come. — κομ$ : the Homeric 
custom of wearing the hair long 
(κάρη κομόωντες) prevailed always 
at Sparta, but at Athens from 
about the time of the Persian wars 
only boys wore long hair. When 
they became of age their hair was 
cut as a sign of their entering into 
manhood, and from that time on 
they wore hair about as short as 
modern custom prescribes; only 
the athletes made a point of wear- 
ing it close-cut. Cp. Gulick, 1 75 if. 
But there was a certain aristocratic 
set of young Spartomaniacs who 
affected Spartan appearance along 
with their pro-Spartan sentiments, 
and who were proud of wearing 
long hair, to the disgust of their 
fellow-citizens. These were the 
men who largely made up the 
cavalry corps. Aristophanes in 
the Knights (580) makes them 
say to the people that they have 
only one thing to ask, if ever 
peace comes and they be free from 

trouble : μη φθονεΐθ* ημίν κομωσι 
μη& άπ€στλ€γγισμ.€νοι.ς do not 
begrudge us our long hair or our 
shining skin. The plain old 
Strepsiades says of his spendthrift 
son 6 Sk κόμην €\ων Ιππάζ€ται 
(Ar. Clouds 14). The extreme 
Laconizers are thus described : 
ίλακωνομάνονν απαντ€9 άνθρωποι 


€κόμων, €πα'νων, ίρρνπων, εσωκρά- 

σκντάλι ίφορσυν 

all men had Laconomania then ; 
they wore long hair, they starved 
themselves, they went dirty, they 
Socratized, they carried canes (Ar. 
Birds 1 281). — \κ των έθιλόντων: 
such men are the source of the 
common good; agency would be 
expressed by υπό. 

ig. ιτολλο( κτλ.: 'many who 
have the voice and dress of quiet 
gentlemen.' Cp. on μετρίως βε- 
βίωκώς §3- — μικρόν SiaXcyopcvoi : 
a loud voice was by Athenian, even 
more than by modern, standards 



140 άμπεχόμενοι μεγάλων κακών αίτιοι γεγόνασιν, έτεροι. 
δε των τοιούτων άμελοΰντες πολλά καγαθα ύμας είσιν 

20 *Ηδτ/ δε τίνων ήσθόμην, ω βουλή, και δια ταντα 
άχθομένων μοι, οτι νεώτερος ων επεχείρησα λέγειν iv 

145 τω Βήμω. εγώ δε το μεν πρώτον ήναγκάσθην υπέρ 
των εμαυτου πραγμάτων Βημηγορήσαι, έπειτα μέντοι 
καΐ εμαυτω Βοκω φιλοτιμότερον διατεθήναι του δέον- 
τος, άμα μεν των προγόνων ένθνμούμενος, οτι ον8εν 

a mark either of ill-breeding or of 
conceit. A client of Demosthenes 
(37• 5 2 ) complains that his enemies 
say of him,Ni#co/?oi;Xos δ' επίφθονός 
etrri, και ταχέως βαδίζει, καϊ μέγα 
φθεγγεται, καϊ βακτηρίαν φορεί 
Nicobulus is crabbed, and he walks 
fast, and talks bud, and carries 
a cane. Mantitheus makes no 
apology for his voice and manner, 
which are quite in keeping with his 
natural impulsiveness and his good 
opinion of himself. — κοσ-μίω$ άμ- 
ιτιχόμινοι : the Athenian gentle- 
man was as careful of his dress 
as the Spartan was careless. Neg- 
lect here was another affectation 
of some of the young aristocrats. 

20. 'όσθόμην: empirical aorist. 
'* When the aorist has a temporal 
adverb or a negative or a numeral 
with it, it is best referred to the 
same class with the English per- 
fect of experience (empirical aor- 
ist)," GS. 259. With φη as here 
19.4: with πολλάκις 1 9.9; with 

πολλάκις ήδη 22. 1 6, 25. 28; with 
πολλοί 19. 45 ; with πολλοί ^δι; 
ig. 51, 22. 18, 34. 10. — V€«rcpos: 
the young Athenian attained his 
majority in his nineteenth year, but 
for two years his service as cadet 
in garrison (see Gulick 89 f.) al- 
most necessarily precluded his 
exercising the privileges of a citi- 
zen. From his twentieth year on 
he might take any part in the 
Ecclesia which his modesty per- 
mitted. — Wcp πραγμάτων: in § 10 
Mantitheus connects the loss of 
the family property with the dis- 
aster to the city and his father's 
troubles: the relation to the for- 
eign prince implies wide commer- 
cial connections. Probably some 
of Mantitheus's property claims 
were affected by the early legisla- 
tion after the Return. — των προγό- 
νων: proleptic with ενθνμονμΛνος, 
HA. 878; B. 717. 18; or it may 
be considered as modifying the 
whole clause οτι . . . πόταυνται• — 


21 πέπαυνται τα της πόλεως πραττοντ€ς 9 αίμα δε ύμας 
ι 5 ο ορών (τα γαρ αληθή χρη λέγειν) τους τοιούτους μονούς 
πολλού άζίους νομίζοντας είναι • ώστε ορών υμάς ταύτην 
την γνώμην έχοντας τις ουκ αν έπαρθείη πράττειν και 
λέγειν υπέρ της πόλεως ; έτι δε τι αν τοις τοιούτοις 
αχθοισθε ; ου γαρ έτεροι περί αυτών κριται eixriv, αλλ* 
ΐ55 ύμεΐς. 

δη . . . ττράττοντίδ : that they fact that the Athenian theory was 

have always been in public life, that the ideal citizen was the quiet 

ax. tovs toiovtovs: i.e. men one (see on κοσμίους 12. 2o) ; 

who take a leading part in politics. Mantitheus tells the senators that 

— τά γάρ αληθή χρη λέγαν : why in practice the honors go to the 

need Mantitheus apologize for his men who put themselves for- 

statement ? The answer lies in the ward. 




The events which led up to this speech began with the con- 
nection of two ambitious Athenians, Nicophemus and his son 
Aristophanes, with the naval enterprises of Conon. 

After the disaster at Aegospotami Conon, and probably Nico- 
phemus with him, fearing to return to Athens, took refuge with 
Evagoras, king of Salamis in Cyprus. Supported by Evagoras, 
Conon passed into Persian service, and was enabled to bring to 
Athens his Graeco-Persian fleet and Persian subsidies at the crit- 
ical moment when, with Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, Athens was 
again facing Sparta in war (the " Corinthian War," 395-386). In 
the brief but brilliant career of Conon - which followed, Nicophemus 
had a share, and after Conon's death in Cyprus (about 390), he 
remained there, the friend and helper of Evagoras. 1 

The attempts of Evagoras to gain control of all Cyprus brought 
him into collision with Persia. Hard pressed to defend himself 
against a threatened attack, he sent envoys to Athens proposing an 
alliance and asking for ships and men (§ 21, Xen. Hell. 4. 8. 24). 
Although the Athenians were receiving Persian support in their 
war against Sparta, they took the doubtful step of securing Evag- 
oras's support by voting the alliance and dispatching a squadron 
often ships under Philocrates (390 b.c). On the voyage they were 
overtaken by a Spartan squadron and all were captured (Xen. I.e.). 

1 For Nicophemus's connection with Conon see, besides our speech, Diodor. 
14. 81 (where ^ικόδημαρ is probably a mistake of the Mss. for Ήικόφημαρ) 
and Xen. Hell. 4. 8. 8. 



The threatened Persian attack on Evagoras was delayed, but in 
the spring of 387, in response to a second appeal, another fleet of 
ten ships, with eight hundred peltasts, was sent out from Athens 
under Chabrias (Xen. Hell. 5. 1. 10). With their help Evagoras 
completed his conquest of Cyprus (Nepos, Chabrias 2. 2). 

In the negotiations with Evagoras and the equipment of ships 
for him, a prominent part had been taken by a son of Nicophemus, 
Aristophanes, who had all the time made his home in Athens. 

Aristophanes, in response to letters received from his father, 
did everything possible to secure favorable action by the state, 
made every effort to raise money to supplement the equipment of 
the fleet, and was sent as envoy, probably in advance of the fleet, 
to complete the negotiations with Evagoras. 

It is uncertain whether these efforts were in connection with 
the first or the second expedition. We know only that sooner or 
later Aristophanes and Nicophemus fell under the gravest charges 
on the part of their countrymen, and that they were- arrested and 
summarily executed. They were granted no opportunity for 
defense, their friends were not even allowed to see them after 
their arrest, and their bodies were not given to their family for 
burial (§7). Their property was declared confiscate, and so 
much of it as could be found was seized and sold. 1 

1 Both time and place of these events are in dispute. The time reference 
in § 29 is too vague for any safe reckoning. Thalheim (with Frohberger and 
Fuhr) places the efforts of Nicophemus and Aristophanes to aid Evagoras in 
connection with the first expedition. He thinks that its total failure led to 
the fierce anger against its promoters ; that Nicophemus and Aristophanes, 
charged with άτάτη του δήμου, were brought back to Athens on a dispatch 
ship, and that they were put to death after a summary trial, in which they 
were refused the ordinary rights of defendants. 

Blass (Att. Bered. I 2 531) holds that the connection of Nicophemus and 
Aristophanes was with the second expedition ; that afterwards charges were 
brought against them in the Ecclesia, and that that body condemned them to 
death; that the penalty was executed in Cyprus by Chabrias. 

In favor of the first expedition are the facts that Aristophanes went as 
envoy (§ 23), that in our speech there is no reference to an ea/lier expedition, 
lysias — 11 


But the amount of property thus seized fell so far short of what 
they were supposed to have had, after their intimate connection 
with Conon and Evagoras, that it was suspected that a part was 
being concealed in the interest of the widow and children of 
Aristophanes. Suit was accordingly brought against the wife's 
father, now an old man of seventy years. His death before the 
time of trial threw the suit over to his son, who had now to defend 
the estate, and for whom Lysias wrote our speech. 1 

The prosecution demanded the seizure of the speaker's property 
to reimburse the treasury for that part of Aristophanes's estate 
supposed to have been concealed by the speaker's father. 2 

The date of the trial is 387, or very early in 386, for the gen- 
eralship of Diotimus (388/7) is a recent event (§ 50), and the 

and that the severity of treatment is best explained by the anger of the 
people at the failure of the first. This theory, too, gives room for some form 
of trial, which is implied in § 7, πρίν παραΎ€νέσθαι τινά afrrots ελεγχόμενοι? ώ$ 
ήδίκονν. The objection to the theory is the difficulty in believing that an 
Athenian citizen, brought to Athens under arrest, could have been treated 
with such disregard of all legal forms and privileges. But we know one case, 
just after the restoration of the democracy, in which a man was executed without 
trial (Arist. Resp, Ath. 40. 2), and we hear of such action being proposed in 
other cases in the period under discussion (Lys. 22. 2, 27. 8; Isoc. 17. 42). 

Meyer (Gesch. des Alt. V. §§ 870 Anm., 873 Anm.) connects the efforts of 
Aristophanes with the first expedition, but thinks that the execution was in 
Cyprus after the arrival of the second. 

The confiscation of the property seems to have been by separate action, 
for Harpocration (s. v. Χύτροι) has preserved the title of a speech of Lysias 
Κατ' ΑΙσχίνου irepl τψ δημεύσεως των 'Αριστοφάνους χρημάτων. (For the 
natural connection of Lysias with the fortunes of this family see on § 15.) 

1 The family connection is : — 

The friend of Conon and Evagoras The original defendant 
Nicophemus (unnamed) now dead 

I I I 

Aristophanes m. Daughter Son, the speaker (unnamed). 

2 Strictly speaking, the title of our speech, Ucpl των ' Αριστοφάνους χρημά- 
των, as handed down by the Mss., is incorrect. The property now at stake is 
that of Aristophanes's brother-in-law. 


Peace of Antalcidas (winter of 387/6 or spring of 386) is not yet 
concluded (the speaker is trierarch, § 62). 

The events which led to this speech were connected with two 
dangerous tendencies in the political life of the fourth century, 
the enrichment of naval commanders through their office, and the 
hasty and unreasonable punishment of public officers in response 
to a fickle public sentiment. 

Under the Athenian Empire the cost of the navy had been 
amply provided for from the ordinary revenues of the state ; the 
ships were built and furnished with the more important rigging ; 
the other expenses of equipment and repair were met by the tri- 
erarchs, while the pay of seamen and soldiers — some two hundred 
men to a trireme — was furnished from the state treasury. But 
after the Peloponnesian War had cut off all revenues from allies, 
it was only by the utmost exertions that sufficient ships could be 
built and equipped. The regular payment for the men — a sum 
ranging from £ t. to 1 t. a month for each trireme — was a burden 
for which the state could not adequately provide. The generals 
and trierarchs found themselves in constant difficulty with their 
men ; more and more they were forced to find money for their 
payment by the operations of the fleet itself. The first and most 
dangerous source of supply was the subsidy from Persian satraps 
or the princes of the Asiatic cities. Conon's fleet, which won the 
battle of Cnidus, was created and supported by Persian subsidies ; 
it was for a time so supported after it passed into the service of 
Athens. When the pay came from foreign sources, the generals 
could be under no such system of accurate accounting as when all 
funds came from the treasury of the state, while the relations with 
the foreign powers offered dangerous opportunities for personal 

With the attempt to bring the! island and coast cities back 
under Athenian rule, after the battle of Cnidus, payment from 
these cities was resumed, whether by way of a stated tax, or of 
penalty for resistance. From others forced contributions wer^ 
exacted as the fleet cruised from city to city. The collection of 


most of these funds probably rested with the generals. Upon the 
restoration of Athenian control of the Hellespont (390-389) the 
tax on incoming and outgoing vessels was reimposed, and new 
opportunities were opened for favors between commanders and 
merchants. To these were added the opportunities for gifts and 
bribes from merchants whose ships had to have a convoy in these 
years when hostile fleets were constantly cruising in the Aegean. 

Commanders of Athenian fleets, and even of single ships, were 
thus put into a position where they handled large sums of money, 
under circumstances in which there could be no efficient control 
by the home government, and which offered constant temptation 
to corruption. Nor was it always easy for an honest man to 
draw the line between bribes and legitimate gifts from rich patrons, 
like the Persian satraps and such princes as Evagoras. 

It came to be expected during the Corinthian War (395-386) 
that the higher naval officers would enrich themselves. It is sig- 
nificant that in our speech it is assumed, without apology, that 
Conon and his associates were all the time building up their 
private fortunes (§§ 35-36). 

The effect of all this was to undermine the confidence of the 
people in their naval officers. The first reverse was the signal for 
their enemies to come before the people with charges that they 
were betraying the state for money. Public opinion was quick to 
respond with the demand for punishment — usually the confis- 
cation of their property, often banishment or death. And this 
tendency was increased by the desperate straits of the political 
leaders to find money for the treasury. The city was attempting 
to take her old place in international affairs, with no sufficient 
revenue ; the people saw in each new confiscation relief for the 
treasury. Men were even heard to plead in court for a conviction 
on the ground that only thus would the treasury have money to 
pay them for sitting on the case (Lys. 27. 1). 

The case of Nicophemus and Aristophanes is but one among 
many between 388 and 386, when these prosecutions were at their 
height. It is disappointing to find that Lysias, the stout defender 


of justice in this suit, was, nevertheless, ready to use his pen 
on the side of confiscation and death when occasion offered. 
We have three speeches of his written about a year before the 
present one, in which he makes every appeal to the prejudice and 
suspicion of the masses. The following extracts will show the 
spirit in which public men and even friends of the great liberator, 
Thrasybulus, were attacked : 1 

From the Speech against Epicrates (27. 8-1 1) : "In my 
opinion, Athenians, if you should put these men to death without 
giving them trial or opportunity of defense, they could not be 
said to have perished ' without trial ' (άκριτοι), but rather to have 
received the justice that is their due. For those are not ' without 
trial ' upon whom you pass judgment with knowledge of their 
deeds, but rather those who, slandered by their enemies, in mat- 
ters unknown to you, are deprived of a hearing. But the real 
accusers of these men now on trial are their own deeds, and we, 
the accusers, are but witnesses." 

" These men in the war have, from your possessions, become 
rich out of poverty, and you, poor through them. But it is not 
the business of the leaders of the people in your misfortunes to 
lay hands on what is yours, but rather to give their own to you. 
But we have come to such a state that men who, when we were at 
peace, were not even able to support themselves, are now paying in- 
come taxes and performing liturgies 2 and building fine houses. . . . 
And you are no longer angry at what they steal, but grateful for 
what you get, as though they were your paymasters, and not the 
thieves of your goods." 

From the Speech against Ergocles (the friend of Thrasybulus) : 
" Why should you spare men when you see the fleets that they 
commanded scattering and going to pieces for lack of funds, and 
these men, who set sail poor and needy, so quickly become the 

1 Thrtsybulus himself was under summons to return home on such a charge 
when death released him from the undeserved disgrace. 

2 Thus their very services to the state are made ground of accusation. See 
p. 30. 


richest of all the citizens " (§ 2). And yet Lysias knew, when he 
wrote these words, that few fleets in all the history of the city had 
done grander service than had this, under the defendants, with 
Thrasybulus ! He says further of these officers, '• They enrich 
themselves and hate you, and they are preparing no longer to obey 
you, but to rule you, and fearing because of their ill-gotten gains, 
they are ready to seize strongholds, and to set up an oligarchy, and 
to do everything to keep you in extreme daily peril" (28. 7). 
" I beg you to come to your own relief, and much rather to punish 
the guilty than pity those who are keeping what belongs to the 
city. For the fines that they will pay will be no money of theirs, 
— they will simply restore to you your own " (29. 8). 

If, in the speech for the defense on the Property of Aris- 
tophanes, Lysias found himself working against an unreasoning 
and lawless public sentiment, he could make no complaint, for he 
had helped to create it. The speech is full of incidental interest 
for its glimpses of the more personal affairs of famous men, but its 
greatest value is for the intimate knowledge which, with the 
speeches of the earlier group, it gives of the demoralized condition 
of the democracy. 


Ι. ΧΙροοίμχον, Exordium, §§ i-n. 

Plea for kindly and just hearing on the ground of the disadvan- 
tages (a) of any inexperienced defendant, (b) of the defense in 
this particular case. 

II. ΠΥστας, Argumentation §§ 12-54. 

The narrative (Αιι^γ^σι?) is interwoven with the argument. 

Argument against the probability (εικός) that the speaker's 
father had any of Aristophanes's property in his possession. 

A. The original marriage connection with the family of Ni- 
cophemus was not made for the sake of money, §§ 12-17. 

1. Narrative showing motive for the marriage, §§ 12-13. 

2. Narrative supporting the first, by describing the other mar- 
riages of the family, §§ 14-17. 


Β. Aristophanes would not have left his property in the hands 
of a man whose tastes were so unlike his own as were those of his 
father-in-law, §§ 18-20. 

C. Aristophanes had no property to leave when he set out for 
Cyprus, §§ 21-27. 

1. Proved by his great exertions to borrow money, §§ 21-24. 

2. Proved by his inability to loan money on the royal vase, 
§§ 25-27. 

3. Proved by his borrowing table furnishings, § 27. 

D. Answer to the common belief that Aristophanes must have 
had more property than the officers have found, §§ 28-54. 

1. Argument from the shortness of time in which Aris- 
tophanes could have acquired property, and his heavy expenses, 
§§ 28-29. 

2. Argument from the meager personal property even of old 
wealthy families, § 30. 

3. Argument from the extraordinary care .of the family in 
turning over Aristophanes's house uninjured to the state, 

§ 3 1 • 

4. Argument from the willingness to take oath that all the 
property has been given up, § 32. 

Brief Digression (Παρέκβαση). Description of the extreme 
hardships that threaten the defendant, § 33. 

5. Argument from the unexpectedly small estate of Conon, 
and its proportion to what the state has obtained from that of 
Aristophanes, §§ 34-44. 

6. Argument from the liability to error in the popular estimate 
of the estates of public men, §§ 45-52. 

(1) The cases of Ischomachus (§ 46), Stephanus (§ 46), 
Nicias (§ 47), Alcibiades (§ 52), Callias (§ 48), Cleophon 

(§ 48). 

(2) The cause of this error, § 49. 

(3) The case of Diotimus, §§ 50-51. 

Brief Digression (Παρέκβαση) . Appeal based on the last argu- 
ment, §§ 53-54. 


III. 'Επίλογος, Peroratio, §§ 55-64. 

Α. * Ανακεφαλαίωσα, Enumeratio. 

Brief recapitulation of the main argument, § 55. 

B. Appeal to the feelings of the jury, §§ 55-64. 

1. The exemplary life of the speaker, § 55. 

2. The father's unselfish character as seen in his public ser- 
vices, §§ 56-63. 

3. Final appeal, § 64. 


I. HpOOLfXLOVj §§ I — II. 

No other proem of Lysias is so long or developed in such detail. 
The reason is to be found in the fact that the speaker is address- 
ing a jury who are thoroughly prejudiced against his case. Ni- 
cophemus and Aristophanes are believed to have been guilty of 
the gravest crimes, and now the defendant is believed to be 
concealing their property to the damage of the state. The 
prosecution have said everything possible to intensify this 

The proem falls into two parts, one (§§ 1-6) general, the other 
(§§ 7-1 1 ) based on the facts peculiar to this case. It is surpris- 
ing to find that for the first part Lysias has taken a ready-made 
proem from some book on rhetoric, and used it with slight changes. 
We discover this fact by comparing §§ 1-6 with the proem of 
Andocides's speech On the Mysteries, delivered twelve years 
earlier, and the proem of Isocrates's speech Περί Άνηδόσεως (XV), 
published thirty-four years after that of Lysias. Andocides has 
divided the section, inserting a passage applicable to his peculiar 
case, but the two parts agree closely with Lysias's proem. Isoc- 
rates has used a small part of. the same material, but much 
more freely, changing the order and the phraseology, and ampli- 
fying the selected parts to fit his own style. The following 
text gives a comparative view of the proems of Andocides and 
Lysias : — 



Andocides I 
1. Την μεν παρασκευην, 

ω άνδρες, 

και την προθυμίαν των έχθρων των 
εμων, ώστε με κακώς ποιεΐν εκ 
παντός τρόπου και δικαίως και 
αδίκως, εξ άρχης επειδή τάχιστα 
άφικόμην εις την πόλιν ταυτηνί, 

σχεδόν τι πάντες επίστασθε, 

και ουδέν δει περί τούτων πολλούς 
λόγους ποιεΐσθαι' 

εγω δε, ω άνδρες, δεησομαι υμών 
δίκαια και υμΐν τε ράδια χαρίζεσ- 
θαχ και εμώ άζια πολλού τυχεΐν 
παρ υμών. 

Here follow four paragraphs 
applicable to this particular case. 
The general proem is resumed 
at §6: 

αιτούμαι ουν υμάς, ω άνδρες, 
ευνοίαν πλείω παρασχεσθαι εμοϊ τω 
άπολογουμένω η τοις κατηγόροις, 
είδότες ότι καν ε£ ίσου άκροασθε, 
ανάγκη τον άπολογούμενον 

ελαττον εχειν. 

d μεν γαρ εκ πολλού χρόνου 

επιβουλεύσαντες και συνθέντες, 

αυτοί άνευ κινδύνων οντες, 

την κατηγοριαν εποιήσαντο, 

εγω 8ε μετά. δέους και κινδύνου και 

δναβολης της μεγίστης την άπο- 

λογίαν ποιούμαι. 

Lysias XIX 
2. την μεν ουν παρασκευην 

και την προθυμίαν των έχθρων 


και ουδίεν δει περί τούτων λέγειν ' 

την δ' εμην άπειρίαν πάντες ισα- 
σιν, όσοι εμε γιγνωσκουσιν. 

αίτήσομαι ουν ν μας δίκαια και ράδια 

άνευ οργής και ημών άκουσαι, ωσπερ 
και των κατηγόρων. 

3. ανάγκη γαρ τον άπολογουμενον, 
καν εξ Ισου άκροασθε, 

ελαττον εχειν. 

οι μεν γαρ εκ πολΧου χρόνου 


αυτοί άνευ κινδύνων οντες, 

την κατηγοριαν εποιήσαντο, 

ημείς 8ε άγωνιζόμεθα μετά. δέους 
και διαβολής και κινδύνου του με- 



εικός ovv νμας εστίν εννοιαν πλείω εικός ovv νμας εννοιαν χλααι 
παραχτχεσθαι c/ioi 17 τοις κατηγό- ^χειν τοις άχαλογον/ι^ο*9- 
ρ«ς. j 

; 4. otfuu γαρ χάκτας v/xas ct&cwu 
7. ετι δε και τό& ενθυμητεον, 

οτι πολλοί iJSiy πολλά και δανα άτι πολλοί iyo\; πολλά «u SciKa 
κατηγορησαντες παραχρήμα εζψ κατηγορησαντες παραχρήμα Ιζψ 
λεγχθησαν ιΐ/ευδόμενοι οντω φα- λεγχθησαν ψευδόμενοι οντω φα- 
νερως, ώστε νερως, ώστ£ 

. νπ6 πάπων τα ν παραγενομάηαν 
μισηθέντες άπελθεΐν' 

νμας πολν αν ηδιον δίκην λαβαν 

^ * > t 

πάρα των κατήγορων η πάρα 

των κατηγορουμένων' (Cp. Isoc. ■ 

15- 19•) 
οι ο* αν, μαρτνρησαντες τα Ψενδη οί ο* αν μαρτνρησαντες τα. ψενδη 

και αδίκως ανθρώπους απολύσαν- και αδίκως άπολεσαντες άνθρώ- 

τες, ίάλωσαν πονς εάλωσαν, 

παρ 9 νμιν ψευδομαρτυριών, 
ηνίκ οί-δεν ην ετι πλέον τοις πεπον- ήνίκα ονδεν ην πλέον τοις πεπον- 

θόσιν. θόσιν. 

δπότ ονν ηδη πολλά τοιαντα γνγε• 5. or ovv τοιαντα πολλά ycye- 

νηται, νηται, 

' ως €γω ακούω. 
εικός νμας εστί εικός νμας, 

1 ω άνδρες δικασταί, 
μη 77 ω τονς των κατήγορων λογούς μηπω τονς των κατηγόρων λογονς 

πιστούς ηγεΐσθαι. ηγεΐσθαι πιστούς. 

, πριν αν και ημάς ειπωμεν (cp. 

Isoc. 15. 17)• 

tl μλν γαρ δείνα κατηγόρηται η μη, 
οίον τε γι/ωναι εκ των τον κατη- 
γόρου λόγων ' €ΐ δ*€ αληθή ταντά 
εστίν η ψενδη* ονχ ο* αν τε νμας 




πρστερον ei8t'vai πριν αν και ipuov 
aKovcrrjrc άπολσγονμένον (cp. 
15• 17). 


Lysias XIX 

άκονω yap tywye, και νμων $€ τους 
πολλούς οΐμαι eioVvui, ore πάντων 
δανότατόν ίστι διαβολή. 
Cp. ISOC. 15. 18 ως Ιστι μ*- 
γιστον κακόν ο\αβολή • . Lysias 
goes on to illustrate the state- 
ment, while Isocrates amplifies it. 

An examination of the matter common to the two writers shows 
that the borrowed proem was composed as a model for the open- 
ing of a defense ; it was a plea for a kindly hearing on the ground 

(1) that any defendant is at a disadvantage (Andoc. and Lysias) ; 

(2) that oftentimes accusations have sooner or later been found 
to be false (Andoc, Lysias, Isoc.) ; (3) that the truth or falsity of 
charges can be learned only by hearing both sides (Andoc, Isoc) ; 
(4) that slander is dangerous (Lysias, Isocrates). 1 

In the parts where the three writers use common matter, Isoc- 
rates agrees with Andocides rather than with Lysias ; we may con- 
clude that Lysias has changed the original more than Andocides has. 
Lysias's form is in general shorter and simpler. There is also an 
occasional happy variation of a word, or of a tense, or of word order : 

πολλούς λόγους πονάσθαι, § I, 
δίήσομαί, § I, 
γαρίζισθαι, § I, 
£πφουλ€νσαντ€ς, § 6, 
την άπολογίαν ποιου/υιαι, § 6, 
άκός €στιν, §§6, 7, 

07TOTC, § 7, 

πιστούς ήγεΐσθαι, § 7> 


Xeyeiv, § 2. 
αιτησομαι, § 2. 
χαρίσασθαι, § 2. 
επιβουλεύονται, § 3• 
άγωνιζόμεθα, § 3• 
cikos, §§ 3, 5• 
ore, § 5. 
^γ€ΐσ0αι πιστούς, § 5• 

1 Blass, arguing from certain phrases of Andocides, attributes the original 
proem to Antiphon, Att. Bered. I. 2 115. 


Especially interesting are Lysias's additions designed to serve 
the ήθος of his client, who carefully preserves throughout the 
speech the attitude of a man inexperienced in public life ; in § 4 
Lysias says, οϊμαι πάντα? νμας εΐδέναι, where Andocides bids them 
consider ; in § 5 Lysias inserts ως εγω ακούω and άκονω γαρ ϊγωγε, 
a disclaimer of making statements on his own authority. He also 
substitutes the simple expression πριν αν και ημείς eiirai/xev, § 5, for 
the artificial antithesis of Andocides, § 7. 

This is the only case in Lysias's works in which we can dis- 
cover the use of such a stock proem. We know that the publica- 
tion of such ready-made proems and epilogues was common. 
The first rhetoricians gave great attention to these parts of the 
speech, and gave to them especial ornamentation both of thought 
and phraseology. It was possible to compose them in such gen- 
eral terms that any one of them would fit a large class of cases. 
We hear of such collections by Thrasymachus, Antiphon, and 
Critias, and the Mss. of Demosthenes have preserved to us a large 
collection of proems of his composition, five of which we find 
actually used in extant speeches of his. 

The second part of our proem (§§ 7-1 1) is an appeal for 
kindly hearing, based on the peculiar hardships of the speaker. 
For the closing words of this, Lysias goes again to his stock proem, 
as we see by comparing them with later words of Andocides : 

Andocides, $ 9 

τάδε 8k νμων δέομαι, 

μετ εννοίας 

μου την άκρόασιν της απολογίας 
ποιήσασθαι, και μήτε μοι αντιδί- 
κους καταστηναι μήτε νπονοεΐν τα 
λεγόμενα μήτε ρήματα θηρενειν, 

άκροασαμενονς δέ ο\α τέλους 

της απολογίας τότε ηδη ψηφίζεσθαι 
τούτο 6 τι αν υμΐν αυτοΐς άριστον 
και ευορκότατον νομίζητε είναι. 

Lysias, §11 

δεομαί δ' υμών πάση τεχνβ καΙ μψ 
χανη μετ εννοίας 

άκροασαμενονς ημών δια τ&ου?, 
ο τι αν υμΐν άριστον και ενορκστα• 

τον νομίζητε είναι, τούτο ψηφί' 



II. Πίστας, Argumentation §§ 12-54. 

Lysias omits the formal Πρό0€σις, and proceeds at once to the 
narrative (§12) that is to form the basis of his first argument. 

His purpose is first to dispel the idea that the defendant's 
father had concealed any of the property. Apparently the pros- 
ecution had made no specific charges, and the refutation must 
rest entirely upon probabilities. He makes a plausible argument 
(A and B, §§ 12-20),. but one which has less value for its own 
purpose than for giving such a picture of Aristophanes that the 
jury will be prepared for the next claim, and the one which forms 
the real foundation of the case, i.e. that Aristophanes had little 
property (C, §§ 21-27). The facts cited to prove this are perti- 
nent and convincing. Yet Lysias knows how little weight such 
proof will have with a prejudiced jury. He therefore addresses 
himself to the removal of that prejudice by an elaborate argument 
(D, §§ 28-54), based partly on the facts of this case, and still 
more on the notorious instances of mistaken popular judgment in 
similar cases. It is an instance of the wisdom of the skilled 
pleader, who sees that logic is by no means sufficient with a 
popular jury, but that the appeal must take great account of 

III. 'Επίλογος, Peroratio, §§ 55-64. 

The recapitulation is of the briefest, covering only the central 
points of the positive argument, and is followed by an appeal to 
the jury, based on the good character of the defendant and his 
father, and their services to the city. But here Lysias turns from 
this use of the facts, so common in epilogues, and returns to argu- 
mentation, drawing from the facts of their life the conclusion of 
the improbability of the crime charged against them (the common 
argument Probabile ex vita). The final appeal is brief and simple. 

The style of the whole speech is as simple as its framework. 
We can find hardly a trace of the artificial " figures " of rhetoric. 
Even antithesis, which Lysias often uses to excess, and nearly 
always in abundance, is almost excluded. The sentences are 
usually simple and non-periodic. In every particular Lysias has 


fitted the speech to the man : the quiet, retiring, sincere gentle- 
man. This adaptation of the language to the personality of the 
speaker (ήθος) is perfected by delicate touches here and there. 
He reminds us of his inexperience in court, and of his fear under 
the pressing danger (§§ 2, 3, 53). He avoids putting forward 
his own knowledge or experience, but says, ώ? iyu> ακούω, ακούω 
γαρ ίγωγε (§ 5), ώ? «γω ακούω (§ 14), ώ? €γω άκηκοα (§ 19), άκηκοα 
yap 2γωγ£ (§ 45 )> Φ ασ * 8c (§53)• H* s on ty boasting is of the 
quietness of his life, his filial obedience, and the good will of his 
neighbors (all condensed into four lines, §55). His public ser- 
vice as trierarch comes in only incidentally, as does the fact of 
his scrupulous protection of the state's property confiscated un- 
justly. If we compare all this with the personality of Mantitheus 
(seep. 135 f.), we see the grounds on which Lysias is regarded as a 
master of ηθοποιία. But here, as in other speeches (cp. p. 29), 
other personalities beside those of the speaker are made to stand 
out. We feel that we know Aristophanes : ambitious, restless, 
hopeful, hurrying from one enterprise to another, eager to have a 
part in large movements ; and clearest of all, the original defend- 
ant, the speaker's father : a gentleman of the old school ; arrang- 
ing for his children marriages that should bring honor rather than 
gold to the family, and connect them with old families and men 
of character (§§12-17); tne trusted friend of the great Conon 
(§ 12) ; ready to loan all his ready money to help his son-in-law 
in his enterprise (§ 22) ; bearing large burdens for the city beyond 
the requirements of the law, yet seeking no office (§§ 56-58) ; 
the generous friend and neighbor (§ 59) ; in a life of seventy years 
free from all charge of love of money, and even in the year of 
his death, in his old age, contributing to the city in the most 
costly service (§ 62), and finally leaving the small fortune of two 
talents. And this characterization of the man is the more telling 
in that many of the particulars are brought out only incidentally. 
But these personal portraitures are not simply works of art ; 
they are vitally related to the plea itself. More powerful than any 
argument of the speech is the feeling of the hearer that a man like 


Aristophanes may well be believed to have died poor ; that a man 
like the speaker is indeed to be pitied, forced into court to plead 
for all that he has, and by no possible fault of his own ; and that 
a man like his father would never have committed the crime with 
which he was charged. 1 

And here lies much of the power of Lysias. We often feel 
that his arguments are inconclusive ; he fails to appeal strongly to 
the passions ; in a case like this, where strong appeal might be 
made to our pity for the widow and little children, he seems cold. 
But the personality of the speaker and his friends is so real and 
their charm so irresistible, that at the close we find ourselves on 
their side. 

1 Cf. Bruns, Literarisches Portray pp. 466-467. 



1 Πολλοί/ μοι άπορίαν παρέχει 6 άγων ούτοσί, ω 
άνδρες δικασταί, όταν ενθυμηθώ οτι, εάν εγω μεν μη 
νυν ευ ειπώ, ου μόνον εγω άλλα και ό πατήρ δόζει 
άδικος €t^at και των όντων απάντων στερησομαι. 

5 ανάγκη ουν, ει και μη δεινός προς ταύτα πέφυκα, 
βοηθείν τω πατρϊ και εμαυτω ούτως όπως αν δνι^ωμαι. 

2την μεν ουν παρασκευην και την προθυμίαν των 

έχθρων οράτε, και ούδεν δει περί τούτων λέγειν* 

την δ* εμην άπειρίαν πάντες ίσ-ασιι/, όσοι έμε γιγνώτ 

τοσκουσιν. ' αιτησομαι ουν υμάς δίκαια και ρά/δια 


reply to the commonwealth. A 
defendant pleads προς τίνα, a 
plaintiff brings suit and accusation 
κατά τίνος (cp. ΚΑΤΑ ΔΙΟΓΕΙ- 
TON02, the title of XXXII). In 
this case, while perhaps a private 
individual appears as plaintiff, it 
is only to prosecute the claim of 
the commonwealth to the property 
(see on § 64) . 

1. On the use of borrowed 
material in this proem see Introd. 
p. 168 ff. These parts are indi- 
cated in the text by spaced type. 

— rye» μ*ν : the contrast (/*«/) is 
in the underlying thought, "If I 
fail, there is no other man to save 
us." Cp. on €/i.c μίν 12. 8. — ct 
κα£ κτλ. : however little gifted for 
this I am by nature. See on #cai 
ct 16. 2. — Scivos: see on δανοί 
Xcyciv 12. 86. — τφ ιτατρί : the suit 
was brought against the father. 
In the interval before it came to 
trial he had died, and the son now 
had to defend his father's memory 
as well as his own inheritance 
(Introd. p. 162). 

2. (ifv οΰν: see on 12. 3 (A). 



χαρίσασθαι, άνευ οργής και ήμων άκουσαι, ώσπερ 

3 και των κατηγόρων, ανάγκη γ&ρ τον άπολογού- 

μενον, καν εζ ίσον άκροασθε, ελαττον εχειν. οί 

μεν γά/ο εκ πολλού χρόνου επιβουλεύοντες, 

ΐ5 αυτοί άνευ κινδύνων οντες, την κατηγορίαν 
εποιήσαντο 9 ημείς δε άγωνιζόμεθα μετά δέους 
καϊ διαβολής καϊ κινδύνου του μεγίστου, είκος 
ουν ύμας εϋνοιαν πλείω εχειν τοις άπολογού μένοις. 

4οΤμαι γαρ πάντας ύμας εΐδέναι ότι πολλοί ήδη 

ϋοπολλά καϊ δεινά κατηγορήσαντες παραχρήμα 
εξηλεγχθησαν ψευδόμενοι ούτω φανερως, ώστε 
ύπο πάντων των παραγενομένων μισηθεντες άπελθεΐν- 
οί δ' αύ μαρτυρήσαντες τα ψευδή καϊ αδίκως 

^άπολεσαντες ανθρώπους εάλωσαν, ήνίκα ούδεν 

— καϊ ημών . . . ώο -ircp κα( : phrases 
or clauses which contain or imply 
a comparison often take και' in one 
or both members to emphasize 
their mutual relation. We can in 
English use also in the first mem- 
ber only ; the Greek oftener uses 
it in the second : (Α) και in both 
members ; here (Crit. N.) and § 36. 
(Β) και in the first member, 24. 
25. (C) και in the second mem- 
ber, 12. 23, 12. 98, 19. 62, 22. 11, 
24. 21, 34. l. — άκοΰσ-αι : one 
clause of the jurors' oath was 
rj μην ομοίως άκροάσεσθαι των 
κατηγορονντων και των άπολογον- 
μένων to give equal hearing to 
prosecution and defense (Isoc. 
15. 21). 

3. κ&ν: cp. ci και § ι, and see 
on και ci 16. 2. — \% Ισου: cp. 12. 
81 . — 4ιτιβουλ£νοντ£$ : tense, see on 
ανιωμενον 12. 32. — μ€τά Scovs: 
μετά of manner. So in §§ 11 
and 56. Cp. on § 14. 

4. έξηλέγχθησ-αν : tense, see on 
ησθόμην 1 6. 20. — αδ, ήνίκα : Lysias 
uses neither of these words else- 
where. Their use here, as that of 
several other expressions in this 
proem, betrays his use of borrowed 
material (Introd. p. 168). — ήνίκα 
. . . irXcov: when it was too late 
to be of any use. Cp. Antiphon 
5. 95 τι έσται irXiov τω yt άποθα- 
vOvtl what good will it do the 
dead? Cp. μηδέν . . . πλέον 
ι6. 3• 

ι 7 8 


bfjv πλέον τοις πεπονθόσιν. or oiv τοιαύτα 
πολλά γεγένηται, ως εγώ ακούω, βίκος ύμάς 9 & 
άν8ρες δικασταί, μηπω τους των κατηγόρων 
λόγους ηγείσθαι πιστούς, πριν αν και ημείς εΐπω- 
μεν. ακούω γαρ εγωγε, καϊ υμών δε τους πολλούς 
3οοιμαι εΐδέναι, οτι πάντων δεινότατόν εστί 8ιαβολη. 

β μάλιστα δε τούτο εχοι αν τις Ιδεΐν, όταν πολλοί επί 

τη αύτη αιτία εις αγώνα καταστώσιν. ως γαρ επι το 

πολύ όί τελευταίοι κρινόμενοι σώζονται- πεπαυμενοι 

γαρ της οργής αυτών άκροάσθε, και τους έλεγχους 

35 ήδη εθελοντές άποδεχεσθε. 

7 Ένθυμεΐσθε ουν οτι Νικόφημος και Αριστοφάνης 
άκριτοι άπεθανον 9 πριν παραγενεσθαι τινά αύτοΐς 

5 . 8τ€ : causal. — ώ$ Ιγώ ακούω : 
to give the impression that he has 
no personal experience of pro- 
ceedings in the courts. So ακούω 
yap ey<oye below. — ιτάντων . . . 
διαβολή : cp. Herod. 7. 10 διαβολή 
yap iari δεινότατον κτλ. Isoc. 
15. 18 ως Ιστι μ,εγιστον κακόν 
διαβολή ' τί yap <αν ykvovro ταύτης 
κακονργότερον κτλ. Both Herod- 
otus and Isocrates proceed to 
give a short disquisition on the 
evils of slander. Such neat char- 
acterizations by way of praise 
(εγκώμια) or blame (ψόγοι) were 
favorite exercises of the sophists 
and rhetoricians. — δανότατον : a 
common Greek construction, but 
Lysias uses it in this passage only ; 
HA. 617 ; G. 925 ; B. 423 ; Gl. 544. 

6. »s kr\ το ιτολν : as a rule, 
Lysias uses the expression here 

7. οΰν : with transitional force. 
ovv was originally a confirmative 
adverb, strengthening an assertion 
or question, in view of something 
just said. From this grew its use 
as a mere particle of transition, and 
its common post-Homeric use as 
an illative conjunction = therefore. 
Lysias has the three uses : (A) As 
a particle of emphasis, 12. 36, 
14. 18, 1. 49. (B) As a particle 
of transition (Eng. now), 19. 7, 
19. 22. For this he ordinarily 
uses μλν ovv or τοίννν (see on 
12. 3). (C) Illative = therefore 
19. 1, 19. 2, 19. 3, and constantly. 
— άκριτοι: cp. on 12. 17. The 


εΚεγχομενοις ως ηοικουν. ουοεις γαρ ουο ειοεν εκεί- 
νους μετά την συλληψι,ν • ουδέ γαρ θάψοα, τά σώματ 

4ο αυτών άπέδοσαν, αλλ* ούτω δεινή η συμφορά γεγενηται 

%ωστε προς τοις άλλοι? και τούτου εστερηνται. άλλα 
ταΰτα μεν εάσω • ούδεν γαρ αν περαίνοιμι • πολύ δε 
άθλιώτεροι δοκουσί μ,οι ol παίδες οι 'Αριστοφάνους- 
ούδενα γάρ ουτ ιδι'α ούτε δημοσία ήδικηκότες ου μόνον 

45 τά πατρώα άπολωλεκασι παρά τους νόμους τους υμετέ- 
ρους, άλλα /cat η υπόλοιπος ελπϊς Jjv, άπο των του 

9 πάππου εκτραφήναι, ούτως iv δευνω καθεστηκεν. ετι 
δ* ημείς εστερημένοι μεν κηδεστων, εστερημένοι δε 

word does not necessarily mean 
"without trial," but may mean 
without full process as guaranteed 
by the constitution. — irplv παρα- 
γινάτθαι κτλ. : before the arrival 
of any one (of their friends) to hear 
their examination ; or without the 
presence of any one (of their 
friends) at their examination (for 
the second use of -πριν cp. irplv 
dwuv 12. 17 in a similar connec- 
tion). The first interpretation 
would imply that the examina- 
tion and execution took place in 
Cyprus ; the second implies noth- 
ing as to the place. In either case 
the implication is that the men 
had an examination of some sort. 
See Introd. p. 161 ν. ι. — ^γιγίνηται, 
Ιο-τέρηνται : perfect, because the 
separate sad events of the past 
(άπέθανον, ct8cv, άττεδωκβν) are 
now gathered up in the summary 

συμφορά, and regarded as a stand- 
ing illustration of the fact that 
"slander is the worst of all things " 

(§ 5)• 

8. ταΰτα pcv 4ασω : this (but 
not the other abuses) . See on c/ac 
μεν 12.8. — iropd τουβ νόμους : refer- 
ring to the fact that Nicophemus 
and Aristophanes were put to 
death άκριτοι (§ 7) . The confisca- 
tion of property was often added to 
a death sentence. In this case it 
appears that the confiscation was 
by a separate decree ; see Introd. 
p. 161 Ν. 1. — τον irairirov: their 
mother's father, against whose 
estate the present suit is brought. 

9. ήμ€ί5 : the widow of Aristoph- 
anes, her brother (the speaker), 
and her sister (the wife of one 
Philomelus, § 15). — 4οτ€ρημ*νοι : 
on the επαναφορά, see App. 
§ 57. 5. — κη8€ο-τ»ν ; Aristophanes 



της προικός, παιδάρια 8c τρία ήναγκασμένοι τρέφειν, 

$ο προσέτι συκοφαντούμεθα καΧ κιν8υνεύομεν περί ων οι 

πρόγονοι ήμίν κατέλιπον κτησάμενοι εκ τον δίκαιον. 

καίτοι, ω άν8ρες 8ικασταί, 6 εμος πατήρ εν άπαντι 

τω βίω πλείω €ΐς την πόλιν άνηλωσεν ή είς αύτον και 

54 τους οικείους, διπλάσια 8ε ή νυν εστίν ήμίν, ως εγώ 

10 Χογιζομενω αύτω πολλάκις παρεγενόμην. μη ουν προ- 

καταγιγνώσκετε ά8ικίαν του είς αύτον μεν μικρά δαπα- 

νωντος, υμιν 8ε πολλά καθ* έκαστον τον ενιαυτόν, αλλ* 

όσοι και τά πατρώα και εάν τί πόθεν άλλοθεν εχωσιν, 

59€ΐς τάς αίσχίστας ήδονάς βι^ισμε^οι εισιν άναλίσκειν. 

ΐίχαλεπον μεν ουν, ω άν8ρες 8ικασταί, άπολογεΐσθαι 

and Nicopbemus. — προικός: the 
dowry of forty minae (§15) which 
the speaker's sister brought to 
Aristophanes, and which should, 
at his death, have been returned 
to her father, ought now to be 
available for her support and that 
of her little children. In the con- 
fiscation of Aristophanes's prop- 
erty even this dowry had been 
included ; cp. on § 32, and on 12. 
36. — παιδάρια : the diminutive 
touches the sympathy of the jury. 
— Ik του δικαίου: a common ex- 
pression, arising from a deeper 
thought than that of mere manner 
(δικαίως) ; justice is thought of as 
the source and starting point of 
the prosperity. Cp. 24. 5 ck της 
τέχνης ενπορίαν. — cts αυτόν : see 
on cts τας νανς § 21 (C). — δι- 
πλάσια : in § 59 the sum is reckoned 

as 9J t. The present estate is 
therefore estimated at something 
more than 4 t. See further on 
§§ 61 and 62. — ώ$ . . . «nupcYcvo- 
μην : as he often computed in my 
presence. Note that ως, while 
serving to connect the whole 
clause, modifies λογιζομίνω only. 
Cp. όίς in 25. 27. On the tense 
of παρεγενομην see on ησθόμην 
i6. 20. 

10. ιτροκαταγιγνώ(ΓΚ€Τ€ : προ-, 
in advance, i.e. πριν αν και ημείς 
άπω μεν (§ 5) • — του δαπανώντος : 
case, HA. 75 2 a ; G. 1 123 ; Β. 37° ί 
Gl. 5 J 4 a • For the tense of δαπα- 
νώντος see on άνιωμίνον 12. 32. — 
cts αυτόν, cts ήδονάς : see on εις τας 
νανς § 21 (C) and (Β). — νμϊν: 
for the construction see Crit. 

11. \uv ουν: see on 12. 3 (A). 


προς δόζαν ην evioi εχουσι nepi της Νικοφήμου ουσίας, 
και σπάνιν αργυρίου η νυν Ιστιν iv ry πόλβι, και του 
αγώνος προς το δημόσιον οντος • δμως 8e και τούτων 
υπαρχόντων ραδίως γνώσζσθε δτι ουκ αΚηθη iari τα 
6$ κατηγορημένα, δέομαι δ* υμών πάση τέχνη και μη- 
χανή μβτ εύνοιας άκροασαμένους ημών δια 
τέλους, ο τι αν ύμιν άριστον και εύορκότατον 
νομίζητβ είναι, τούτο ψηφίσασθαι. 
12 ΐΐρώτον μβν ουν, ω τρόπω κηδεσται ημΐν έγένοντο, 
7ο διδάξω υμάς. στρατηγών γαρ Κόνων περί ΊΙελοπόν- 

— πρδ$ δόξαν . . . καΐ σπάνιν : the 

general belief that Nicophemus 
was a rich man, and the present 
scarcity of money in the city treas- 
ury, are two facts which favor the 
prosecution, and in the face of 
which (προς) the speaker must 
make his defense. See Introd. 
p. 164. — υπαρχόντων: force, see on 
υπάρχει 12. 23. — πάση τέχνη καΐ 
μηχανή: a comparison with § 53 
shows that these words are to be 
connected with άκροασαμενονς 
ψηφίσασθαί, and not with δέομαι. 
12. φ τρόπω: the relative for 
the indefinite relative, see on ους 
25. η. — γάρ: explicative yap. 
The original use of yap (a combi- 
nation of yi and αρα) was that of 
a confirmative adverb, giving a 
tone of assurance. From its fre- 
quent use in clauses which, though 
coordinate, really gave the ground 
or cause of what preceded, was 

developed its force as denoting 
cause or reason. We see a clear 
effect of this origin of causal yap 
in the fact that even the fully de- 
veloped yap clause is still treated 
as coordinate, not subordinate as 
in English (see on πολλών γαρ 
€νπορήσ€ίν § 25) . Lysias has the 
following uses: (A) yap confir- 
mative (the original force), 26. 7 
cyo) pkv yap ουκ αν οΓμαι I certainly 
think he would not, (B) yap of 
the cause or reason of an action, 
or the reason of a statement ; so 
used constantly. (C) yap explica- 
tive. (1) The yap clause proceeds 
to give in full what was promised 
in a general statement, as in our 
passage ; so 12. 2, 12. 6, 12. 19, 12. 
64, 16. 4, 16. 6, 16. 13, 19. 25, 19. 
50, 19. 55, 24. 4, 32. 24. (2) Some- 
times the yap clause introduces 
a new point in the discussion 
without any preceding general 



νησον, τριηραρχησαντι τφ εμφ πατρϊ πάλαι φίλος 
γετγενημένος, έδεηθη δονναι την εμην άδέλφην αΧτονντι 

13 τω νει τω Νικοφήμον. 6 δε ορών αυτούς υπ εκείνον 
τ€ πεπιστενμένονς γεγονότας τε επιεικείς τη τε πάλει εν 

75 y€ τω totc χρόνψ αρέσκοντας, επείσθη δούναι, ουκ 
είδως την εσομενην διαβολην, αλλ* δτε και υμών όστισ- 
ονν αν. εκείνοις ηζίωσε κηδεστης γενέσθαι, επει δτι 
γε ον χρημάτων ένεκα, ράδιον γ^ώι /at εκ τον βίον 

14 παντός και τών έργων τών τον πατρός, εκείνος γαρ 
8ο δτ' ην εν τη ηλικία, παρόν μετά πολλών χρημάτων 

y^ftat άλλην, την εμην μητέρα ελαβεν ουδέν επιφεροτ 
μενην, δτι δε Βενοφώντος ήν θνγάτηρ τον Εύριπίδον 

statement, 1 2. 38, 1 6. ι ο, 1 9• 34• (D) 
και γαρ, see on 24. 3• (Ε) άλλα 
γαρ, see on 12. 40. — Κόνων: see 
Introd. p. 160. — ircpl Π€λσιτόννη- 
<rov: see Introd. p. 160 N. 1. — 
τριηραρχησαντι: on some earlier 
occasion, before the close of the 
Peloponnesian War. — άδιλφήν : 
this sister was at that time a widow, 
having been the wife of Phaedrus 
(§ x 5)• — fet: Aristophanes. For 
the form see on 12. 34. 

13. <fv -yc: γ€, emphasizing a 
prepositional phrase, stands regu- 
larly after the preposition (so § 49, 
νπό γ€ εκείνων) . Note that yt three 
lines below follows the conjunc- 
tion, thus emphasizing the whole 
clause rather than χρημάτων alone. 
— τφ totc χράνω: Lysias wisely 
avoids discussing the question of 

the guilt or innocence of the two 
men, contenting himself with the 
invidious word δναβολήν below. — 
αλλ* fcrc : but at a time when. — 
αν ήξίωσ -c: potential (hypotheti- 
cal) indicative, HA. 858 ; G. 1335 ; 
B. 565 ; Gl. 467 c; GMT. 243-5, 
GS. 430. Cp. §§ 18, 24,42; 25. 
12, 25. 27. 

14. ιταρόν: see on 12. 30. — 
pcTd : μετά is commonly used with 
gen. of personal words only. With 
material words Lysias uses it only 
here and in 4. 7, 32. 16, 34. 4, Fr. 
50 (Bury, Class. Rev. 7. 395). — 
ooScv £π•ιφ€ρομ^νην : in speaking of 
the dowry a bride is said εττιφε- 
ρεσθαχ, her father or guardian iiri- 
δουναι (cp. § 15 ; 16. 10, 32. 6). — 
g€vo4><ovros : not the Xenophon 
of the Anabasis (the son of 


νέος, ος ου μόνον ISiq. χρηστός εδόκει eXi /αι, άλλα και 
15 στρατηγεΐν αυτόν ήζιώσατε, ως εγω ακούω, τάς τοίνυν 
8$ εμάς άδελφάς εθελοντών τίνων λαβείν άπροίκους πάνυ 
πλουσίων ουκ εδωκεν, δτι ε8όκουν κάκιον γεγονέναι, 
άλλα την μεν Φιλομηλω τω Τ1αιανιεΐ 9 ον οί πολλοί 
βελτίω ηγούνται είναι η πλουσιώτερον, την δε πενητι 

Gryllus), but a general in the 
Peloponnesian War, who with two 
colleagues received the surrender 
of Potidaea in 430/29, and died 
the next year in battle before 
Spartolus on the Chalcidic penin- 
sula (Thuc 2. 70, 79). The Eu- 
ripides mentioned as his father 
was not the poet. — αυτόν : for the 
difference between the Greek and 
the English idiom see on αΰτοίς 
(before χάριν) 25. n. — «s ty» 
ακούω : the speaker, in his charac- 
ter of the simple and modest citi- 
zen, would give the impression of 
not being exactly informed on 
matters of political history, and 
of not dwelling too much upon 
his maternal grandfather's honor- 
able career. Cp. p. 174. 

15. irdw Ίτλουσίων : so this 
speaker says πολλην πάνυ (§ 1 6), 
πάνυ Ιτηθυμη (§ 3°)> πάνυ πολλά 
(§ 4^), ου πάνυ θαυμάζω (§ 49)• 
πάνυ appears nowhere else in 
Lysias except in 24. 1 5 and in the 
doubtful fragment 61. It would 
seem therefore that Lysias in talk- 
ing with his client noticed the 
young man's fondness for this very, 

and so gave a touch of naturalness 
to his speech by letting him use 
his favorite word repeatedly. 
Compare with this the fact that 
the intensive yc is used in this 
speech seven times, while in XII, 
written for his own delivery, 
Lysias uses it only three times, 
though that speech is a third 
longer. In XXXI, written for a 
client, ye appears eleven times, 
though the speech is only a third 
as long as XII. Our speech also 
contains three of the four instances 
of the emphatic άλλα μην to be 
found in Lysias. Cp. on ηγούμαι 
2$. 2. — Φιλομηλω : the family was 
old and honored. That Philome- 
lus was not a poor man is evident 
from several inscriptions which 
preserve his name as trierarch. — 
PcXtU» ή ιτλονσ-ιώτ€ρον : more hon- 
orable than rich. "When two 
adjectives or adverbs are com- 
pared η is always used, and both 
stand in the comparative degree," 
B. 426 n. 3; cp. HA. 645. So 
in Latin : verior quam gratior 
more true than agreeable, Livy 22. 
38. — τήν W : see on ά&ζλφήν § 12. 

1 84 


γεγενημενω ου δια κακίαν, άδελφιδω δε οντι, Φαίδρω 
9οτω Μυρρινουσιω, επιδούς τετταράκοντα μνας, κατ* 

16 Άριστοφάνει το ίσον. προς δε τούτοις εμοι πολλην 
εζον πάνυ προίκα λαβείν ελάττω συνεβούλευσεν, ώστε 
ευ ειδό^αι otl κηδεσταΐς χρησοίμην κοσμίοις καΧ 
σώφροσι. και νυν εγω γυναίκα την Κριτοδημου θυγα- 

95 τέρα του Άλωπεκήθεν, ος υπο Αακεδαιμονίων άπεθανεν, 

17 οτε η ^αιγχαχία εγενετο η εν *ΈΧλησπόντω. καίτοι, ω 
άνδρες δικασταί, όστις αυτός τε άνευ χρημάτων εγημε 
τοίν τε θυγατεροιν πολύ άργύριον επεδωκε τω τε ύεΐ 
ολίγην προίκα έλαβε, πως ουκ είκος περί τούτου πίτ 

That this was the daughter who 
afterward became the wife of 
Aristophanes is clear from § 17, 
where we learn that there were 
only two daughters. — Φα£8ρω : the 
Phaedrus whom we know through 
Plato as a young friend of Socrates 
(Sytnpos. 176 D), one of the group 
who listened to the Sophist Hippias 
(Prol. 315 C), and the friend and 
enthusiastic admirer of Lysias, deli- 
cately portrayed in Plato's Phae- 
drus. It was not strange that 
when the proposition was made to 
confiscate the property of Aristoph- 
anes (cp. p. 161 N. 1), his widow 
turned for help to the friend of 
her first husband, now at the 
height of his fame as an advocate, 
nor that when the present suit 
against her father's estate came 
on Lysias again wrote the defense. 
— τ€τταράκοντα μνας : see on 16. 1 o. 

— κ£τ : i.e. after the death of Phae- 
drus. For cfra see on 12. 26. — 
Άρι<Γτοφάν£ΐ το Ισον : = Άριστοφά- 
νει e8a>Kcv, το Ισον €7τιδους. The 
dat. with iwiSovs would be used 
only of the name of the bride, 
as in § 17 τοίν θυγατεροιν €π€- 

1 6. 4ξόν : cp. -παρόν § 14- — 
ώσ-τ€ . . . clS^vcu : one of the 
less common expressions of pur- 
pose, representing it as the in- 
tended result, like the English " so 
as to"; HA. 953 a; G. 1452; 
B. 595 n. ; Gl. 566 b. — κοσ- 
μίοις : see on κοσμίους 1 2. 20. 

— dir&avcv: after the battle of 
Aegospotami the Spartans put 
to death their Athenian pris- 
oners (Xen. Hell. 2. 1. 32), 
3000 in number (Phit. Lysander 
XI). — ή ναυμαχία: see on 12. 


ιοοστεύειν ως ουχ ένεκα χρημάτων τούτοις κηΰεστης 

εγενετο ; 
18 Άλλα μην ο γε Αριστοφάνης ήδη έχων την γυναίκα 

οτι πολλοίς αν μάλλον εχρητο η τω εμω πατρί 9 ρψδιον 

γνώναι. ή τε γαρ ηλικία πολύ διάφορος, ή τε φύσις 
ιο5 ετι πλέον • εκείνω μεν γαρ αρκούν ήν τα εαυτόν πράτ- 

τειν, Αριστοφάνης δε ου μόνον των Ιδίων άλλα και 

των κοινών εβούλετο επιμελεΐσθαι, και ει τι ήν αύτω 
ΐνάργύριον, άνήλωσεν επιθυμων τιμασθαι. γνώσεσθε 

δε οτι αληθή λέγω εξ αυτών ων εκείνος έπραττε. 
no πρώτον μεν γαρ βουλομενου Κόνωνος πεμπειν τίνα 

είς Σικελίαν, ωχετο ύποστάς μετά Έιύνόμου, Διονυσίου 

ιη. tlvcKa χρημάτων: ένεκα is 

regularly placed after its object. 
Lysias places it before its object 
in two other passages only, ένεκα 
πόρνης άνθρωπου φ 9, and ένεκα 
χρημάτων 24.2. It may also stand 
after a modifier of the genitive, as in 
7. 40 τούτου ένεκα του κινδύνου, and 
1 2. 98 μικρών αν ένεκα συμβολαίων. 
1 8. &ν . . . ίχρήτο : potential 
indie; see on άν ηζίωσε § 13. — 
καΐ cl : accidental juxtaposition of 
the particles (so in 25. 13, 32. 13), 
not the και el of 16. 2. — άνήλω- 
<rcv: note that the condition and 
conclusion are in the " particular " 
form (the conclusion in the sum- 
mary aorist), 'he spent the prop- 
erty that he had'; in the next 
sentence the detailed description 
of this conduct is introduced by 
the imperfect έπραττε. 

ig. «pxcto vnoarras: he under - 
took {the service) and went. — 
Εννόμου: Isocrates (15. 93, 94) 
mentions Eunomus first in a 
group of men who have been 
followers of his "from youth to 
old age," all of whom the city 
had honored with golden crowns, 
and who had spent of their private 
fortunes generously for the city. 
Xenophon's account (Hell. 5. 1. 5, 
9) of his failure as a naval com- 
mander not long before this speech 
was delivered gives a less favorable 
impression of his ability ; he was 
easily entrapped by the Spartan 
commander, and lost four of his 
little fleet of thirteen ships. — 
Διονυσ-ίου: this is Sauppe's con- 
jecture for Αυσίου of the Ms. ; for 
the important question as to Lysias 
involved in this reading, see Crit. 



φίλου δντος και ξένου, το πλήθος το υμέτεροι/ πλείστα 
άγα#ά πεποιηκότος 9 ως εγω άκηκοα των εν ΙΙειραιεΐ 

20 των παραγενομένων. ήσαν δ' ελπίδες του πλου πβϊσαχ 
ιι$Διονύσιον κηδεστήν μεν γενέσθαι Ευαγόρα, πολέμιον 

δε Αακεδαιμονίοις, φίλον δε και σύμμαχον τβ πόλει 

τή υμετέρα. και ταυτ έπραττον πολλών κινδύνων 

υπαρχόντων προς την θαλατταν και τους πολεμίους, 

ιΐ9 καϊ βπασαι/ Διονύσιον μη πέμφαι τας τριήρεις ας 

21 τότε παρεσκεύαστο Αακεδαιμονίοις. μετά δε ταύτα 
επειδή ol πρέσβεις ήκον εκ Κύπρου επι την βοήθειαν, 
ούδεν ενέλιπε προθυμίας σπεύδων. ύμεΐς δε δέκα 

Note. Early in 393 a compli- 
mentary decree had been passed 
in honor of Dionysius and his 
brothers (Kohler, Hermes III. 
156 if.) . — τδ πλήθος : see on 1 2. 42. 
— as £ya> άκήκοα : the same mod- 
est disclaimer of political knowl- 
edge as in § 14 ως €γώ ακούω. 
As the speaker is now a man of 
thirty (§ 55), he was a boy of 
fourteen at the time of the Re- 
turn. — των kv Ilcipaici: men of 
the Piraeus party, i.e. the demo- 
crats; cp. 12. 55. 

20. τον ιτλοΰ : case, HA. 729 b ; 
G. 1085. 2; B. 349. Here πείσαι 
takes the place of the common 
objective genitive with ελπίς ; cp. 
§ 53 ελπις ουδεμία σωτηρίας; 2 ζ. 
21 ελπίδας είχετε της καθόσον. — 
κηδιοτήν : by marrying one of 
the daughters of Evagoras. Dio- 
nysius was already living with 

two wives, Doris, an Italian, and 
Aristomache, a Syracusan (Dio- 
dor. 14. 44). In the choice of 
both he had been governed by 
political considerations. — υπαρ- 
χόντων: force, see on υπάρχει 12. 
23. — irpos την θαλατταν: proba- 
bly it was a winter voyage. Lysias 
always uses προς and ace. with 
κίνδυνος and κινδύνευαν where the 
English uses either in the face of. 
ox from. So in 14. 15, 15. 12, 16. 
1 2, 1 6. 1 8. — <hrc ισ-αν : with the men- 
tion of the difficulties under which 
the ambassadors were laboring 
during their mission we have the 
imperfect, έπραττον, but the sum- 
mary statement of the result is in 
the aorist, έπεισαν. — irapfo*K€v- 
α<Γτο : tense, see Crit. Note. 

21. oi iroarficis : for these 
events see Introd. p. 160 f. — £ir(: 
one of Lysias's two instances of 


τριήρεις αύτοΐς chore κάί ταλλα εψηφίσασθε, αργυ- 
ρίου δ* εις τον απόστολοι/ ήπόρουν. ολίγα μεν γαρ 

τ>2$ήλθον έχοντες χρήματα, πολλών δε προσεδεήθησαν • 
ου γαρ μόνον τους εις τάς ναυς, άλλα καϊ πελταστάς 

2%εμισθώσαντο καϊ δπλα επρίαντο. 'Αριστοφάνης ουν 
των χρημάτων τα μεν πλείστα αυτός παρεσχεν • επειδή 
δε ούχ Ικανά ην 9 τους φίλους έπειθε δεόμενος καϊ iy 

τ$ογυώμενος, καϊ του αδελφού του ομοπατρίου άποκειμέ- 
νας παρ* αύτω τετταράκοντα μνάς άπορων κατεχρήσατο. 
Tjj δε προτεραίφ η άνήγετο, είσελθων ώς τον πάτερα 
τον εμον εκέλευσε χρησαι ο τι εΐη άργύριον. προσ- 
δείν γαρ εφη προς τον μισθον τοις πελτασταΐς. ήσαν 

Ιττί with accus. to denote purpose ; 
see on els σωτηρίαν 12. 14. — 
ταλλα : the alliance of which this 
expedition was the result (Xen. 
Hell. 4. 8. 24). — ήττόρουν : Athens 
furnished ships equipped by her 
own trierarchs (cp. § 25), but 
Evagoras had probably counted 
on her supplying crews and fight- 
ing-men ; his ambassadors had 
not brought money enough to 
meet the unexpected expense of 
hiring them. — els τάβ ναΰβ : from 
the use of elq to denote local 
destination comes its frequent use 
to express figurative destination, 
passing over to the full idea of 
purpose (see on 12. 14). Closely 
connected with the ideas of des- 
tination and of purpose is the 
frequent use of cfe governing the 
name of the person or thing for 

which or upon which expenditure 
is made. (A) Figurative desti- 
nation, this passage, els τον από- 
στολον above, and § 39. (Β) Ex- 
penditure for or upon an object, 
§§ 10, 25, 43; 32. 9, 32. 21, 32. 
22. (C) Expenditure upon a per- 
son, §§ 9, 10, 56, 62; 25. 17, 
32. 20. 

22. ovv: see on § 7 (B). — 
hn i0€ : conative impf., see on «rei- 
Ocv 12. 58 (contrast ttwtox and 
hrturav § 20). That he succeeded 
in part is evident from § 24. — του 
δ&λφοΰ το€ όμοιτατρίου : his half- 
brother. For the Greek for own 
brother see 32. 4. — irap* αΰτφ: 
with him = in his care. So in 
§§ 36, 48; 32. 16. — «s: see on 
16. 4. — irpos τδν μ,κτθόν: προς 
rather than the usual eis, from the 
influence of π /oos- in π/οοσδαν. 

1 88 


i3S 5* ήμιν ένδον επτά μναΐ • 6 δε καΐ ταύτας λαβών κατε- 
2&χρήσατο. τίνα γαρ οϊεσθε, ω άνδρες δικασταί, φιλό- 
τιμον μεν οντά, επιστολών δ* αύτω ήκουσών πάρα του 
πατρός μηδενός άπορήσειν εκ Κύπρου, ηρημενον δε 
πρεσβευτην και μέλλοντα πλείν ως Έάαγόραν, ύπο- 
τ^ολιπέσθαί αν τι των όντων, αλλ* ουκ ει ήν δυνατός 
πάντα παράσχοντα γαρίσασθαι εκείνω εφ* ω τε και 
κομίσασθαι μη ελάττω; Ώς τοίνυν ταυτ εστίν αληθή, 
καλεί μου Έύνομον. 


ΐ44 Καλεί μοι καϊ τους άλλους μάρτυρας. 


24 Των μεν μαρτύρων άκούετε, ου μόνον οτι έχρη- 
σαν το άργύριον εκείνου δεηθεντος, άλλα και οτι 

For the only other instance in 
Lysias of προς in a purpose 
phrase see on § 6i and cp. 
on cts σωτηρίαν 12. 14. — iiv8ov: 
in the house, "by us" cp. on 


23. όντα, ήκουσών: for corre- 
lation of gen. abs. with participles 
in other construction see on πρατ- 
τονσης κτλ. 12. 69. — ιτατρό* : the 
father was in Cyprus with Evago- 
ras. — |M)8cvos: this form rather 
than ovSevos from the idea of 
promising implied in επιστολών. 
For the use of μη with fut. infin. 
with words of this class see HA. 
1024 (last sentence) and 948 a; 
G. 1496 and 1286; B. 549. 2 ; Gl. 

579 a. — άΐΓορήσ -civ: Aristopha- 
nes 's father assured him that on 
his arrival at Cyprus Evagoras 
would more than repay him for 
all advances that he might make 
for the equipment of the expedi- 
tion. — 4κ Κύιτρου : see Crit. Note. 
— αν : with both νπολιπεσθαί and 
χαρίσασθαί. The construction is 
that of ind. disc, for the potential 
indie, noted on άν ^tWc § 13. — 
των όντων, . . . πάντα: his own 
property, ... all the cost of 
the expedition. — άλλ* ούκ: but 
(would) not rather. — Εΰνομον : 
called to acknowledge his testi- 
mony as to the facts of §§ 19 
and 20. 


άπειληφασιν • βκομίσθη γαρ αντοΐς inl της τριή- 

Ύφδιον μεν ονν 4κ των άρη μένων γνωναι οτι τοιον- 

τ5οτων καιρών σνμπβσόντων ον8ενος αν βφείσατο των 

25 iavrov • δ δε μέγιστον τ€κμηριον • Δήμος γαρ 6 

ΤΙνριλάμπονς, τριήραρχων εις Κύπρον, έδεήθη μου 

προσελθεΐν αύτω, λέγων οτι έλαβε μεν σνμβολον 

24. άικιλήφασιν : the perfect, 
because the question at issue is 
where the money now is which 
Aristophanes is supposed to have 
had at his death. The speaker 
shows that this part of it is now 
back in the hands of the men who 
loaned it to him. — \tt\ τή$ τριή- 
ρουβ: probably one of the two 
state dispatch boats, the Paralus 
or the Salaminia, was sent to 
carry Aristophanes in advance of 
the fleet on his mission to Cyprus, 
and immediately brought back the 
money from Evagoras with which 
to repay the loans that had been 
made in his service. — μ€ν οΰν: 
force, see on 12. 3 (C). — α ν tycl- 
σατο: cp. on αν ή&ωσε § 13, and 
νπολνπίσθαι. αν § 23. 

25. 8: the antecedent is the 
γαρ clause. See on § 33, and cp. 
32. 24. — Δήμος : Aristophanes 
speaks of this Demus as Δ^μος 
καλός ( Wasps 98). Plato has his 
joke on the name when he says 
that Callicles is lover of two at 
once, του re 'Αθηναίων δημον καϊ 

τον ΤΙνριλάμπους {Gorg. 481 D). 
The father, Pyrilampus, was, ac- 
cording to Plato {Charm. 158 A), 
among the most honored of all 
who were sent from time to time 
to negotiate with the king of Per- 
sia. It is probable that this gold 
cup was given to him and inher- 
ited by Demus, together with his 
father's £evta. Such cups, doubt- 
less bearing some royal sign, were 
common gifts of the Great King, 
intended to serve as a token of 
his confidence in the bearer and 
his desire that he be helped by 
Persian officials in all the satrapies. 
The possession of such a token 
would be of especial value to Aris- 
tophanes on his mission to Asia. 
— γάρ : γαρ explicative, see on 
§ 12. — τριήραρχων: in the fleet 
of ten triremes which was to follow 
as soon as possible. We learn 
from Xenophon {Hell. 4. 8. 24) 
that the fleet was overtaken on 
the voyage by the Spartans and 
every trireme captured. — els Κύ- 
irpov : cts of i destination, 1 see on 



παρά βασιλβως του μεγάλου φιάλην χρυσην, ύποθη- 
ΐ55 σει δε Άριστοφάνει λαβών εκκαίδεκα μνας επ avrj}, 
ΐν* εχοι άναλίσκειν εις την τριηραρχίαν επειδή δε 
εις Κύπρον άφίκοιτο, λύσεσθαι άποδούς είκοσι μνας• 
πολλών γάρ αγαθών /cat άλλωι> χρημάτων ευπορησενν 
26 δια το συμβολον εν πάσ-β Tjj ήπείρω. ' Αριστοφάνης 
ι6ο τοίνυν άκούων μεν ταύτα Δήμου, δεομενου δ* εμού, 
μέλλων δ' άζειν το χρυσίον, τετταρας δε μνάς τόκον 
λήψεσθαι, ουκ εφη είναι, αλλ 9 ώμνυε και προσδεδα- 
i/etcr^at τοις ζενοις άλλοθεν, επειδή ηδιστ αν ανθρώ- 
πων άγειν τε ευθύς εκείνο το συμβολον /cat χαρίσασθαι 

eU τάς ναυς § 21. — νπΌ0ήσ€ΐ 
κτλ. : the text here is doubtful 
(see Crit. Note), but the proposi- 
tion of Demus certainly was that 
Aristophanes loan him sixteen 
minae to help him fit out his tri- 
reme, and take the cup as security. 
The offer of 25 % on the short loan 
was a tempting one (the ordinary 
rate was 12% to 18% per annum). 
— els την τριηραρχίαν : see on cts 
tols νανς § 21 (Β).- ιτολλών γάρ 
cfarorfo-civ : the Greek does not 
treat a yap clause as fully subordi- 
nate, hence the ind. disc, carries 
the infin. construction to €υπο- 
ρήσ£ίν. See on § 12. 

26. άκούων, ScofUvov : cp. on 
οντά, ηκονσων § 23. — €tvcu : 
= cfetrai. — καΐ irpoaScSavf ΐσ-θαι : 
he had not only spent all of his 
own money, but had also bor- 
rowed. For the middle see HA• 

816. 7; G. 1245; Β • 5°6- Cp. 
ioaveiaaro 12. 59. — τοίβ (frois: 
the mercenaries mentioned in § 21. 
— ανθρώπων : part. gen. with rj&i- 
στα, HA. 756, 755 b; G. 1088; 
B • 355• x \ Gl. 507 d. Cp. μόνος 
ανθρώπων 2\. 9. ^διστα, reenforced 
by ανθρώπων (see L. & S. άνθρω- 
πος 3 b) and followed by ευθύς 
instantly, emphasizes the eager- 
ness with which Aristophanes 
would have accepted the offer. — 
&v fryciv καΐ χαρίσ-αο-θαι : for with 
the utmost pleasure (he said) he 
would instantly have taken that 
security with him and have done 
us the favor. For the occasional 
use of the infin. in ind. disc, even 
in a subordinate clause see HA. 
947 a; G. 1524; B.67in. ; GMT. 
755. This is the only instance 
of the construction in Lysias. The 
direct form would be yfiurr &v 


27 ημΐν a εδεόμεθα. ως δε ταυτ εστίν αληθή, μάρτυρας 
ιόβνμΐν παρεζομαι. 


"Οτι μεν τοίνυν ου κατέλιπεν Αριστοφάνης αργύρων 
ούδε χρυσίον, ράδιον γνωναι εκ των είρημενων καϊ 
μεμαρτυρη μένων • χαλκώματα δε σύμμεικτα ου πολλά 
ΐ7° εκέκτητο, αλλά και οθ* ειστία τους παρ 9 ΈΑαγόρου 
πρεσβεύοντας, αΐτησάμενος εχρήσατο. α δε κατέλιτ 
πεν, άναγνώσεται υμίν. 


28 *Ισως e^tots υμών, ω άνδρες δικασταί, δοκεΐ ολίγα 
εΐναί' αλλ 5 εκείνο ενθυμεΐσθε, δτι πρίν την ι/αιγ/,αχίαι/ 

rjyov τ€ . . . και Ιχαρνσάμ,ψ (if Ι 
had the money) tnost gladly would 
I take this security with me and 
do you the favor. For this rare 
use of the aorist indie, in an unreal 
apodosis belonging to time imme- 
diately future see 12. 34 Crit. Note. 
But another explanation is pos- 
sible; it may be that the Ιπν&η 
clause is incorporated into the 
ind. disc, only so far as to throw 
its verbs into the infin., other- 
wise leaving the expression as it 
would be uttered by the narrator, 
not by the original speaker ; the 
narrator would say ή&στ αν rjyi 
tc . . . καϊ Ιχαρίσατο tnost gladly 
would he have carried that secur- 
ity with him and have done us the 
favor. In support of the second 
explanation is the Ικάνο (which 

implies the point of view of the 
narrator) ; cp. on ήκκλησίάζ€τε 
12.73. For analogous cases of in- 
complete incorporation of subord. 
clauses in ind. disc, see GMT. 
674. 2, 3. 

27. σνμμακτα: see L. & S. 
σνμμχκτα ; the spelling of the text 
is established by inscriptions. — 
αΐτησαμινος : cp. Ύ^τημίνον^ 24. 12. 
— άναγνώσεται : sc. 6 γραμματεύς, 
GS. 72. 

28. ολίγα : i.e. too small to be 
true. — irpiv . . . νικήσαι : πρίν 
with infin. even though the prin- 
cipal clause is negative. "An 
infinitive with πρίν sometimes de- 
pends on a negative clause, where 
a finite mood might be allowed, 
because the temporal relation is 
still so prominent as to determine 



175 νικησαι Κόνωνα, Άριστοφάνει γη μεν ουκ fjv αλλ* η 
χωρίδιον μικρόν Ύαμνουντι. εγενετο δ* η ναυμαχία 

2d in Εύβουλίδου άρχοντος, iv ουν τετταρσιν η πέντε 
ετεσι, πρότερον μη ύπαρχούσης ουσίας, χαλεπόν 9 & 
άνδρες δικασταί, τραγωδοΐς τε δις χορηγήσαι, υπέρ 

ιβοαύτον τε καϊ του πατρός, καϊ τρία ετη συνεχώς τριη- 
ραρχήσαι, εισφοράς τε πολλάς εισενηνοχέναι, οΐκίαν 
τε πεντήκοντα μνων πρίασθαι, γης τε πλέον η τριακό- 
σια πλεθρα κτησασθαΐ' ετι δε προς τούτοις οΐεσθε 

the construction," GMT. 628, cp. 
627. — ναυμαχίαν: the battle of 
Cnidus, 394 B.C. — άΧΚ' ή : except. 
'Ραμνοΰντι: a true locative, HA. 
783 b ; G. 1 197 ; B. 383 ; Gl. 527 a. 
Rhamnus was an Attic deme on 
the east coast, north of Marathon. 
29. τ£τταρ<Γΐν: between the 
battle of Cnidus (394) and the mis- 
sion to Cyprus, see Introd. p. 161 
N. I . — irpOTcpov μη ύτταρχούοτης 
ούσ -Cas : assuming that (μη) he had 
no property at the beginning. See 
on υπάρχει 12. 23. For μη see on 
μητ€ 12. 68 (A). — τραγωδοί?: see 
on 24. 9. — χορηγήσ-αι: the sums 
spent in this and the other ser- 
vices are given in § 42. — ττατρό?: 
the father being absent on public 
service. — <τυν€χώ$ : by law any 
one liturgy fell upon a citizen not 
oftener than every other year ; the 
trierarchy (at any rate in the 
middle of the fourth century), not 
oftener than one year in three 
(Isae. 7. 38). But public-spirited 

citizens sometimes volunteered for 
continuous service (so the speaker 
of XXI says that he served as 
trierarch for a period of seven 
years (21. "2)). — τριηραρχήσαν : 
note the 'complexive' aorist in 
this definite and summary state- 
ment of a " continued act " ; 
see on ωκησε 12. 4. — οΐκίαν: that 
the house of a man reputed to 
be rich was worth only $900 is an- 
other indication of the simplicity 
of life in Athens (see on 32. 
23) and of the great purchasing 
power of money there. — γή$ : the 
land cost (in round numbers) 250 
minae (§ 42, land and house cost 
u more than 5 t." = 300 minae -f ). 
Reckoning the plethron as = .087 
hekt. (Nissen), we have 65 acres 
at about $70 an acre. This is 
the only passage in Greek authors 
which, by giving both the contents 
and the price of a piece of land, 
enables us to reckon land value. 
As we know neither the situation 


30 χρήναι έπιπλα πολλά καταΧεΚοιπέναι ; αλλ* ούδ* ol 
185 πάλαι πλονσυοί δοκουντες είναι ά£ια λόγου έχρια/ αν 

εζενεγκεΐν ενίοτε γαρ ουκ εστίν, ούδ* εάν τις πάνυ 
επιθυμή, πρίασθαι τοιαύτα α κτησαμένω εις top λοιπόν 

31 χρόνον ήδονήν αν παρεχοι. άλλα τόδε σκοπείτε, των 
άλλων, όσων εδημεύσατε τα χρήματα, ούχ όπως σκεύη 

ΐ9ο άπεδοσθε, άλλα zeal αί θύραι άπο των οικημάτων άφηρ- 
πάσθησαν ημείς δε ήδη δεδημευμενων και εζεληλυ- 
θυίας της εμής αδελφής φύλακα κατέστη σαμεν εν τη 
έρημη οικία, ίνα μήτε θυρώματα μήτε αγγεία μήτε 
άλλο μηδέν άπόλοιτο. βπιπλα δε άπεφαίνετο πλεΐν ^ 

32 χιλίων δραχμών, οσα ούδενος πώποτ ελάβετε. προς 
ιφδέ τούτοις και πρότερον προς τους συνδίκους και νυν 

nor the nature of this land, even 
this information is of little worth. 
— καταλ€λοιιτέναι : for the tense 
cp. on άπει,λήφασιν § 24. 

3θ. άξια λόγου : sc. έπιπλα. — 
ifcvcyKfCv: to produce, exhibit, as 
evidence of wealth. — kvLort γαρ 
κτλ. : ' even old and wealthy fami- 
lies are not always able to find in 
the market personal ornaments 
and house furnishings (all in- 
cluded in έπιπλα) that correspond 
with their means and their tastes.' 

31. ούχ &πω$ ( = ουκ €ρω όπως) 
κτλ. : not to speak of your selling 
the furniture, — even the doors 
had been stripped from the rooms, 
= not only did you not sell the fur- 
niture (that having been removed 
before your officers could seize it), 
lysias — 13 

but even the doors had been stripped 
from the rooms, HA. 1035 a ; G. 
1504 (where the passage is mis- 
translated after Reiske). — $€δη- 
\uv\Uv<av: sc. των χρημάτων from 
τά χρημ/ιτα above. — άπ€φαίν€Τ0 ; 
i.e. when the officers made their •. 
inventory. — irXciv: form, see on 
32. 20. — χιλίων 8ραχμών : a further 
indication of the simplicity of life 
and the high purchasing power of 
money. — ovScvos : for the case cp. 
on υμών 12. 40 and ης 12. 83. 

32. irprfTcpov: in the prelimi- 
nary steps of the case. — σ-υνδί- 
kovs: see on 16. 7. We conclude 
that this extraordinary commission 
had been continued after the im- 
mediate occasion for its appoint- 
ment was past, and that it now 



εθέλομεν πίστιν δούναι, ήτις εστί μεγίστη τοις άνβρώ- 
7Γθΐς, μη8εν εχειν των ' Αριστοφάνους χρημάτων, ενο- 
φείλεσθαι 8ε την προίκα της αδελφής και τας επτά 

aoo/jL^a9 ? ας ωχετο λαβών παρά του πατρός του εμού. 

33 πως αν ουν εΐεν άνθρωποι άθλιώτεροι, η ει τα σφετερ 9 
αυτών άπολωλεκότες δοκοΐεν τάκεινων εχειν; ο δε 
πάντων 8εινότατον 9 την αδελφή ύπο8εξασθαι παιδία 
εχουσαν πολλά, και ταύτα τρεφειν, μη8* αυτούς εχον- 

aos τας μηδέν, εάν ύμεΐς τα οντ άφελησθε. 

84 Φέρε προς θεών 'Ολυμπίων ούτω γαρ σκοπείτε, 5 

had jurisdiction in cases of confis- 
cation in general. The prelimi- 
nary hearing and the presidency 
at the trial would rest with these 
σύνδικοι (see App. § 9). We find 
no mention of such a board after 
this date. — ιτίστιν: by the most 
solemn oath. Cp. 12. 10, 32. 13. 
— €νοφ€ίλ€<τθαι : rests as a claim 
(upon the confiscated property). 
The dowry was never looked upon 
as the absolute property of the 
husband, but as held in trust for 
the wife; it could not therefore 
be confiscated with the husband's 
estate; cp. on και του? παΐδα? 12. 
36, and see Gardner and Jevons, 
Greek Antiquities, p. 555 if. — 
ίιττά μνά$: the loan mentioned 
in § 22. 

33. Ικίίνων: Aristophanes and 
his father. The speaker uncon- 
sciously passes from the hypo- 
thetical case (άνθρωποι) to his 

own. — δ . . . 8«.νότατον: the con- 
struction is, ο 8k πάντων δανο- 
τατον (εστίν) | (τοντ «την) | 
νπο&ίξασθαι και τρεφειν. A sim- 
pler expression is that of Plato's 
Apology 41 b και δη τό μεγιστον 
Ι (τοντ εστίν) \ εξετάζοντα &α- 
γαν ; less close is the connection 
where the relative precedes a clause 
with a finite verb, as in 32. 24 ο 
8c πάντων δεινότατοι/ (εστίν), ω 
ανδρ€$ δικασται* οντος γαρ . . . 
λελόγισται. So in 19. 25. Cp. 
HA. 1009 a. — ircuSlct ιτολλά: a 
lot of little children is something 
of an exaggeration for the παιδάρια 
τρία of § 9. — prfii : see on μήτε 
12. 68 (Β). 

34• irpos Oc£v Όλυμιτίων : the 
only form of oath used by Lysias, 
and this only here and in § 54, and 
in the earnest closing appeal to the 
jury in 13. 95. This avoidance 
of the common oaths of every-day 


άνδρες δικασταί. ει τις υμών έτυχε δούς Ύιμοθέω τω 

Κόνωνος την θυγατέρα η την άδελφην, καΐ εκείνου 

άποδημησαντος και εν διαβολτ} γενομένου εδημενθη 

2ΐοΐ7 ουσία, καϊ μη εγενετο τύ} πόλει πραθεντων απάντων 

τετταρα ταΚαντα αργυρίου, δια τούτο ηζιουτε αν τους 

κηδεστας τους εκείνου και τους προσηκοντας άπολε- 

σθαι, οτι ουδέ πολλοστον μέρος της δόξης της παρ* 

Ζδύμΐν εφάνη τα χρήματα; άλλα μην τουτό γε πάντες 

2ΐ$επίστασθε Κόνωνα μεν άρχοντα, Νικόφημον δε πον 

ουντα ο τι εκείνος προστάττοι. των ουν ωφελειών 

Κόνωνα είκος πολλοστον μέρος αλλω τιν\ μετάδιδαν at, 

ωστ εΐ οΐονται πολλά γενέσθαι Νικοφήμω, ομόλογη- 

$$σειαν αν τά Κόνωνος είναι πλεΐν η δεκαπλάσια, ετι 

22ο δε φαίνονται ούδεν πώποτε διενεχθεντες, ωστ είκος και 

impassioned speech is as fitting to — άπολέσ-βαι : financial * ruin ' ; so 

the calm and simple style of Lysias in § 45. — οτι ούδ€ ιτολλοστόν κτλ. : 

as is their constant use to the because his property was found to 

vehement style of Demosthenes, be not even the smallest part of 

— γάρ : force, see on § 12 (C) (2). what you had supposed, πολλο- 

— Τιμοθέφ τφ Κόνωνος : Conon had στον μέρος της δόξης is perfectly 
died in Cyprus not long before intelligible, if less logical than the 
this. Because of his services to equivalent expression in § 39 πολ- 
the king of Persia, and later to λοστον μέρος ην τα χρήματα ων 
Evagoras of Cyprus, he had been νμεΐς προσεδοκάτε. 

believed to be enormously rich. 35. τοΰτο: the participial 

His son, Timotheus, Was now phrases stand in apposition with 

already well known in the city, τοντο, an uncommon construction, 

although he did not enter upon See Crit. Note. Cp. Xen. Anab. 

his career of political leadership 7. 2. 4 έχαιρε ταύτα άκονων ο\αφθει- 

until some years later. — τίτταρα ρόμενον το στράτευμα. — τών ώφ«- 

ταλαντα : we conclude that the sale λ«ών : it is assumed as a matter 

of Aristophanes's property had of course that the officers were 

yielded about this sum to the state, enriching themselves. See p. 164. 



περί των χρημάτων ταύτα 'γι/ώρα^ Ικανά μεν ενθάδε 
τω ύεΐ έκάτερον καταλιπεΐν 9 τα δε άλλα παρ 9 αντοΐς 
εχειν ην γάρ Κόνωνα μεν νος εν Κνπρω και γυνη 9 
Νικοφήμω δε γυνή καΐ θνγάτηρ, ηγονντο δε /cat τα 

225 εκεί ομοίως σφίσιν είναι σα ωσπερ κα\ τά ει/0άδε. 

Μπρος δε τούτους ενθνμεΐσθε δτι και ε? τις μη κτησά- 
μένος άλλα παρά τον πατρός παραλαβών τοις παισι 
διενειμεν, ονκ ελάχιστα αν αντω νπέλιπε- βούλονται 
γάρ πάντες νπο των παίδων θεραπεύεσθαι έχοντες χρψ 

23ο/ιατα μάλλον η εκείνων δεκτ0αι άπορονντες. 

38 Νυι/ τοίννν εΐ 8ημευσαιτε τά τον Ύιμοθέον, — ο μη 
γένοιτο, ει μη τι μέλλει μέγα αγαθόν εσεσ#αι rg πόλει 
— , ελάττω δε εξ αυτών λάβοιτ η α εκ των Αριστοφάνους 
γεγένηται, τούτον ένεκα αν ηζιοντε τους αναγκαίους 

36. ταύτα γνώναι : this ί com- 
mon resolution ' of Conon and Ni- 
cophemus is explained by the infin. 
clauses, ικανά μλν . . . καταλι- 
trtiv Ι τά δέ άλλα παρ αντοίς Ιχαν. 
— tvOaSc . . . trap' αύτοΐ? : at Athens 
... in Cyprus. — καΐ τά 4kci . . . 
ώσ -ircp καί: see on § 2 (A). 

37. καί ct tis κτλ. : ' even a 
father who held ancestral property, 
and therefore regarded it as in 
trust for his children, would not, 
had he been in Nicophemus's place, 
have turned over the larger part 
in his own lifetime to his son ; still 
less one who had acquired his 
property by his own efforts, as 
Nicophemus had. The fact, there- 
fore, that little of Nicophemus's 

property was found in Aristopha- 
nes's estate furnishes no ground 
for suspicion. 1 On και ci see on 
16. 2. — μή : see on μήτε 12. 68 (Β). 
— OcpaircvcaOai : a son whose father 
still keeps the property in his own 
control will presumably be most 
attentive to him. 

38. cl μή τι κτλ. : i.e. unless the 
public good shall require it, as pun- 
ishment for some crime on his part. 
The sentiment is quite in keeping 
with the deference which an Athe- 
nian pleader in court would show 
toward the supreme interests and 
will of the sovereign people. — 
αν ήξιοντι: the case which was 
thought of at first as supposable 
(el δημενσαιτε, λάβοιΤ€) is, as the 


39 τους εκείνου τα σφέτερ αυτών άπολεσαι ; αλλ' ουκ 
ιτβ εικός, ω άνδρες δικασταί' ό γαρ Κόνωνος θάνατος 

και αί διαθήκαι, ας διεθετο iv Κύπρω, σαφώς εδηλωτ 

σαν οτι πολλοστον μέρος fjv. τα χρήματα ων ύμεΐς 

προσεδοκατε* tj} μεν γαρ *Κθηνα καθιερωσεν είς 

240 αναθήματα καϊ τψ Άπόλλωνι είς Δελφούς πεντακισ- 

40 χίλιους στατηρας* τω δε άδελφιδω τψ εαυτού, ος 
εφύλαττεν αύτω και εταμίευε πάντα τα εν Κύπρω, εδώ- 
κεν ως μυρίας δραχμάς, τφ δε άδελφω τρία τάλαντα- 
τα δε λοιπά τω ύεΐ κατελιπε 9 τάλαντα έπτακαίδεκα. 

245 τούτων δε κεφάλαιον γίγνεται περί τετταράκοντα τά- 
4ΐλαιτα. και ούδενϊ οΐόν τε ειπείν οτι διηρπάσθη η 
ως ου δικαίως απεφάνθη' αύτος γαρ εν tj) νόσω ων 
e5 φρονών διεθετο. Και μοι κάλει τούτων μάρτυρας. 


sentence proceeds, treated as im- Timotheus was already beginning 

possible (αν ηξυσντε, the " con- to set an example of greater lux- 

trary to fact" construction). ury than that of the older genera- 

39. cIkos : sc. νμας τουτ αν tion. Aristophanes in the Plutus 
άζυονν. — cts : see on cis τας νανς (388 B. c) speaks of his house as 
§ 21 (A). — αναθήματα: votive a πΰργο? (v. 180). 

offerings to Athena, probably to 41. iv τη νόσφ ... SiiOrro: 

be placed on the Acropolis. Conon important for our knowledge of 

had already dedicated a golden Conon's death (cp. SUBero iv 

crown in memory of the battle of Κύπρω § 39), for from a statement 

Cnidus, bearing the * inscription of Isocrates (iwl θανάτω συλλα- 

Κόνων από της ναυμαχίας της προς βύν 4• *54) we should naturally, 

Λακεδαιμονίους (Dem. 22. 72). though not necessarily, infer that 

40. τώ fet : Timotheus. What Conon was put to death by the 
provision was made for the son Persians. — €$ φρονών : a technical 
of the Cyprian wife (§ 36), if he term in Attic law, corresponfling to 
was still living, does not appear, the English "being of sound mind." 



42 Άλλα μην οστισουν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, πρϊν άμφό~ 
α&τερα δήλα γενέσθαι, πολλοστον μέρος τα Νικοφήμαυ 
των Κόνωνος χρημάτων ωηθη αν είναι. ' Αριστοφάνης 
τοίνυν γήν μεν και οικίαν εκτησατο πλεΐν fj πέντε 
ταλάντων, κατεχορήγησε δε υπέρ αύτου και του πατρός 
πεντακίσχιλίας δραχμάς, τριήραρχων δε άνηλωσεν 
ίζδγδοήκοντα μνας. εισενηνεκται δε ύπερ αμφοτέρων 
256 ουκ έλαττον μνων τετταράκοντα. εις δε τον επί Σικε- 
λίας πλουν άνηλωσεν εκατόν μνας. εις δε τον άπόστοτ 
λον των τριηρών, δτε ol Κύπριοι ηλθον και εδοτε αύτοΐς 
τας δέκα ναυς, και των πελταστών την μίσθωσιν καλ 
26ο των οπλών την ωνην παρέσχε τρισμυρίας δραχμάς. 
και τούτων κεφάλαιον πάντων γίγνεται μικρού λείπον 

42. The following details are 
valuable as showing something of 
the cost of public services ren- 
dered, partly voluntarily, and partly 
under compulsion, by the wealthy 
Athenians. The facts have been 
more briefly stated in § 29. — 
ψήθη &v : see on αν ή££ωσ€ § 13. — 
«yfjv, olicCav: see on § 29. — κατ€- 
χορήγησι: for force of κατά- see 
L. & S. s.v. κατά, Ε VI ; here with- 
out any disparaging sense. Cp. 
English 'use up.' Cp. κατεχρή- 
σατο § 22. — ικντακΜτχιλ(α$ δραχ- 
μάς : in his two services as cho- 
ragus. For full description of 
these duties see Haigh, Attic The- 
aire (2d ed.), p. 73 if. ; cp. Gulick, 
p. 62. — όγδοη κοντά μνα$ : this 
was for a period of three years 

(§ 29) = 26$ minae a year. The 
defendant in XXI reckons his 
expenditure for seven years as 
trierarch at 6 t. = 360 minae, an 
average of 5 1 f minae a year, about 
twice the sum given in our passage. 
We may reasonably assume that 
our speaker was σνντρίήραρχος, 
bearing only half of the expense. 
For the similar case of Diogiton, 
with an expenditure of 24 minae, 
see 32. 26, and note on 32. 24. 

43. clorcWjvcKrai : in § 29 the 
occasions are spoken of as εισφο- 
ράς πολλά?. For the εισφορά see 
on 12. 20. — cfe: see on as Tote 
νανς § 2i (Β). — *irl Σικιλ(αβ: see 
§ 19. — των τριηρών: see § 21 ff. 
— XcCirovros: impersonal; for the 
personal construe, see 32. 24 and 27. 


44το9 πβτεκαιδβκα τάλαντα, ώστε ουκ αν είκστως ημάς 
αίτιάσαι,σθβ, iwel των Κόνωνος, των ομολογουμένων δι- 
καίως άποφανθηναι υπ αυτού εκείνου, πολλαπλασίων 

26s δοκούντων πλέίν η τρίτον μέρος φαίνεται τα Άριστοφά- 

— ircvTacaCScica τάλαντα : of the 

15 t. expended in the five or six 
years in question, the speaker has 
reckoned 5 t. for house and land, 
and 10 1. for the various public ser- 
vices ; of this sum 2$ t. was for 
ordinary liturgies of a rich citizen 
(service as choragus and trierarch) 
and for direct war taxes — an 
average of a little less than half 
a talent a year. A still more 
important source of information 
as to the public services of rich 
Athenian citizens is the account 
which Lysias gives in XXI (§§ 1-5) 
of the public expenditures of his 
client for the first seven years 
after he attained his majority ; the 
items are as follows : — 

1st year. 
Choragus (tragic chorus) 3000 dr. 
Choragus (men's chorus) 2000 

2d year. 
Choragus (Pyrrhic) . . 800 
Choragus (men's chorus) 5000 

3d year. 
Choragus (cyclic chorus) 300 

7th year. 
Gymnasiarch .... 1200 
Choragus (boys' chorus) 1500+ 
Trierarch, 7 years . 6 t. 

War tax 3000 

War tax 4000 

Total ... 9 t. 2800+ dr. 

This gives an average contribu- 
tion of about 1 J t. a year. But 
these years were the final years of 
the Peloponnesian War, when pub- 
lic burdens were extraordinarily 
heavy ; the same man gives smaller 
sums for the time immediately 
following. Moreover, the speaker 
says that the law would have re- 
quired of him less than one fourth 
this amount. Unfortunately we 
have neither in this case nor in 
that of Aristophanes any knowl- 
edge of the total property or 
income from which these contri- 
butions were made, so that we 
have no sufficient basis for com- 
parison with modern times. We 
lack the same data in the case 
of the speaker's father, whose 
services of this kind amounted to 
9 t. 2000 dr. in a period of fifty 
years (§ 59). We know that at 
his death the estate amounted to 
between four and five talents (see 
on § 9), but the son says that he 
left €#c πολλών όλιγα, so that we 
can form no safe estimate of the 
father's property or income during 
the years of his active life. 

44. τρίτον pipos : Conon's will 
showed 40 t. (§ 40) ; the speaker 



νους. και ου προσλογιζόμεθα όσα αυτός εν Κύπρω εσχε 
Νικόφημος, ούσης αύτω εκεί γυναικός και θυγατρός. 

45 'Εγώ μεν ουν ουκ άξιω, ω άνδρες δικασταί, ούτω 
πολλά και μεγάλα τεκμήρια παρασχομενους ημάς 

27ο άπολεσθαι αδίκως, άκηκοα γαρ εγωγε και του πατρός 
και άλλων πρεσβυτέρων, ότι ου νυν μόνον αλλά και 
εν τψ έμπροσθεν χρόνώ πολλών εφεύσθητε της ουσίας, 
οι ζώντες μεν πλουτειν εδοκουν, αποθανόντες δε πολύ 

46 παρά την δόζαν την ύμετεραν εφάνησαν. αύτίκα 
^Ισχομάχω, εως εζη, πάντες ωοντο eimi πλεΐν η εβδο- 

μηκοντα τάλαντα, ως εγώ ακούω- ενειμάσθην δε τω 
ύεΐ ούδε δέκα τάλαντα εκάτερος αποθανόντος. %τε- 

has accounted for about 15 t. of the 
property of Nicophemus and Aris- 
tophanes. — «τχ€ : kept (not in- 

45. £γώ μ^ν: cp. on Ιμλ μεν, 
12. 8. — ονκ άξιώ: with ά£ιώ and 
an infinitive the negative (ου) 
stands oftener with ά£ιω than 
(μη) with the infinitive. — άιτολί- 
σθαι : see on § 34. — άκήκοα : 
see on §§ 14 and 19. — tycv- 
<τ0ητ€ : * empirical ' aorist, see on 
■ησθόμην 1 6. 20. — ofo-Cas : case 
HA. 748; G. 1 1 17; B. 362. 1; 
Gl. 509 a. — πολύ irapd την So£av : 
the phrase stands as predicate of 
Ιφάνησαν, the indefinite participle 
(ovrcs or ονσίαν έχοντες) being 
omitted. For the same phrase cp. 


46. αύτίκα : for example ; so 

in § 63. See L. & S. s.v. II.— 
Ίσχομάχφ : Xenophon in his Oeco- 
nomicus presents Ischomachus as 
the ideal gentleman, citizen, and 
man of affairs, and puts into his 
mouth a detailed statement of the 
principles and habits by which he 
has attained the name of καλός 
κάγαθός. But Athenaeus (12. 
537 c) cites a statement of Hera- 
clides Ponticus that Ischomachus 
lost his property at the hands of 
a couple of parasites. It would 
appear, therefore, that the later 
life of Ischomachus did not justify 
Xenophon's praise. — irXctv: for 
the form see on 32. 20. — Ιβοομή- 
κοντα τάλαντα : for the amount of 
some Athenian fortunes see on 
32. 23. — υ€ϊ: this form of the 
nom. dual is established by Attic 

ΥΠΕΡ ΤΩΝ ΑΡΙ5Τ0ΦΑΝ. ΧΡΗΜ. XIX 45~47> 5 2 2 °* 

φάνω δβ τω θάλλον ίλέγετο είναι πλεΐν η πεντήκοντα 

τάλαντα, αποθανόντος δ* η ουσία έφάνη περί ένδεκα 

47 τάλαντα. 6 τοίνυν Νι/αου οίκος προσ&οκατο elvai 

281 ού /c ίλαττον η εκατόν ταλάντων, καϊ τούτων τα πολλά 

ένδον Νικήρατος δε στ άπεβντ/σκεν, άργυριον μλν 

η γρυσίον ούδ* αυτός εφη καταλείπειν ουδό/, άλλα 

την ουσίαν ην κατελιπ€ τω ύεί, ου πλείονος άζία 

52έστίν η τεττάρων καϊ δέκα ταλάντων. επ€ΐτ οϊομαι 

286υμάς elSevat ότι Αλκιβιάδης τετταρα η πέντε ετη 

inscriptions. — Στ€φάνω : otherwise 
unknown to us. — ircpl Μκκα τά- 
λαντα : the phrase takes the place 
of a predicate nominative with 
ίφάνη. A similar phrase may be 
used as subject, as in 13. 8 ci 
κατασκαφίίη των τ«χών των μα- 
κρών €πι δέκα στάδια ίκατέρον if 
of the long walls a space of ten 
stadia each should be destroyed, 

47. τοίνυν : force, see on 16. 7 
(D) . — Νικίου : the conservative 
statesman and general, who led 
the ill-fated Sicilian expedition, 
and was captured and put to death 
by the Syracusans. Athenaeus 
(VI. 272 c) calls him 6 των Ελλή- 
νων ζάπλουτος Nt/ctas. Plutarch 
says of him (ATicias, III) that 
" he won the people by his services 
as choragus and gymnasiarch and 
other such ambitious expenditures, 
surpassing in liberality and munifi- 
cence all the men of former times, 
as well as his own contemporaries." 
— tvSov : used, as in § 22, of" ready 

money," in distinction from loans, 
real estate, etc. — Νικήρατος : of Ni- 
ceratus, the son of Nicias, Lysias 
says that, although like his father 
an aristocrat, he was recognized as 
dangerous to the party that over- 
threw the democracy, and was put 
to death by the Thirty. — την 
ούσ-ίαν ήν: "inverse attraction" 
is most common when the ante- 
cedent would be nom. or accus., 
least common when it would be 
dat. Cp. Xen. Anab. 3. 1. 6 avci- 
Xev αντω 6 'Απόλλων 0co Is ots 
Ιδ« 6v€lv (0cofc for 0covs). HA. 
1003 ; G. 1035 ; B. 484. 2 ; Gl. 
613 c. 

52. For the question of the 
genuineness and position of this 
paragraph, see Crit. Note. — 'Αλκι- 
βιάδης: Alcibiades was banished 
in 415, and his property was con- 
fiscated. On his return to the city 
in 408 (see Chron. App.), the state 
gave him land to reimburse him 
for the confiscated property (Isoc. 



έφεζης εστρατήγει επικρατων καϊ νενικηκώς Aa/ccScu- 
μονίους, καΧ διπλάσια έκείνω ήζίουν αϊ πόλεις διδόυαι 
17 άλλω τινϊ των στρατηγών, ωστ φόντο εΐναί τίνες 

29οαντφ πλενν η εκατόν τάλαντα. 6 δ* αποθανών εδτ/λω- 
σεν οτι ουκ αληθή ταύτα ήν • έλάττω γαρ ούσίαν 
κατέλιπε τοις παισϊν ή αντος παρά των επιτροπευσάν- 

48 τω? παρελαβεν. Κάλλια? τοίνυν 6 Ίππονίκου, στε 
νεωστι ετεθνήκει ο πατήρ, πλείστα των 'Ελλήνων εδά- 

1 6. 46). Upon the reversal of 
sentiment toward him after the 
disaster at Notium, he withdrew 
to his possessions on the Thra- 
cian Chersonese, where he re- 
mained till after Aegospotami. 
He then took refuge from the 
Spartan power with the satrap 
Pharnabazus. The Thirty passed 
a decree of exile against him and 
seized his land in Attica. At the 
same time the Persians were per- 
suaded, perhaps in part by the 
Thirty, to put him to death. His 
son returned from exile after the 
deposition of the Thirty, and at- 
tempted to recover the land that 
they had seized ; in this he was 
unsuccessful (Isoc. 16. 46). The 
claim to this land, together with 
the possessions in the Chersonese, 
probably made up the inheritance 
referred to in the text. — Wrrapa 
ή irfvTc : in the summer of 411 the 
men of the fleet at Samos, refusing 
to serve the Four Hundred, elected 
Alcibiades general; he was in 

power from that time until after 
the battle of Notium (407). — 
διδόναι: on these contributions 
to commanders of fleets, see In- 
trod. p. 163 f. — tivcs : position, see 
on fjpZv 12. 33- — ιταχσ-ίν: Alci- 
biades left two legitimate children, 
a son and a daughter. — των 4nv 
τροιπυσάντων : τον 8c Άλκίβιάδον 
ΊΙερικλής καϊ Άρίφρων όί Έίανθίπ- 
που, προσήκοντες (relatives) κατά 
•γένος, €7Γ€τρο7Γ€υον (Plut. Alci- 
biades, I). 

48. Καλλίαξ 6 Ίτητονίκου : the 
foundation of the fortune of this 
famous family is said to have been 
laid by a Hipponicus, a friend of 
Solon, who, learning from Solon 
of his plan to relieve debtors with- 
out disturbing land titles, hastily 
borrowed large sums of money 
and invested in land (Plutarch, 
Solon, XV). His nephew, Cal- 
lias the first, was famous for his 
wealth, his hatred of the Pisi- 
stratidae, and his lavish expendi- 
tures (Herod. 6. 121). Callias's 


295 κει κεκτησθαι, και ως φασι, διακοσίων ταλάντων eri- 
μ/ησατο τά αύτου 6 πάππος, το δε τούτου νυν τίμημα 
ουδέ δυοίν τάλαντο ιν εστί. Κλεοφώντα δε πάντες tore, 
οτι πολλά έτη διεχείρισε τά της πόλεως πάντα και 
προσεδοκάτο πάνυ πολλά εκ της αρχής έχειν άπο- 

3°° θανόντος δ* αύτου ούδαμου δήλα τά χρήματα, άλλα 
κάί ol προσήκοντες καΐ οι κηδεσταί, παρ 9 οΐς κατέλιπεν 

49 άν, ομολογουμένως πένητες είσι. φαινόμεθα ουν και 

son, Hipponicus the second, is 
said to have added to his inherited 
wealth the treasure of a Persian 
general, which had been left in his 
hands by an Eretrian (Athen. 
XII. 537). His son, Callias the 
second, the πάππος of our passage, 
was reputed to be the richest 
Athenian of his time. Hipponi- 
cus the third inherited this wealth. 
He had 600 slaves let out in the 
mines; he gave his daughter, on 
her marriage to Alcibiades, the 
unheard-of dowry of ten talents. 
His son, the Callias of our text, 
finally dissipated the family wealth. 
He affected the new learning, and 
we have in Plato's Protagoras 
(VI ff.) a humorous description 
of his house, infested by foreign 
sophists. His lavish expendi- 
tures upon flatterers and pros- 
titutes still further wasted his 
property, and he died in actual 
want (Athen. I.e.). — toCwv : force 
as in § 47. — 4τιμήσατο, τίμημα: 
the technical terms for valuation 

in connection with assessment of 
taxes. But here they are used of 
the real value of the property, not 
of the 6 assessed valuation.' (In 
determining the tax — at least after 
378 — a certain fraction of the real 
valuation was taken as the * as- 
sessed valuation,' and the tax 
levied upon that.) — Κλ«οφώντα : 
a typical demagogue, the leader 
of the extreme democrats in the 
last years of the Peloponnesian 
War. His chief services were 
in the department of finance, 
where he was successful under 
the greatest difficulties. • He 
was violently and persistently 
opposed to any compromise with 
Sparta, and stood so in the 
way of the final surrender that, 
during the peace negotiations, 
his political opponents com- 
passed his death upon a doubtful 
charge of desertion of post. — 
ΐΓροσ•ήκοντ€$, κη&σταΧ : relatives 
by birth, connections by mar- 



των άρχαιοπλούτων πολύ έφευσμένοι και των νςωστι 
iv δοξη γζγζνη μένων, αίτιον δβ μοι δοκει eivai, δτι 

3ο5ρφδίως τινϊς τολμωσι \eyew ως 6 δεϊι/α Ιχ€ΐ τάλαντα 
πολλά e#c της άρχης. κ&ι οσα μεν irepi τβθνςώτων 
λέγουσιν, ου πάνυ θαυμάζω (ου γαρ υπό ye εκείνων 
έξζλεγχθεΐζν αν), αλλ* οσα ζώντων 4πιχ€ΐρουσι κατά" 

50 ψεύδεσθαι. αύτοι γαρ έναγχος ήκούετς iv τη έκκλψ 

3ΐοσία, ως Διστιμος £χοι ταλάντοις τετταράκοντα πλείω 
η οσα αύτος ώμολόγει πάρα των ναυκληρων και e/ir 
πόρων - καϊ ταύτα, βπαδτ) ήλθεν, εκείνου άπογράφοντος 
και χαλςπως φέροντος δτι απών δΐ€βάλλ€Το, ούΒάς 
έξηΚζγξξ, Βεομένης μίν της πόλεως χρημάτων, έθίλον- 

51TOS δε έκ€ΐνου λογίσασθαι. ένθυμέΐσθε τοίνυν οίον 

49• τδν άρχαιοιτλούτων : for the 
case see on ουσίας § 45. — 4κ rfjs 
άρχή$: as in the case on trial, 
which turns upon the question 
whether Nicophemus and Aris- 
tophanes had grown rich through 
their naval service. 

50. «yap: explicative yap, see 
on 19. 12. Here the γαρ clause 
gives an instance illustrating a 
general statement = Eng. for in- 
stance. — Διότιμος : in the last 
campaign of the Corinthian War 
(388/7) Diotimus and Iphicrates 
commanded an Athenian fleet on 
the Hellespont until forced back 
by the Spartan Antalcidas (Xen. 
Hell 5. 1. 25 ff.)• One duty of 
the fleet was to convoy grain ships 
coming from the Euxine. For 

this service the merchants paid a 
price to the treasury of the fleet, 
and in addition they were likely 
to make personal payments to the 
commanders, in order to secure 
prompt and efficient service. 
Such gratuities opened the way 
to serious abuse. — ταύτα : connect 
with e^i/Acyf €. — άιτΌ•γράφοντο9 : 
Diotimus made haste to "hand 
in his accounts " to the board of 
auditors, not waiting for their 
examination in regular course. 
— SicpdXXcro : = Eng. pluperfect. 
Whether a Greek subordinate 
impf. represents an act in prog- 
ress at the time of the leading 
verb or before it, is determined 
by the context only. Cp. on 
12. 56. 

ΥΠΕΡ ΤΩΝ ΑΡΙ5Τ0ΦΑΝ. ΧΡΗΜ. XIX 50-51, 53~54 205 

3i6cu> έγένετο, ει Αθηναίων απάντων άκηκοότων δτι τετ- 
ταράκοντα τάλαντα εχοι Διότιμος, είτα επαθέ τι πριν 
καταπλενσαι 8ευρο. είτα ol προσήκοντες άν αυτού iv 
κιν8ύνω ήσαν τω μεγίστω, ει ε8ει αυτούς προς τοσαν- 

32οτην 8ιαβολήν άπολογεΐσθαι, μη ει8ότας μη8ϊν των 
πεπραγμένων, αίτιοι ουν είσι και ύμΐν πολλών ή8η 
φευσθήναι και ή8η ά8ίκως γέ τινας άπολέσθαι οι 
/>αδιως τολμώντας ψεύδεσθαι και συκοφαντών ανθρώ- 
πους επιθυμούντες. χ 

53 "Οτι μ£ν ουν και εν τψ έμπροσθεν χρονφ τοιαύτα 
326εγίγνετο, ρα8ιον γι/ώι/αι• φασϊ 8ε και τους αρίστους 

και σοφωτάτους μάλιστα έθελειν μεταγιγνώσκειν. ει 
ουν 8οκουμεν εικότα λέγειν και ικανά τεκμήρια πάρε' 
χεσθαι, ώ άν8ρες 8ικασταί, πάστβ τέχνη και μηχανή 
33° ελεήσατε • ως ημείς της μεν 8ιαβολής ούτω μεγάλης 
ούσης αεί προσε8οκώμεν κρατήσειν μετά του αληθούς • 
υμών 8ε /ιτ/δ€ΐ/ι τρόπψ έθελησάντων πειχτθήναι ον8* 

54 έλπις ου8εμία σωτηρίας ε8όκει ήμίν είναι* αλλά προς 
θεών 'Ολυμπίων, ώ άνΒρες 8ικασταί, βονλεσθε ημάς 

335 δικαίως σώσαι μάλλον η ά8ίκως άπολέσαι, και πιστεύ- 
ετε τούτοις αληθή λέγειν, οί άν και σιωπώντες iv 

51. ίιτα&κτλ.: if some disaster Ίτάση τέχν^ καΐ μηχανή: see on 

had prevented his return, irpiv § 11. — prfitvi: see on μήτ€ 12. 

used loosely as in 12. 17. — μή : 68(A). 

see on μψ -e 12. 68 (B). — ψ#ν- 54. vpb§ taAv Όλνμπίων : see on 

σβήναι, α«ολέσ0αι : tense, see on §34. — βούλι <r0i : the positive and 

€ψ€υσθψ€ § 45- J active wish, in distinction from 

53. ykf c&v: force, see on mere willingness (cp. the neutral 

12. 3 C. — fyiyvcro : impf. be- ίθ&ησάντων n£ur$rjvai7villingt0 be 

cause the argument turns on the persuaded § 53) . — ιπστ•*«τ• το*- 

frequency of the occurrence. — το*$ κτλ. : lit trust them that they 



απαιπι τω βίω παρέγωσι σώφρονα* σφας αυτούς και 


55 ΤΙερϊ μεν ονν αυτής τής γραφής, καϊ ψ τρόπω κηΒε- 

34οσταΙ ήμ,ΐν εγενοντο^ καϊ δτι ουκ εζηρκει τα εκείνου εις 

τον εκπλουν, άλλα /cat ως άλλοθεν προσεδανείσατο, 

άκηκόατ€ και μ,εμαρτύρηται ύμΐν • περί δ* εμαντον 

βραχέα βούλομαι ύμΐν ειπείν, εγώ γαρ ετη γεγονώς 

ήδη τριάκοντα ούτε τω πατρι ουδέν πώποτε άντεΐπον, 

345 ούτε των πολιτών ουδείς μοι ενεκάΚεσεν, εγγύς τε 

οίκων τής αγοράς ούτε προς δικαστηρίψ ούτε προς 

speak the truth. The subject of 
an infin. with πιστεύω is often 
thus drawn into immediate de- 
pendence upon πιστεύω. Cp. 
Andoc. I. 2 πυστενσας μάλιστα 
μεν τω δικαιω, έπειτα δε και νμΐν 
γνώσεσθαι τα. δίκαια putting my 
trust first of all in the justice of 
my case, and then in you, that you 
will reach a just decision ; cp. the 
similar and common construction 
with ο?δα, as in § 48 Κλεοφωντα 
$ε πάντες Ιστέ, οτι . . . ΰιεχείρνσε. 
55• μ*ν οΰν : as in § 53• Ο η this 
recapitulation see Crit. Note. — 
els τόν €κιτλουν : see on εϊς σωτψ 
ρναν 12. 14- The structure of the 
negative sentence is : — 
r οντε άντεΐπον 
οντε ενεκάλεσεν 

' { οντε προς . . . 
— otfrc άντ€ΐιτον : Isocrates says 
(7. 49) 0Ι " ^ e young men of the 

"good old times," άντειπεΐν & 
τοις πρεσβντεροις η λοιδόρησα- 
σ^αΐ δεινότερον ενόμιζον τ} νυν 
περί τους γονέας εξαμαρτείν to 
contradict their elders, or to speak 
impolitely to them, they considered 
worse than young men now 
consider ill-treatment of their 
parents. Aristophanes's attack on 
Socrates in the Clouds gains much 
of its force in the picture of the 
son, corrupted and made impudent 
by his new learning, contradicting 
and correcting his old father. — 
ovScCs μοι *ν€κάλ«<Γ€ν: cp. 12. 4. 
— άγορα$: the senate-house and 
several of the court rooms were 
on the Agora. Ordinary sessions 
of the Senate and all sessions 
of the courts were open to the 
public. The speaker in Isaeus's 
first speech (§ 1) prides himself 
upon the fact that he has never 
been in court, even as a listener. 


βουλευτηρίω ώφθην ούδεπώποτε, πρίν ταύτην την συμ- 

56 φοράν γενέσθαι, περί μεν ουν εμαυτου τοσαυτα λέγω, 

περί δε του πατρός, επειδή ώσπερ άδικουντος αϊ κατή- 

35<>γορίαι γεγενηνται, συγγνώμην έχετε, έαν λέγω α άνη- 

λωσεν εις την πόλιν και εις τους φίλους- ου yap 

φιλοτιμίας ένεκα άλλα τεκμηριον ποιούμενος οτι ου 

του αυτού εστίν ανδρός άνευ ανάγκης τε πολλά άνα- 

λίσκειν και μετά κινδύνου του μεγίστου επιθυμη- 

Vt σαι έχειν τι των κοινών, etcrl δε τίνες ol προαναλί- 

$56σκοντες μόνου τούτου ένεκα Ινα άρχειν ύφ* υμών 

άζιωθέντες διπλάσια κομίσωνται. 6 τοίνυν εμος 

πατήρ άρχειν μεν ούδεπώποτε έπεθύμησε, τάς δε 

χορηγίας άπάσας κεχορήγηκε, τετριηράρχηκε δε 

36ο επτάκις, εισφοράς δε πολλάς και μεγάλας εισενη- 

Ιη the Clouds of Aristophanes father, was that he was conceal- 
(991) the representative of the ing property of his son-in-law, 
old customs promises the youth Aristophanes, which belonged to 
that he shall learn to hate the the state by the decree of con- 
Agora. Cp. on 16. 11. — πρίν . . . fiscation. 

ycvarOai : see on πρίν . . . νικησαι 57. προαναλ(<τκοντ€5 : προ- in 

§ 28; "until" would serve with advance; they treat their public 

προς δικαστ^ριω, but not with services as an investment. The 

βονλεντηρίω. chief financial offices were elective. 

56. \ikv ovv: as in §§ 53 and See on 16.8. — toCvw: force, see 

55. — τοσαντα: so much only, on 16. 7 (C) ; but here the in- 

though here without the in πολ- dividual instance is cited as in 

λών όντων which made the mean- contrast with the general state- 

ing clear in 12. 95. — cts την πόλιν : ment. — κ€\ορήγηκ€ : this and 

see on cis τα? νανς § 21 (C). — the following perfects because 

iroiov|uvo$ : sc. λέγω from the pre- the present bearing of the acts 

ceding sentence. — 2χ«ν τι των on the credit of the family 

κοινών: the charge, originally is the essential thought. See 

brought against the speaker's on είργασμίνοι ιυσίν 1 2. 22. — 



νοχ€ν. Ινα he είδήτ* καϊ νμβΐς, καϊ καθ* έκάστην 


58 'A/covcrc, ώ άνδρες δικασταί 9 το πλήθος, πεντή- 
κοντα γαρ έτη εστίν δσα 6 πατήρ καϊ τοΐς χρημασι 

36s και τω σώματι tj) πόλει ikyrovpyei. iv ουν τοσούτω 
χρόνω δοκουντά τι εζ αρχής έχειν ούδεμίαν εικός 
δαπάνην πεφευγέναι. όμως δε καϊ μάρτυρας ύμΐν 


59 Ύούτων συμπάντων κεφάλαιόν εστίν εννέα τάλαντα 
370/ccu δκτχιλιαι δραχμαί. ετι τοίνυν καϊ ιδία τισΐ των 

πολιτών άπορουσι συνεζέδωκε θυγατέρας καϊ άδελφάς, 
τους δ' ελύσατο εκ των πολέμιων, τοΐς δ* εις ταφην 

καϊ vfuis: you, as well as his 
family. — άναγνώ<τ€ται : as in 


58. ircvWj κοντά 6τη: a young 
man who inherited property be- 
came subject to liturgies a year 
after he came of age (32. 24) ; the 
speaker's father died at the age 
of seventy (§ 60). — τφ σώματι,: 
by service as trierarch (§57) and as 
cavalryman (§ 63). — Ιλητονργ» : 
impf. although with a definite 
number (which usually requires 
the aorist, GS. 208) because the 
emphasis is on the repetition of the 
act. Cf. on ωκησ€ 12. 4• — lv ουν 
τοσ-ούτψ χρόνω κτλ. : in so long a 
period therefore and having the 

reputation of being a man of 
property to start with (i$ άρχ^ς), 
it is reasonable to suppose that he . 
avoided no expense, i.e. it is safe 
to assume that the regular public 
services of a rich man were ex- 
acted of him. 

59. Iti toCwv: force, see on 
25. 15. — <rvvi{&a>Kc: for the im- 
portance of the dowry see on 
12. 21. — &νσατο: voice, see on 
12. 8. The custom of selling 
prisoners of war into slavery was 
so common that the family of any 
citizen serving in the field was 
liable to be called upon to buy 
back his freedom. The contribu- 
tion of money to help poor fami- 


παρέσχεν αργύρων, και ταυτ έποίβι ηγούμενος ςϊναι 
ανδρός αγαθόν ωφελέιν τους φίλους, και ά μηδεις 
375 μέλλοι €ΜΤ€σ0αι • νυν 8e πρέπον έστϊ καϊ ύμας άκουσαί 
μου. Και μοι κάλει τον και τον. 


60 Ύών μ€ν ουν μαρτύρων άκηκόατ*• ένθυμ&σθζ 8k 
οτι ολίγον μ€ν χρόνον δύναιτ αν τις πλάσασ^αι τον 
τρόπον τον αύτου, έν έβδομηκοντα δβ έτεσιν ούδ' &ν 

38ο €Ϊς λαθοι πονηρός ων. τω τοίνυν πατρϊ τω έμω άλλα 
μεν αν τις έχοι έπικαλέσαι ίσως, €ΐς χρήματα δβ ουδείς 

61 ούδε των έχθρων έτόλμησε πώποτε. ουκουν αζιον τοις 
των κατηγόρων λόγοις πιστευσαι μάλλον η τοις έργοις, 
α έπράχθη έν απαντι τω βίω, και τω χρόνω, ον ύμεΐς 

lies in such straits, as well as to 
dower their daughters, was as 
common as our custom of con- 
tributing to help them bury their 
dead. Men who sought political 
influence with the masses were 
especially liberal in these ways. 
Cp. Dem. 18. 268 ovr'ct rivas in 
των πολεμίων ζλνσάμην, οντ €i 
τισιν θυγατέρας σνν€.$£$ωκα. Even 
metics gladly shared in this ser- 
vice, cp. 12. 20. — tiroCci: tense, 
see on Ιποίονν 12. 25. — καϊ cl: 
force, see on 16. 2. — καϊ tyias: 
you, as well as the friends whom 
he helped; cp. καϊ νμεΐς § 57. — 
τδν καϊ τόν : one and another, 
L. & S. s.v. A. VII. 2 ; cp. Demos. 
9. 68 !δα γαρ το και το πουησαί, 

LYSIAS — 14 

και το μ,η πονησαι we ought to have 
done this and that, and we ought 
not to have done the other. Lysias 
purposely uses the vague expres- 
sion as implying that he could 
find any number of witnesses. 
The clerk has in his hands the 
testimony, and the names of the 
witnesses who are to take the stand 
and acknowledge it ; see App. 

60. |&cv o$v : force, as §§ 53, 55, 
56; see on 12. 3 C. — &κηκόατ€: 
tense, see on 12. 48. — ούδ' &v els : 
more emphatic than ovSci's; cp. 
24. 24 οΰδ' αν els αποδείξεων. — 
cfc : in the less usual sense as re- 

61. rotsXo-yois • • • rotsSfryois: 



3^s (ταφεστατον ελεγχον του αληθούς νομίσατε, ει γαρ 
μη Jjv τοιούτος, ουκ αν έκ πολλών ολίγα κατέλιπεν, 
επει ει νυν γε εζαπατηθείητε ύπο τούτων και δημεύ- 
σαιυ ημών την ουσιαν, ουοε όυο τάλαντα Καροιτ αν. 
ώστε ου μόνον προς Βόζαν άλλα καϊ εις χρημάτων 
39ο λογον λυσιτελεΐ μάλλον ύμΐν άποψηφίσασθαι • πολν 
62 γαρ πλείω ώφεληθησεσθ\ εάν ημείς έχω μεν. σκοπείτε 
δε εκ του παρεληλυθότος χρόνου, δσα φαίνεται άνηλωτ 
μίνα εις την πόλιν • καϊ νυν άπο των υπολοίπων τρνη- 
ραρχω μεν εγώ, τριήραρχων δε ό πατήρ άπέθανεμ, 

cp. 12. 33• — νομώτατ€: on the 
imperative in a relative clause 
see on 12. 6o. — 8vo τάλαντα: the 
property is over 4 t. (see on 
§ 9) ; the speaker must assume 
a shrinkage of one half by a 
forced sale. — πρ©$ δόξαν : for προς 
in a purpose phrase see on 12. 
14. προς δό£αν is a standing 
phrase with other writers. — els 
χρημάτων λόγον: lit. for reckon- 
ing of money : we change the figu- 
rative preposition, and say 'from 
the financial standpoint? — 3χω- 
l&cv : the young man whose ser- 
vices have been described in the 
note on § 43 makes the same plea 
at greater length. He says (21. 
13-14) : You see, gentlemen of the 
jury, how small is the income of 
the state, and how what there is 
is plundered by the office holders. 
You may therefore well consider 
the safest income of the state to be 

the property of those who willingly 
perform the liturgies. If then, 
you are wise, you will guard our 
property no less than your own, 
knowing that you will have the 
use of all that is ours, in the 
future as in the past. But I 
think that you all know that I 
shall be a much better adminis- 
trator of mine for you than the men 
who administer the citfs property 
for you. But if you make me a 
poor man, you will wrong your- 
selves, and others will divide this 
among themselves, as they do the 

62. cts την πόλιν : see on cfe τα? 
νανς § 21 (C). — άπδ των υπολοί- 
πων: the minimum of property 
which subjected a citizen to the 
liturgies was 3 t. (Isae. 3. 80). — 
τριηραρχω : the necessity of appear- 
ing in court excuses the defendant 
from the usual requirement of scr- 


395 π€ΐράσομαι δ', ωσπ^ρ και eKeivov έώρων, ολίγα κατά 
μικρόν παρασκενάσασθαι εις τάς κοινάς ωφελείας• 
ώστε τω τ έργω τύ} πάλει ταυτ Ισται, και ουτ έγώ 
αφηρημένος άΒικεΐσθαι οιήσομαι, νμΐν τ€ πλείονς 

63 όντως <ύ ώφελειαι fj ει ΰημενσαιτε. προς δβ τούτοις 
4οο άξιον ενθνμηθηναι οϊαν φνσυ/ εϊχεν ο πατήρ, δσα 

γαρ εζω των αναγκαίων επεθνμησεν άναλίσκειν πάντα 
φανησεται τοιαύτα όθεν καϊ τη πόλει τιμή εμελλεν 
βσβσ^αι. αντίκα δτε ιππενεν, ον μόνον ΐππονς έκτη- 
σατο λαμπρούς άλλα και άθληταΐς ενίκησεν Ισθμοί 
405 και Ne/xetjL, ώστε την πόλιν κηρνχθηναι και αντον 

64 στεφανωθηναι. δέομαι ονν νμων, ω άνδρες δικασταί, 
και τούτων και των άλλων μεμνημένονς απάντων των 
είρημενων βοηθεΐν ημΐν και μη περιιδέιν νπο των 

vice in person. (See on 12. 42.) 
Moreover, if he was only σνντριψ 
ραρχος, he would be required to 
serve only half of the time. For 
inference as to date of this speech 
see p. 163. — ολίγα κατά μικρόν 
ιταρασ-κ€υασ•ασθαι : to provide a 
modest amount, little by little* 
A modest promise, in keeping 
with the whole attitude of the 

63. των άνα-γκαίων: as in 24. 
10 and 16. — αντίκα: as in §46. 
— tinrcvcv: on enrolment in the 
cavalry see XVI. Introd. p. 131. — 
άθληταί$ : sc. Γτπτοι?. He was not 
content with iurnishing a cavalry 
horse which would make a fine 
appearance in the public proces- 

sions, but he kept race horses 
also to compete in the national 
games. — 'Ισθμοί, Ncjj^a: for the 
locative see HA. 220; G. 296; 
B. 76. N.; Gl. 527 a. Cp. on 
12. 50. — <ττ€φανωθήναι : the prize 
at both of these games was a 
wreath of parsley, which the victor 
dedicated to the patron god of his 

64. υπό των έχθρων: there is 
nothing in the speech to show 
whether the suit was instituted 
by the σύνδικοι (see on § 32) or 
by private citizens (see App. § 9) ; 
but the speaker, like many speakers 
in such suits, would have the jury 
believe that private malice is back 
of the prosecution. (If the first 

212 ΛΥ2Ι0Υ 

έχθρων αναιρ*θ£ντα%. /cat ταντα ποιονντζς τά Τ€ 
4ΐο δίκαια ψηφιεΐσθε καί ύμίν aureus τα συμφέροντα. 

part of § 2 were not from a ready- by private persons.) — τά τι Sbccua 
made proem, it would be con- . . . καί τά <τυμφ^>οντα: cp. the 
elusive proof that the attack was same appeal in 22. 22. 



This speech was written for a senator who was leading the 
prosecution of certain retail grain dealers, on the charge that, by 
buying up a larger stock of grain than the law permitted, they had 
injured the importers, and raised the price of grain to the con- 
sumers. It was probably delivered early in 386. 1 

The successful expedition of Thrasybulus in 389/8 had brought 
the Hellespont under Athenian control, and thus secured the 
safety of the grain trade, which had been harassed by hostile 
fleets. But his death and the transfer of the command into less 
competent hands made the control of the Hellespont insecure 
again. At the same time the Spartans, having dislodged the 
Athenians from Aegina, were able constantly to endanger the 
grain ships at the home end of the route. The result was a 
period of unusual disturbance in the grain trade in the winter of 


The retail dealers (σιτοττώλαι) were bidding one against another 
for the limited stock of grain in the hands of the importers, thus 
raising the price of bread. 

One of the Commissioners of Grain now advised the retailers 
to form a combination to keep down the wholesale price. The 
importers had to sell ; they were forbidden by law to store up 

1 The speech falls at a time when the acceptance of peace is in doubt 
(§14). The conspiracy fell in the winter before (§8). The air has been 
full of rumors of interference with the imports (§ 14). All of this fits the 
winter of 388/7 for the disturbance of trade, and the beginning of 386 for 
the speech, so closely that there can be little doubt of the dating. 



more than one third of any cargo ; two thirds had to be thrown 
upon the market immediately. 1 If, then, a sufficient combination 
could be made among the retail dealers, they could hold the price 
down effectively. 

In accordance with this advice a ring was formed, but instead 
of passing the grain on to the consumers at a fair profit, the 
retailers used the low price to increase the stock of grain in their 
own storerooms, and put the retail price up according to the war 
rumors of the hour. The same practice was repeated in the fol- 
lowing winter (§9). 

When the facts of this combination became known, information 
(«ισαγγίλια) was lodged before the Prytanes, the business com- 
mittee of the Senate, probably by some of the importers. The 
retail dealers had violated no law either in combining on the 
buying price, or (probably) in exacting an exorbitant profit on 
retail sales, 2 but there was a law which forbade any retailer to buy 
more than fifty baskets at any one time ; 3 in their greed they had 
ignored this law, and through this it was possible to attack them. 

When the Prytanes brought the complaint ^before the Senate, 
the senators were so aroused that some were ready to order the 
constables to arrest and execute the accused forthwith. But one 
of the senators, protesting against condemnation without trial, 
persuaded them to follow the legal procedure (§ 2). This would 
be for the Senate to give the accused a hearing, and if the charges 
were sustained, to pass the case on to a law court. 4 

The opinion of this senator prevailed, and at a subsequent 

1 See the quotation from Aristotle, below. 

2 See on § 8. The purpose of the law restricting the retailers to fifty 
baskets must have been to prevent their raising the retail price by cornering 
the market. But if the law fixed the retail price at a definite advance on the 
wholesale price, no accumulation of grain by the retailers could have raised it. 

8 §§ 5, 6. 

4 The Senate had final jurisdiction only in case of penalties not greater 
than a fine of 500 dr. ([Demos.] 47. 43); in all other judicial cases their 
findings had to be passed on to a law court for final action. Arist. Resp. Ath. 


session of the Senate the dealers were examined. The senator by 
whose influence the orderly procedure had been adopted was the 
only one of the senators who at this session pressed the case 
against them (§ 3). 1 The Senate found the charges sustained, 
and sent the case to a court under the presidency of the Thes- 
mothetae. 2 

The senator who had become so prominent in the prosecution 
felt obliged to carry the case through — otherwise he would have 
been believed to have been bought off by the u ring." He accord- 
ingly employed Lysias to prepare a speech for him to deliver in 

A study of this case involves a knowledge of the Athenian laws 
relating to commerce. 

The small area of the Attic territory in proportion to popula- 
tion, and the poor adaptedness of the soil to grain production as 
compared with that of olives and figs, left the people largely 
dependent upon foreign sources for their grain. More than half 
of the supply came from foreign ports ; the greater part from the 
Hellespont and the Euxine. 8 

The development and protection of this trade and the control 
of the retail market were objects of especial care. In all the 

1 The threatening of suits against rich men had become so common on the 
part of professional blackmailers that reputable men were loath to have any- 
thing to do with a case like this (cp. §1). 

2 For the course in such cases, see Arist. Resp. Ath. I.e. 

8 We have an inscription from Eleusis (CIA. II. 834 £) which gives the 
amount of barley and wheat received as the Eleusinian tax from Attipa and 
the cleruchies, Salamis, Scyros, Lemnos, and Imbros, for the year 329/8 B.C. 
We know that this tax was one-sixth of one per cent on the whole production 
of barley, and one-twelfth of one per cent on the wheat (CIA. I. 27 b). From 
this it has been computed that the soil of Attica and the cleruchies gave the 
people of Attica for their own consumption in the following year about 
600,000 med. of grain. A statement of Demosthenes (20. 31 f.) in 355 B.C. 
implies that the imports of grain at that time amounted to about 800,000 med. 
a year. While these data as to home and foreign grain are twenty-seven 
years apart, they may be taken as giving an approximate ratio for the two 
sources of supply. (See Meyer, Forschungen zur alien Geschichte, II. 190 ff.) 


wars the control of the critical posts on the grain route was a con- 
stant aim ; colonies were sent out to points were they could both 
protect the route and become producers ; in time of war grain 
fleets were convoyed by triremes (cp. 19. 50). All export of 
grain from Attica was prohibited, 1 and no citizen or metic was 
allowed to carry grain from any source to any place save Attica, 2 
or to lend money on grain cargoes destined to other ports. 8 

The importation was in the hands of wholesale dealers (c/uro- 
poi) at the Piraeus. Their business, with that of the wholesale 
market in general, was under the control of a board of ten Super- 
intendents of the Market (Εμπορίου Ιτημίλψαί) . 

These officers kept records of all grain imported, 4 and enforced 
the law that of every cargo of grain two thirds must be taken from 
the Piraeus up to the city. 5 

The greater part of the grain thus passed at once into the 
hands of the retailers, but to prevent its accumulation in their 
storerooms and their consequent control of prices, it was pro- 
vided by law, under penalty of death, that no retailer should buy 
more than fifty baskets at a time (§§ 5, 6). 

1 Scholium on Demos. 24. 136. 

2 [Demos.] 34. 37, 35. 50; Lycurg. 27. 
8 [Demos.] 35. 50 ff. 

4 Dem. 20. 32. 

6 Arist. Resp. Ath. 51. 4, εμπορίου δ* έπιμελητά* δέκα κληροΰσιν» τούτοις δί 
προστέτακται των τ εμπορίων έπιμΐλεΐσθαι, καΐ του σίτου του καταπ\έοντο$ els 
τό σιτικόν έμπόριον τα δύο μέρη τους έμπορους άνα•γκάζειν els τό άστυ κόμιζαν. 
This must mean that the importers at the Piraeus were obliged to sell imme- 
diately two thirds of every cargo to the retailers of the city proper (cp. Wila- 
mowitz, Aristoteles u. Athen, I. 220 n. 68. Busolt, Gr. Alter. 2 p. 245). In 
this way the importers were allowed to hold enough in their warehouses to 
provide for emergencies, but prevented from holding back a stock sufficient to 
corner the market. The reading eh τό Άττικόν έμπορων in Harpocration s.w. 
έπιμεΚητητ εμπορίου (now corrected by the text of Arist.) led Boeckh to in- 
terpret this as meaning that of every cargo of grain brought by foreign mer- 
chants to the Piraeus only one third could be shipped on to other ports, a 
mistake which had become current in our handbooks before the discovery 
of Aristotle's treatise. 


The whole retail grain trade was supervised by a board of 
Grain Commissioners ; of their appointment and duties we learn 
as follows from Aristotle (Resp. Ath. 51. 3) : — 

" There were formerly ten σιτοφνλακ€ς, appointed by lot, five for 
the Piraeus, and five for the city, but now there are twenty for the 
city, and fifteen for the Piraeus. They see* first, that the unground 
grain in the market is offered at a reasonable price (ώνιος Ισται 
δικαίως) ; l secondly, that the millers sell the barley meal at a price 
proportionate to that of barley, and that the bakers sell their 
loaves at a price proportionate to that of wheat, and of such 
weight as the commissioners may prescribe (for the law requires 
them to fix the weight) ." 

Thus the government followed the grain at every step from its 
reception in the Piraeus to the home of the consumer. 

In special emergencies the people were not content with merely 
restrictive measures, but they elected a board of. σιτώναι to buy 
grain and sell it to the people at a reasonable price. 2 At the first 
meeting of the Ecclesia in every prytany a part of the routine 
business was the consideration of the grain supply. 3 


Ι. ΤΙροοίμχον, Exordium, §§ 1-4. 

Apology for appearing in the case, presented through brief nar- 
rative (Δίήγησις) of the circumstances which connect the speaker 
with it. 

II. Πρό0€σι ? , Propositio, §§ 5-7. 

The general line of argument is indicated by the use of Έρώ- 
τησις (cp. 12. 24-25). 

1 For the question whether the ratio of the retail to the wholesale price 
was fixed by law, see on § 8. 

2 Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung I. ill; Dem. 18. 248; CIA. II. Nos. 

335» 353. 

8 Arist. Resp. Ath. 43. 4. 


III. Πίστα?, ArgutnentatiOy §§ 8-21. 

A. Answer to the claim that the defendants acted under direc- 
tion of the Grain Commissioners, §§ 8-10. 

1. The advice was by only one commissioner, and that only to 
stop their competition, not to corner the supply, §§ 8-9. 

2. The advice was by a commissioner of last year ; the pros- 
ecution is against acts of this year, § 9. 

3. Should we grant that they acted under advice of the com- 
missioners, our only conclusion must be that the commissioners 
ought to share their punishment, § 10. 

B. Answer to the claim that the defendants acted for the 
purpose of keeping prices down, §§ 11-16. 

1. This claim is inconsistent with the sudden and high rise of 
prices on the stock in their hands, §§ 11-12. 

2. This claim is inconsistent with their manifest indifference 
to the good of. the people when called upon to meet their share 
of the public burdens, § 13. 

3. This claim is inconsistent with their notorious attempts to 
spread rumors of coming disaster, and their profits in your reverses, 
§§ 14-16. 

C. An acquittal would be an affront to the importers, 

§ 17. 

D. Their acknowledgment of their violation of the law makes 
acquittal impossible, §§ 17-18. 

E. The example of conviction is needed to keep this class of 
men in order in the future, §§ 19-20. 

F. Refuse to pity them, but have sympathy rather with the 
citizens whom they have starved and the importers whom they 
have cheated, § 21. 

IV. Επίλογος, Peroratio, § 22. 

Their guilt is notorious. Justice and cheaper food are the 
issues of your verdict. 



The acknowledgment of the defendants that they had broken 
the letter of the law left for the prosecution only the task of 
breaking down the moral effect of their plea that they acted under 
direction of the Commissioners. For this Lysias could count 
upon the common belief among the jury that the retailers were 
extortioners, and the popular indignation against anything that 
tended to raise the cost of food. He skilfully throws upon this 
group of defendants the odium that belongs to their class. 

The issue was so simple, the case so prejudiced in favor of the 
prosecution by the preliminary action of the Senate, and the odium 
of the act so certain, that Lysias was content to present every 
fact of the prosecution with the utmost simplicity and brevity. 

The personality of the speaker does not appear, but the argu- 
ments are unanswerable, and the appeal to prejudice is shrewdly 

The language is as simple as the thought. The speaker wishes 
to avoid every appearance of the professional prosecutor (§ 1) ; 
hence the language is free from all rhetorical artifice. The final 
words reflect the spirit of the speech and the practical character 
of the man. 


1 Πολλοί μοι προσβληλύθασιν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, 
θαυμάζοντας δτι έγω των σιτοπωλων Ιν tq βουλή 
κατηγορούν, και λέγοντες οτι ύμεΐς, el ώς μάλιστα 
αυτούς ahiKeiv ηγέισθζ, ούδεν 'ήττον και τους π€ρι 

$τούτων ποιούμενους τους λόγους συκοφαντβΐν νομίζετ€. 
o9ev ουν ήνάγκασμαι κατηγορ€ΐν αυτών, περί τούτων 
πρώτον eineiv βούλομαι. 

2 'Επδίδή γαρ οι πρυτάνεις άπέδοσαν είς την βουλην 
7rc/ol αύτων, ούτως ώργίσθησαν αύτοΐς, ωστ€ έλεγόν 

ζ. Ιν τη βουλή: see Introd. 
p. 214• — καί (before τους) : also. 
The common idea of guilt in άδι- 
k€lv and σνκοφαντ€Ϊν leads to the 
use of και. i However guilty you 
believe the dealers to be, you none 
the less think that those also who 
prosecute them are guilty — of syco- 
phancy.' — ποιούμενους tovs λό•γου$ : 
cp. on 12. 2. — συκοφαντών : an 
indication of the extent to which 
blackmail had gone in the hands of 
the petty lawyers and politicians. 
— o0cv : the antecedent is τούτων. 

2. ol irpvrdvcis: as the execu- 
tive committee of the Senate, the 
Prvtanes received the complaint 

and laid it before the Senate. 
Who the complainants were does 
not appear. It is likely that they 
were importers, for their interests 
are urged in § 1 7. After the charge 
was once taken over by the Senate 
and the case sent on to court, these 
complainants had no further of- 
ficial connection with it. — &*£■ 
δοσ-αν: the technical term for 
reference of business to the body 
to which it belongs (cp. the use 
of the same word for payment of 
a debt), L. & S. s.v. I. 2 b. So 
Isoc. 18. 6 €K€lvol (the Ten) 8* cfe 
την βονλην irtpi αυτών άπ^δοσαν. 
— αντοΐ$: case, see on όργιζεσθε 


ίο τίνες των ρητόρων ως άκριτους αυτούς χρη τοις ένδεκα 
napahodvai θανάτω ζημυώσαα. ηγούμενος he εγώ 
heivov είναι τοιαύτα εθίζεσθαι ποιεΐν την βουλήν, 
άναστάς ειπον οτι μοι δοκοίη κρίνειν τους σιτοπώλας 
κατά τον νόμον, νομίζων, ει μεν είσιν άξια θανάτου 

ΐ5 αργασμένοι, υμάς ούδεν 'ήττον ημών γνώσεσθαι τα 
δι /caia, ει 8έ μη8εν άδικουσιν, ου 8εΐν αυτούς άκριτους 

ζάπολωλεναι. πεισθείσης he της βουλής ταΰτα, δια- 
βάλλειν επεχείρουν με λέγοντες ώς εγώ σωτηρίας ένεκα 
της των σιτοπωλών τους λόγους τούτους εποιούμην. 

οοττρος μεν ουν την βουλήν, 6τ ήν αύτοΐς η κρίσις, έργω 
άπελογησάμην • των γάρ άλλων ησυχίαν αγόντων 
άναστάς αυτών κατηγορούν, και πάσι φανερον εποίησα 
οτι ούχ υπέρ τούτων ελεγον, άλλα τοις νόμοις τοις 

12. 8ο. — άκρίτους : see on 12. 17. ημών : the Senate. — άκρίτον* diroXw- 

Note that metics are assumed here Mvcu : the thought of the proposal 

to have the same right to trial as to put them to death without a 

citizens. — tois IvScica: the board trial is so prominently in mind 

of ten Constables and their clerk, that άκριτους is used even in the 

who had charge of prisons, execu- second half of the alternative, 

tions, and the more important where it strictly has no place : the 

arrests. To be distinguished from innocent ought not to be put to 

the corps of 1 200 public slaves death at all — tried or untried, 
who made up the city police. — 3. br*x*Lpovv : i.e. after the ses- 

'ζημιωσαι : cp. Arist. Resp. Ath. sion of the Senate. — tirourf|ii)v : 

29. 4 παραδονναα τοις.Ιν&κα θα- i.e. at the recent session. Tense, 

νάτω ζημιωσαι. For the (dative) see on iwoiow 12. 25, and on 12. 56 

infin. see HA. 951; G. 1532. 1; and 19. 50. — ή κ pi <r is : at the second 

B. 592; Gl. 565; GMT. 772 (a). session of the Senate, when they 

— 40Ci;c<r0ai : the implication seems decided whether to try the case 

to be that such customs of illegal themselves or refer it to a jury. — 

condemnation are already creeping Ζργφ άικλογηο-άμην : / answered 

in. Cp. XIX. Introd. p. 161 ν . i.-~ the charge by my action* — IXryov, 



ίκειμένοις εβοήθονν. ήρξάμην μεν ονν τούτων ένεκα, 

25δβδιώ9 τας αίτιας• αίσχρον δ' ηγούμαι πρότερον παν- 
σασ^αι, πρίν αν ύμεΐς wept αύτων 6 τι αν βονλησθε 

5 Και πρώτον μεν άνάβητε. είπε συ εμοί, μέτοικος 
εΐ ; Ναι. Μετοικείς he πότερον ως πεισόμενος τοις 

3ο νόμοις τοις της πόλζως, η ώς ποιησων δ τι αν βουλ -g ; 
Ώς πεισόμενος. *Αλλο τι ονν η άξιοΐς άποθανεΐν, ει 
τι πεποίηκας πάρα τους νόμους, εφ* οΐς θάνατος η 
ζημία ; *Εγωγ€. *Απόκριναι δη μοι, ει ομολογείς 
πλείω σίτον συμπρίασθαι πεντήκοντα φορμών, ων ο 

35 νόμος c^ci^at κελεύει. 'Εγώ των αρχόντων κελενόντων 

Ιβοήβουν : i.e. on the first occasion. 
Trans, by Eng. plup. like iiroi- 
ονμην above. 

4. ήρξάμην : i.e. at the second 
session, η κρίσκ § 3• — μ«ν οΰν : 
force, see on 12. 3 C. — τάβ 
ah-las: the charges described in 
§ 3 (διαβαλλίΐν . . . Xcyovrcs κτλ.) . 
— irpCv: the governing clause is 
positive in form only, it has there- 
fore the effect of a negative, HA. 
924 A ; G. 1470 (last sentence) ; 
B. 627 ; Gl. 644 d ; GMT. 647. 

5. On the ερώτησις cp. on 
12. 24. — <rv : the speaker calls the 
whole group of defendants to the 
stand, but addresses one (perhaps 
the leader of the " ring ") as their 
representative. — ώ* : force, see on 
16. 8. — &Uon ... ή: G. 1604; 
HA. 1015 b. — ots: the antecedent 

is the indefinite idea implied in τι ; 
any of the crifnes for which death 
is the penalty. — 8ή : see on 25. 9 
(A). — σ-υμττρίαο-θαι : bought up: 
the συν- implies the buying from 
various sources, not the combining 
with other buyers. In this case the 
buyers did combine to hold the 
price down, but the charge is that 
the individual retailer bought more 
than the law allowed. — φορμών : 
the word means a basket ; but as 
to how much the standard grain 
basket held, we have no knowledge 
whatever. — αρχόντων: the σιτο- 
φυλακες. For the attempt of the 
accused to defend himself by his 
answer, while admitting an ap- 
parent violation of the law, cp. 
12. 25 τα νπο των αρχόντων προσ* 
ταχθεντα SeSuas Ιποίονν, 


6 'Ecu* μεν τοίνυν άποδείζ^, ω άνδρες δικασταί, ώς 
εστί νόμος ος κελεύει, τους σιτοπώλας συνωνεΐσθαι τον 
σίτον, εάν ol άρχοντες κελεύωσιν, άποψηφίσασθε • ει 

40 δε μη, δίκαιον ν μας καταψηφίσασθαι. ημείς γαρ ύμΐν 
παρεσχόμεθα τον νόμον, ος απαγορεύει, μηδενα των εν 
rfj πόλει πλείω σΐτον πεντήκοντα φορμών συνωνεΐσθαι- 

7 Χρην μεν τοίνυν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, ικανην είναι 
ταύτην τ^ν κατηγορίαν, επει&η οΰτος μεν ομολογεί 

4$συμπρίασθαι, ο 8ε νόμος άπαγορεύων φαίνεται, ύμεΐς 
δε κατά τους νόμους όμωμόκατε ψηφιεισθαι• όμως δ* 
ίνα πεισθητε ότι καϊ κατά των αρχόντων ψεύδονται, 

8 ανάγκη δια μακροτερων ειπείν περί αυτών, επειδή γαρ 
οίτοι την αίτίαν εις εκείνους άνεφερον, παρακαλεσαντες 

ζοτούς άρχοντας ηρωτωμεν. καϊ ol μεν τετταρες ούδεν 
εφασαν βιδό^αι του πράγματος, ¥ Ανυτος δ* ελεγεν ώς 
του προτέρου χειμώνος, επειδή τίμιος fj ν 6 σίτος, τού- 
των υπερβαλλόντων αλλήλους και προς σφάς αυτούς 

6. τοίνυν: force, see on 16. 7 οκτώ 3 2 • 2Ι • — "Awros : it is 
(Β). — it 8c μή : see on 12. 15. — uncertain whether this was the 
ήμκΐβ : the Senate. They would Anytus who shared in the prose- 
send down to the court the facts cution of Socrates. That Anytus, 
found in their investigation, the a rich tanner, was a leading 
laws involved, and their own con- democrat, associated with Thra- 
clusion. — μηδίνα: HA. 1 029; G. sybulus in the Return. Cp. Isoc. 
1 61 5; B. 434; Gl. 572. 18. 23 ®ρασνβον\ος καϊ "Aw 

7. Αιταγορινων φαίν£ται : dis- τος μίγιστον μλν δυνάμενοι των ev 
tinguish from απαγόρευαν φαίνεται. τβ πόλο. (c. 399 B.C.). This ac- 
HA.986 ; G. 1592. 1 ; B. 660. 1 n. ; tivity in protecting the poor man's 
Gl. 585 a. food supply would be quite in 

8. ήρωτώμ.€ν : at the hearing keeping with his democratic role, 
held by the Senate (ή κρίσις § 3). — ιτρδβ <τφα$ αΰτοΰ$ : the reflexive 
— oi μεν TcVrapts: cp. on ras for the reciprocal pronoun (HA. 



μαχόμενων συμβουλεύσευεν αύτοΐς παύσασθαι φιλονι- 
55Κονσιν, ηγούμενος συμφέρον νμιν τοις παρά τούτων 

ώνουμένοις ως άζιώτατον τούτους πρίασθαι• 8eiv γαρ 
9 αυτού? οβολω μόνον πωλζΐν τιμιώτερον. ως τοίννν ου 

686 b ; G. 996 ; Β. 47 1 η • 2 )> a use 
common in Attic prose ; in Lysias 
confined to this passage and 14. 42. 
For προς see on 32. 19, Crit. Note. 
— μαχόμενων: on the metaphori- 
'cal language, see Introd. p. 25 
n. 5. — 7ταύ<τα<Γ0αι φιλονικον<τιν : 
cp. on πανσασθαι λεγοντι 12. I. — 
άξιώτατον : L. & S., άξιος I. 3 b ; 
cp. a. — 8ttv γαρ κτλ. : for they had 
to sell at an advance of not more 
than an obol (on the medimnus) . 
This gives the reason for Anytus's 
belief that by the plan proposed 
the people would get cheap grain : 
the retailers are to combine to 
keep down the wholesale price, 
and then they in turn ί must ' sell 
at an advance of not more than 
an obol. But why ' must ' they ? 
Two interpretations are possible : 
(1) It may be that there was a 
law forbidding retailers of grain 
to sell for more than an obol per 
medimnus above the wholesale 
price (i.e. the wholesale price at 
the time of the sale). Such a 
law would neither be difficult of 
execution nor inconsistent with 
the conduct reviewed in this 
speech. The wholesale price day 
by day was matter of common 

knowledge, and the sales of re- 
tailers could easily be followed, 
for it was in the interest of the 
purchasers to report any over- 
charge. A case like that men- 
tioned in § 12 is not inconsistent 
with this, for a rise of a drachma 
in the wholesale price would carry 
with it the same rise in the retail 
price. But we should suppose, 
if there had been such a law, that 
the violation of it would have been 
one of the facts brought out in 
the cross-questioning of § 5 ; there 
the case seems to rest on the vio- 
lation of the law restricting quan- 
tity. The statement of Aristotle 
is not definite : ούτοι (sc. ot σντο- 
φνλακες) ο* επιμελούνται, πρώτον 
μεν δπως 6 εν αγορά σίτος αργός 
ωνιος εσται δικαίως Resp, Ath. 51. 
3. See also p. 214 η. 2. (2) The 
restriction of an obol's advance 
may have been laid by Anytus 
himself. He may have said to 
the retailers (though he now 
denies it) that he would over- 
look their violation of the law as 
to quantity on condition that they 
confine themselves to a profit of 
an obol per medimnus, so that the 
outcome should be cheaper grain. 


συμπριαμενους καταθεσθαι εκελενεν αυτούς, άλλα μη 
άλλ^λοις άντωνεΐσθαι συνεβούλευεν, αυτόν ύμιν "Ανυ- 
6ο τον μάρτυρα παρεζομαι• 


ΚαΙ ως οΰτος μα/ επί τΥ\ς προτερας βουλής τούτους 
είπε τους λόγους, οΰτοι δε τητες συνωνούμενοι φαί- 


10 *Οπ μεν τοίνυν ούχ ύπο των αρχόντων κελευσθεντες 
65 συνεπρίαντο τον σίτον, άκηκόατε • ηγούμαι δ\ εάν ως 

μάλιστα περί τούτων αληθή λεγωσιν, ούχ ύπερ αύτων 
αυτούς άπολογησεσθαι, άλλα τούτων κατηγόρησαν* 
περί γαρ ων είσι νόμοι διαρρήδην γεγραμμένοι, πώς 
ού χρη δίδομαι δίκην και τους μη πειθομενους καΐ τους 
ηο κελεύοντας τούτοις τάναντία πράττειν ; 

11 Άλλα γάρ, ω άνδρες δικασταί, οΐομαι αυτούς επι 
μεν τούτον τον λόγον ού τρεψεσθαι • ίσως δ* έρουσιν 9 
ώσπερ και εν τη βουλή, ως επ εύνοια της πόλεως 

g. καΐ ώ« . . . €tir€ : for the συνωνονμ.€νοι : tense, see on άηω- 

connection see Crit. Note. — lirl μενον 12. 32. For participle with 

rfjs irpoWpas βουλής : for iwt see φαίνομαι see on § 7. 
on 12. 17. The claim that they 10. ώ$ μάλιστα: cp. §ι. — άιτο- 

had an understanding with the λογήσ-ισθαι : thepleaofthedefend- 

commissioner of last year might ants will amount to an accusation 

have had weight in connection of the commissioners (τούτων), not 

with the acts of last year ; but to a justification of themselves, 
the defendants are accused of acts 11. αλλά γάρ: force, see on 

of the present year, and by the 12.40. — lirl λόγον : see Crit. Note. 

Senate of the present year. — — &nrcp καί : for και in compari- 

LYSIAS — 15 


συνεωνουντο τον σΐτον, ΐν ως άζιώτατον ύμΐν πωλοΐεν. 

75 μέγιστον δ* ύμιν ερω και περιφανέστατον τεκμηριον 

12 on ψεύδονται' έχρήν γαρ αυτούς, εΐπερ υμών ένεκα 

έπραττον ταύτα, φαίνεσθαι της αυτής τιμής πολλάς 

ημέρας πωλούντας, έως 6 συνεωνημένος αυτούς επέ- 

λιπε • νυν δ* ενίοτε της αυτής ημέρας επώλουν Ζραχμη 

Βοτιμιώτερον, ωσπερ κατά μέδιμνον συνωνούμενοι. καΧ 

13 τούτων ύμας μάρτυρας παρέχομαι* δεινον δβ μοι δοκεΐ 

eu/cu, ει όταν μεν εισφοράν είσενεγκεΐν δέβ, ην πάντες 

είσεσθαι μέλλουσιν, ουκ εθέλουσιν, άλλα πενίαν προτ 

φασίζονται, εφ' οΐς δε θάνατος εστίν η ζημία και 

*$λαθέιν αύτοΐς συνέφερε, ταύτα eV* εύνοια φασι tq 

υμέτερη, παρανόμησαν καίτοι πάντες επίστασθε οτι 

τούτοις ηκιστα προσήκει τοιούτους ποιεΐσθαι λόγους. 

νίτάναντία γαρ αύτοΐς καϊ τοις άλλοις συμφέρει- τότε 

sons see on 192. — σννιωνονντο : will know and for which they will 

tense, see on έποίονν 12. 25. be grateful, these same men make 

12. *χρήν : form, cp. χρήν § 7, every effort to avoid the payment. 1 
and see on 12. 48. — cfrrcp: see on — cl . . . ονκ έθ&ονσιν : after ex- 
12. 27. — &»s tor&iirc: the con- pressions of wonder, delight, etc., 
struction of an unfulfilled condi- a clause is sometimes treated 
tion, GMT. 613. 2; note that €χρί}ν as a real protasis (ei, neg. μη), 
= an apodosis with αν (see on sometimes as semi-causal (ei, neg. 
€ΐκ6ςην 12.27). ου), and sometimes as an obiect 

13. cta -φοράν : cp. on 12. 20. clause stating the fact wondered 
* It is outrageous for these dealers to at (δτι, neg. ov) . — ote : for omis- 
pretend that they have been willing sion of the pronoun with λαβείν 
to risk death in order to do the peo- see on αντοΐς 25. 1 1 . — νμττέρφ : 
pie a secret kindness, when we all = obj. gen. υμών. HA. 694; G. 
know that when there is occasion 999. — τοιούτους λόγοι*: i.e. that 
to help the people by the payment they rejoice in the prosperity of 
of war taxes, of which the people the citizens and labor for it. 


γαρ πλείστα κερδαίνουσιν, όταν κακόν τίνος άπαγ- 

^γελθεντος τη πόλει τίμιον τον σΐτον πωλωσιν. ούτω 

δ' άσμενοι τάς συμφοράς τάς υμετέρας ορωσιν, ώστε 

τα? μεν πρότεροι των άλλω^ πννθάνονται, τάς δ* αυτοί 

λογοποιουσιν, η τάς νανς διεφθάρθαι τάς εν τω ΤΙόντω, 

η νπο Αακεδαιμονίων εκπλεούσας συνειληφθαι, η τά 

95 εμπόρια κεκλησθαι, η τάς σπονδάς μέλλειν άπορρψ 

15 θήσεσθαι, καϊ εις τοντ έχθρας εληλύθασιν, ωστ iv 

τοις αύτοΐς καιροΐς έπιβουλεύουσιν ήμΐν, iv οΐσπερ οί 

πολέμιοι, όταν γαρ μάλιστα σίτου τυγγάνητε δεότ 

μενοι, άναρπάζουσιν ούτοι καϊ ουκ εθελουσι πωλεν/, 

iooiW μη περί της tijoitJ? διαφερώμεθα, αλλ' άγαπωμεν 

εάν οποσουτινοσουν πριάμενοι παρ 9 αυτών άπελθωμεν. 

ωστ ενίοτε ειρήνης ούσης ύπο τούτων πολιορκον- 

Μμεθα. ούτω δε πάλαι περί της τούτων πανουργίας 

και κακονοίας η πόλις εγνωκεν, ωστ επι μεν τοις 

ios άλλοις ώνίοις άττασι τους άγορανόμους φύλακας 

κατεστήσατε, επι δε ταύτη μόνη τη τέχνη χωρίς 

σιτοφύλακας άποκληρουτε• και πολλάκις ηδη παρ 9 

Ι4• λογο -iroioforiv : cp. 16. II. ι6. ιτανουργίαβ, κακονοίας: on 

— ή, ή, κτλ. : on the πολνσυν&ετον the συνώνυμοι see Αρρ. § 58. 2. — 
see Αρρ. § 58. 4• — 4ieirXcoWas : i.e. tovs άγορανόμου$ : they had the 
out of the Hellespont. — κ€κλη- general supervision of the markets, 
«τβαι: are blockaded. — άιτορρηθή- issued trade licenses, guarded the 
<ri<r6oi : L. & S. απάπον IV. For purity of the wares and the fresh- 
the conclusion as to date based on ness of perishable food products, 
this passage see Introd. p. 213 n. 1. and served as arbiters in disputes 

15. άγαιτώμκν : force, see on between buyer and seller. A 

άγαπιτσ€ΐν 12. n. Cp. on 16. 16. board of five served for the city 

— ιτολιορκούμκθα : on the meta- and five for the Piraeus. — τέχνχι: 
phor see Introd. p. 25 n. 5. the term includes "trade," as well 

228 AY2IOY 

εκείνων πολιτών όντων δίκην την μεγίστην ελάβετε, 
οτι ούχ οΐοί τ ήσαν της τούτων πονηρίας επικρα- 
ιιοτησαι. καίτοι τί χρη αυτούς τους άδικουντας νφ 9 
υμών πάσχειν, 6πότ€ και τους ου δυναμένους φυλάτ- 
τειν άποκτείνετε; 

17 *Έ*νθυμείσθαι δε χρη οτι αδύνατον ύμΐν έστνν άπο- 
φηφίσασθαι. ει γαρ άπογνώσεσθε δμολογούντων αύ- 

ιΐ5τώι> επι τους Εμπόρους συνίστασθαι, δόζεθ* ύμεΐς 
επιβουλεύειν τοις εισπλέουσιν. εΐ μεν γαρ άλλην τινά 
άπολογίαν εποιουντο, ούδεις αν είχε rots άποψηφισα- 
μένοις cVm/iiai/• <φ* ύμΐν γαρ δποτέροις βούλεσθε 
πιστεύειν • νυν δε πώς ου δεινά αν δόζαιτε ποιεΐν, 

ΐ2ο ει τους δμολογουντας παρανομενν άζημίους αφήσετε ; 

18 άναμνησθητε δε, ώ άνδρες δικασταί, οτι πολλών ηδη 
εχόντων ταύτην την αιτίαν, αμφισβητούντων και μάρ- 
τυρας παρεχομένων, θάνατον κατεγνωτε, πιστότερους 
ηγησάμενοι τους τών κατηγόρων λογούς, καίτοι πώς 

ΐ25 αν ου θαυμαστον ειη, ει περί τών αυτών αμαρτημάτων 
δικάζοντες μάλλον επιθυμείτε παρά τών αρνουμένων 

19 δίκην λαμβάνειν ; Και μεν δη, ώ άνδρες δικασταί, 

as "the trades," cp. 24. 19 f. — = rots ίμπόροις the importers, 

πολιτών όντων : the defendants are Here probably comes out the real 

metics. — δίκην την μκγί<Γτην : for influence that lies behind this 

the order see on ΰίκην την άξίαν prosecution, see Introd. p. 214. 

12. 82. — IXdPcTc: tense, see on — 4φ* νμίν: see on iwl σοι 12. 

-βσθόμην 1 6. 20. — φνλάτταν: to 26. 

protect you. 18. κατ^γνωτβ : tense, see on 

17. άΐΓογνώσ•€<Γ0€ : mood (cp. ei τβσθόμην i6. 20. — <t tirtOu|ufim: 

άφησ€Τ€ below), see on άφήσονσιν for the mixed form of prot. and 

12. 35. — cirt: see on προς 32. 19, apod. cp. § 17. 

Crit. Note, C, 4. — rofe cb-irXlovo-iv : 19. καΐ \άν δή : force, see on 



πάσιν ηγούμαι φανερον είναι ότι οι περί των τοιούτων 
αγώνες κοινότατοι τυγχανουσιν όντες τοις εν τη πόλει, 

L3o ώστε πεύσονται ηντινα γνώμην περί αυτών έχετε, ηγού- 
μενοι, iav μεν θάνατον τούτων καταγνωτε, κοσμιωτέ- 
ρους !σ€σ#αι τους λοιπούς- έάν δ* άζημίους άφήτε, 
πολλην άδβια^ αύτοΐς εψηφισμένοι εσεσθε ποιεΐν ο τι 

20 αν βούλωνται. χρη 8c, ω άνδρες δικασταί 9 μη μόνον 

ΐ35των παρεληλνθότων ένεκα αυτούς κολάζειν, άλλα καϊ 
παραδείγματος ένεκα των μελλόντων βσεσ^αι • ούτω 
γαρ έσονται μόγις ανεκτοί. ενθυμεισθε 8ε ότι εκ 
ταύτης της τέχνης πλείστοι περί του σώματος εισιν 
ήγωνισμένοί' και ούτω μεγάλα εζ αυτής ωφελούνται, 

ι^οώστε μάλλον αιρουνται καθ* εκάστην ημέραν περί της 
\Ιτυχής, κινδυνεύειν ή παυσασ^αι παρ* υμών αδίκως 

31 κερδαίνοντες. και μεν δη ούδ' εάν άντιβολωσιν υμάς 
και ικετεύωσι, δικαίως αν αυτούς ελεήσαιτε, αλλά πολύ 
μάλλον των τε πολιτών οι διά την τούτων πονηρίαν 

ΐ45 άπεθνησκον, και τους εμπόρους εφ* ους ούτοι συνέστη- 

12.30. — κοινότατοι: of the widest idea of death as the separation 

interest. The price of flour touched of ψυχή from σώμα makes the two 

every home. — oSciav iroictv : cp. expressions equivalent, 
on του λοιπού woulv I2. 85. — ax. 4άν αντιβολώσιν, αν <λ€ή- 

Ιψηφισ-αένοι &rco-6c : the abiding σ -aiTf : cp. on el Ιπιθυματ* § 1 8. 

result is the emphatic thought ; On the συνωνυμία in άντιβολωσιν 

they will have standing immunity. and Ικ€Τ€υωσι see App. § 58. 2. — 

20. ooyts avcKToC: barely en- των πολιτών: part. gen. with the 

durable. Cp. Thuc. 6. 23. ι μόλις omitted antec. of ol — άιτέθνηο-κον : 

όντως οίοι tc Ισόμεθα. in that case referring to δίκην την μεγίστην, 

we shall be barely able. — ircpl τοΰ inflicted on some of the σιτοφύ- 

σ-ώματος: for their lives. The λακες for failure to check the 

same idea is expressed just below abuses of the retailers, § 16. — 

by ΊΓ€ρϊ της ψυχής. The Greek Ιφ'ου?: see on 71700$ 32. 19, Crit. 


σαν • οΐς ύμεΐς χαριεΐσθε και προθυμότερους ποιήσ€Τ€, 
δίκην παρά τούτων λαμβάνοντες, ει δε μη, τίν αυτούς 
οίεσθε γνώμην εξειν, επειδάν πύθωνται δτι των καπτγ- 
λων 9 οί τοις εισπλεουσιν ώμολόγησαν επιβονλεύειν, 

is© άπεψηφίσασθε ; 

82 Ουκ οϊδ* ο τι δει πλβίω Xeyew περί μεν γαρ των 
άλλων των άδικούντων, ότου δικάζονται δει παρά 
των κατηγόρων πυθεσθαι, την δε τούτων πονηρίαν 
άπαντες επίστασθε. εάν ουν τούτων καταψηφίσησθε, 

ΐ55 τα τ€ δίκαια ποιήσετε και άζιώτερον τον σιτον ώνη- 
σεσθε • el δε μη, τιμιώτερον. 

Note, C, 4• — ots : for omission of requires the accus., see on § 13. 
the pronoun with ποιήσετε, which 22. frrov : *'.*. on what charge. 



Lysias wrote this speech in support of the plea of a crippled 
artisan for the retention of his name on the list of disabled 
paupers who received a dole of an obol a day from the public 

In earlier times poor-relief by the state had been confined to 
the families that had become dependent through war. 1 But during 
the terrible hardships of the last years of the Peloponnesian War it 
became necessary to support large numbers of citizens, whose 
means of livelihood had been cut off by the war, and who, with 
their families, were shut up in the city. An allowance of two 
obols a day from the treasury was all that saved many people 
from starvation during the last third of the war. 2 

We infer from our speech, supplemented by the later testimony 
of Aristotle, that with the return of peace the state still gave poor- 
relief to the disabled (§4), without restricting it to veterans or 
the families of men who had fallen in war, but at the rate of only 
one obol a day (§§ 13, 26). 3 

1 A system of military pensions for men who had been disabled, and for 
the sons and dependent parents of men who had died, goes back to the time 
of Solon and Pisistratus: the soldiers' pension under Pisistratus, after the 
example of Solon in the case of a single disabled veteran (Heraclides, cited 
by Plutarch, Solon, 31) ; support and education of sons, introduced by Solon 
(Diogenes Laert. 1. 55). The pension of dependent parents (Plato, Menex. 
248 E) presumably goes back to the same time. 

2 Arist. Resp. Ath. 28. 3; Wilamowitz, Aristotcles u. A then, II, 212 ff. 

3 If the relief at issue in our speech had been granted on the ground of 
military service, that point would be brought out in the plea. 



So many families had lost everything in the war and the sub- 
sequent exile under the Thirty that such general relief must have 
been necessary ; and we may well believe that the impoverished 
condition of the treasury made it necessary to cut the sum down 
to one obol. 

The Senate now had control of the distribution, passing an- 
nually upon the list of beneficiaries (§ 26). l The year's allow- 
ance seems to have been given in ten payments. 2 

Subsequently the relief was raised to two obols. For the time 
of Aristotle we have the following specific statement: "The 
Senate examines the disabled (τονς αδυνάτους) also. For there is 
a law which requires that those whose property is of less value 
than three minae, and who are so disabled in body as not to be 
able to do any work, be examined by the Senate and granted sup- 
port at public cost to the amount of two obols daily to each. 
They have a paymaster, appointed by lot." (Resp. Ath. 49. 4.) 3 

The case with which our speech is concerned arose at the time 
of the annual scrutiny of the list. Remonstrance was formally 
made against the continuance (§§ 7, 26) of the name of a certain 
elderly cripple (§7), who had a shop near the Agora (§ 20). 

1 There is nothing in the words τό -κάρα τψ ττόλβω* άρτγύριον (§ 4) to war- 
rant the conclusion that the original grant to each individual was made by 
the Ecclesia. In § 22 the reference is to the act of the Ecclesia in establish- 
ing the system, not in making the individual award. 

2 Aeschin. I. 104 τό ν tt)s πρυτανείας μισθόν. 

8 Harpocration, s.v. αδύνατοι, cites a statement of Philochorus that the pay- 
ment was 9 dr. per month. Reckoning the " month " as a prytany, we have 
1 J obols daily. The sum would naturally vary with changes in cost of living 
and with the financial ability of the state. A statement in the scholium 
on Aeschin. 1. 103, that the sum was three obols, is probably due to a con- 
fusion of the relief payment with the daily pay of the juror. 

It is to be remembered that the jury pay, available to all who cared to sit 
in court (see App. § 6), and the pay for sitting in the Ecclesia offered no 
small relief to the poor citizens. There were, moreover, Benevolent Orders, 
the members of which received help in emergencies from the funds of the 
fraternity (Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, I. 312). For the aid often given by 
wealthy citizens, see on 19. 59. 


The Senate, having heard the remonstrance, appointed a hearing, 
at which the cripple would have opportunity to defend his claim. 

Thus far the facts are clear from references in our speech ; but 
beyond this we can only conjecture the course of events. 

From the tone of the speech we may assume that the remon- 
strant is a man of character and property, quite in earnest in his 
efforts for reform, and quite out of touch with the average, easy- 
going senator whom the lot has sent up to represent the people. 
The old cripple is all that is charged — a lusty rascal, a " char- 
acter" about the Agora, and the delight of the young men of 
the sporting set, who make his shop their resort. 

When the news comes to the shop that the " reformer " is after 
the old man, the young fellows — half in sport and half in earnest 

— crowd around him protesting that he is being abused, and 
assuring him that he shall have the best legal talent in the city for 
his defense. 

Lysias is called in and enters heartily into the fun. At the 
time of the scrutiny of the list the remonstrant publicly stated the 
grounds of his objection, so that the defense is able to anticipate 
the line of attack. And now a speech is to be fitted to this de- 
fendant ; it must be full of his homely wit and sarcasm, and full 
of coarse abuse of the " reformer." And, as a piece of literary 
fun, an air of learning and a flavor of rhetoric must pervade the 
whole speech, and make it a parody on the oratory of the day. 

And so the speech was written, and the old rascal committed it 
to memory, and spoke it off before the Senate with due solemnity, 

— with what result we do not know, but it would be a most un- 
Athenian Senate which would fail to cap the hour's fun with a 
jolly vote of confidence in the pauper, and a defeat for the aris- 
tocratic enemy of the poor. 

Of the date of the speech we can say only that it is some time 
after the rule of the Thirty. 1 

1 Long enough after to give point to the parody on current pleas (§ 25), 
in which the attitude of a man toward the people in their exile had become a 
stock argument. 


Some critics have held that this speech is only a bit of literary 
sport, and for an imaginary case. 1 Such rhetorical exercises were 
common enough among the writers of the time. The reason for 
so regarding the speech for the cripple is the feeling that the 
subject-matter is too unimportant, and the tone of the speech too 
comic, to have received the attention of the Senate. But the obol- 
case, small as it was, did rest with the Senate (Aristotle, L•.), and 
the comic tone may well have been the only tone that would fit 
the man. 

The ascription of the speech to Lysias seems to have been 
questioned in antiquity, 2 and has recently been vigorously attacked 
by Brans. 3 The first objection raised by Bruns is that the tone 
and extent of the attack on the complainant are at variance with 
Lysias's uniform calmness and restraint in attack ; Lysias's defend- 
ants confine their attacks on the prosecutors to their acts in the 
case itself, and are far from giving a general characterization of 
the men ; the extent of the attack is always well proportioned to 
the gravity of the case. But in our speech we have a bitter and 
scornful attack on the whole character of the opponent, and it is 
as vehement as though the issue were some great thing — not an 
obol a day. Bruns sees a second violation of the Lysian manner 
in the failure of the defendant to press the real points at issue — 
his physical disability and his poverty — and the comical pose in 
which he is made to give, instead of argument, a picture of him- 
self. Bruns's arguments serve to emphasize more sharply than 
had been done before the peculiarities of the speech, and they are 
conclusive against any view of it as a sober defense ; but they do 
not meet the theory that the speech is a humorous parody, written 
for the actual use of a notoriously odd character, for whom there 

1 Boeckh, ibid., p. 309. A xalyviov like the little Encomium on Helen, 
ascribed (probably correctly) to Gorgias, the author of which closes with the 
words, ίβουλήθην ypd\f/ai τόν \6yov, 'Ελένη* μέν iy κώμων, έμόν δέ traiyviov. 

2 Harp. s.v. αδύνατοι : ίστι. δέ καΐ \6yos rts, ώ* \έyeτaι 9 Α,υσΙου trepl τοΟ 
αδυνάτου (Ed. Dindorf; Bekker reads as ΑυσΙου). 

8 Literarisches Portrat, pp. 401-463. 


was really no plea except his own comical personality. The defi- 
niteness of this personality, as it stands out in the speech, must 
always be the strongest argument for ascribing the work to the 
master of ήθσποιία. 


I. Tlpooifjuov, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

The satisfaction of the speaker in having an opportunity to give 
an account of his life. 

The envy that has led to this case. 

Π. Πρόθεσπ, Proposition §§ 4-5. 
Outline of the complaint. 
Introduction to Narratio. 

III. Διηγησις, Narratio, § 6. 
Description of his needy condition. 

IV. Παρίκβασις, Egressio, §§ 7-9. 

Appeal for justice and mercy, based on the Narratio, §§ 7, 8. 
The insincerity of the complainant, § 9. 

V. Πιστές, Argumentatio, §§ 10-20. 

A. Answer to the argument based on his horseback riding, 
§§ 10-12. 

B. Answer to the claim that he is able to earn a living, 
§§ 13-14. 

C. Answer to the charge that he is immoral and insolent, 
§§ 15-18. 

Z>. Answer to the charge that his shop is the resort of the idle 
and dissolute, §§ 19-20. 

VI. Επίλογος, Peroratio, §§ 21-27. 

A. Appeal to the sympathy of the senators, §§ 21-23. 

B. Appeal based on his past life, §§ 24, 25 (the plea based on 
the probabUe ex vita). 

C. Final appeal, §§ 26, 27• 



In all criticism both of the matter and form of this speech we 
must bear in mind the large element of parody. Some of the 
arguments are purposely irrelevant, some of the expressions are 
purposely rhetorical. 

I. Προοιμιον, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

The opening words of the speech for Mantitheus (XVI) show 
how neatly the old cripple is here imitating a stock form of intro- 
duction for a speech in δοκιμασία. This is, indeed, his δοκιμασία, 
for the office of — state pauper. The absurd humor of the rest 
of the proem puts the hearers into the right mood for appreciat- 
ing the burlesque defense that is to follow. 

The proem was the part of the speech on which the Gorgian 
school lavished their most artificial tricks of poetic word and form. 
It is a neat turn that Lysias gives in letting the illiterate old 
cripple close his proem with a couple of periods in the full Gor- 
gian style : — 

και γαρ οιμαι δειν, ώ βουλή, 
τα. τον σώματος δυστυχήματα 
tois της ψνχης έπιτηο^ύμασιν χ ίάσθαι • * 

ci γαρ i£ Ισου τη συμφορά 
και την διάνοιαν e£a> 
και τον άλλον βίον διά£ω, 
τι τούτου διοι'σω ; 

7Γ£ρι μ*ν τούτων τοσαυτά μοι ειρήσθω. 3 

Π. Πρό0£σι$, Proposition §§ 4-5• 

The outline of the complaint is probably an absurd travesty on 
it. We may suppose that the complainant had called attention 

1 On the παρονομασία see App. § 58. 5. 

2 On the metaphor see Introd. p. 25, n. 5. 
8 On the 6μοιοτέ\€υτον see App. § 57. 4. 


to the horseback riding, something that only the richer citizens 
could afford, as indicating that the cripple had rich friends who 
could and would support him; the cripple pretends that the 
argument was that he was physically sound enough to jump onto a 
horse and ride it ! 

The complainant had doubtless charged against the character 
of the cripple that his shop was a gaming place for young spend- 
thrifts ; the cripple represents the complaint as being that the in- 
come from his trade is so great that he is able to hold his own 
among men whose expenditures are most lavish. 

III. Διηγησις, Narratio, § 6. 

The simple description of his sad plight has its touch of fun in 
the implication that the old pauper still hopes for children and a 
slave (ονπω elaiv, ουπω δυναμαχ κτήσασθαι). 

IV. Παρέκβαση, Egressio, §§ 7-9. 

The Narratio is used l as basis for an immediate appeal, in- 
stead of being followed directly by the arguments. Here, again, 
the style becomes rhetorical, in the conspicuous use of pairs of 
coordinate cola (see App. § 57. 3) : — 

μη τοίνυν, Ιπ€ΐοη ye eamv, ώ βουλή, 

σωσαί με δικαίως, 

άπολέσητε αδίκως ' 

fJLTjSk α vc<orepa> καϊ μάλλον Ιρρωμίνω οντι Joore 
πρ€σβντ£ρον και άσθενίστερον γιγνόμενον άφίλησθζ. § 7• 

V. Π«ττ€ί9, Argutnentatio, §§ 10-20. 

In the argument we have a combination of parody on stock 
arguments, and witty, shrewd turns of defense and attack. There 
is no sound proof of either poverty or incapacity to earn support 
— probably because there could be none. Lysias gives a shining 
example of his ability to meet the common definition of the 
rhetorician's task, τον ήττω λόγον κρύττω ποιεΐν. 

1 So in 12, 20-23; s « e Ρ• 5°• 


The argument from " probability " had been especially devel- 
oped by Gorgias. It is with a fine sense of humor that Lysias 
makes the old man pass in §§ 16-18, where this comes forward, 
from the simple style of speech to the epideictic form, the utter- 
ance of wise observations on human nature, expressed in stilted, 
antithetic periods. Every sentence of §§ 16-18 falls into this 
formal, rhetorical mold ; e.g. : 

ου γαρ τους πενομένους 

καϊ λίαν άπόρως διακείμενους 
ύβριζαν εικός 
άλλα τους πολλφ πλείω των αναγκαίων κεκτημένους ? 

ovSk τους αδυνάτους τοις σωμασιν οντάς 

άλλα τους μάλιστα πιστεύοντας ταΐς αυτών βώμαις ' 

ουδίε τους ήδη προβεβηκότας τη ηλικία 

άλλα τους Ζτι νέους και νίαις ταΐς διανοίαις χρωμενσνς. 

VI. *Επίλογος, Peroratio, §§ 21-27. 

The parody on the common pleas of the day is carried out in 
the absurd appeal based on the past life of the speaker : he has 
been no sycophant; he, the cripple, has not been violent; he, 
the pauper, refrained from sharing in the government of the aris- 
tocratic Thirty ! 

The closing words thrust again at the would-be reformer. 

1 On the ομαιοτέλευτον see App. § 57. 4. 



ι Ου πολλού δεω χάριν Ζχειν, & βουλή, τω κατηγορώ, 
οτι μοι παρασκεύασε τον άγων α τουτονί. wporepov 
γάρ ουκ έχων πρόφασιν έφ' ής του βίου λόγον δοίην, 
νυνι διά τούτον εΐληφα. και πβιράσομαι τω λόγω 

5 τούτον μεν €7ri£ei£at ψευδόμενον, έμαυτον δέ βββιωκότα 
μέχρι τησδβ της ημέρας επαίνου μάλλον άζιον η 
φθόνου • δια γάρ ουδϊν άλλο μοι δοκαί παρασκευάσαι 

2τόνδε μοι τον κίνδυνον οΰτος η διά φθόνον. καίτοι 

όστις τούτοις φθονεί ους ol άλλοι έλεουσι, τίνος αν 

ιού/χ«> 6 τοιούτος άποσχέσθαι δοκοί πονηρίας; €ΐ μεν 

ι. οΰιτολλοΰ: /άκρου or ολίγου would be the deliberative subjv.-, 
is the usual word with δ«υ, cp. 12. irdi τρέψω; In our passage we 
17 ούτω πολλού Ιδίησε.—1$ ηβ: have an extension of that usage, 
for the usual εφ* rj to denote the for here ουκ έχων has as its ob- 
ground of an action (see on 32. ject, not an interrogative clause, 
17). — 8οίην: the mood is best but the antecedent of a relative 
understood by comparison with a clause. The idea of perplexity 
construction like that of 32. 20 which underlies both sentences 
ουκ έχων δποι τρέψει* τα χρήματα explains their common construc- 
ts• he was at a loss where to enter tion. — &£iov : see Crit. Note, r— 
the sums {expended) . ουκ έχων tovSc μοι : for position see on ήμ2ν 
is there equivalent to ουκ αδώ?, 1 2. 33. 

or άπορων, and so takes the opt. 2. &v: see on 12. 1. — wov*)- 

of ind. question. The direct form pCas : doubly emphasized by its 




yap ένεκα χρημάτων με συκοφαντεί — • ει 8* ως εχθρον 
εαυτού με τιμωρείται, ψεύδεται • δια yap την πονηρίαν 
αυτού ούτε φίλω ούτε εχθρω πώποτε εχρησάμην αύτψ. 

Ζ ήδη τοίνυν, Ζ βουλή, δήλος εστί φθόνων, στι τοιαύτη 

ΐ5 κεχρημενος συμφορά τούτου βελτίων ειμί πολίτης, καϊ 
γαρ οιμαι δεΐν, ω βουλή, τα του σώματος δυστυχήματα 
τοις της φυχής επιτηδεύμασιν Ιασθαι • καλώς, ει γαρ 
εξ ίσου τη συμφορά και την διάνοιαν εζω και τον 

μάλλον βίον διάζω, τί τούτου διοίσω; 

4 Περί μεν o\ht τούτων τοσαυτά μοι ειρήσθω • υπέρ &ν 
hi μοι προσήκει λέγειν, ως αν οΐός τ ω δια βραχυτά- 
των ερώ. φησι γαρ 6 κατήγορος ου δικαίως με λαρ- 
βάνειν το πάρα της πόλεως αργύριον • /cat γαρ τφ 

wide separation from τίνος and by 
its position at the end of the sen- 
tence. — Ivcica : for the unusual 
position see on 19. 17. — σ-υκοφαν- 
τ€Ϊ : the cripple's look and gesture 
call out a burst of laughter from 
the hearers which makes an apod- 
osis quite unnecessary. 

3. τούτον: see on 12. 81. — 
καϊ ydp : for the original force of 
yap see on 19. 12. καϊ yap varies 
in force according as the particles 
are fused or retain their separate 
force. The following include all 
instances in our eight speeches: 
(Α) και yap = emphatic yap for. 
So in our passage. (B) Each 
particle preserves its own force: 
(1) yap = for, και emphatic 24.8 ; 
cp. 3. 43 καϊ yap heivbv αν είη for it 
would be a shame indeed. (2) yap 

= for, και correlative with a fol- 
lowing και, 24. 4. — καλωβ : and a 
noble thought it is. — 4ξ Ισ-ου κτλ. : 
i.e. I shall be as lame in principle 
and conduct as he is. — καϊ τήν 
διάνοιαν: και of comparison. See 
on 19. 2. 

4. μ.€ν oiv: force, see on 12. 
3 C. — wr<p : here and in § 21 = 
wepi, a usage that became common 
with the later orators, especially 
Demosthenes and Aeschines; note 
that in both passages Lysias sets 
it over against a περί phrase. For 
other uses of νπίρ see on 25. 5. — 
<3v 81: for position of 8e see on 
16. 7. — otos τ »: seeCrit. Note. 
— Sid βραχυτάτων : see on St' iXa- 
χίστων 12. 3. — γάρ (after φησί) ι 
force, see on 19. 12 (C) (1). — καϊ 
γάρ: see on § 3 (B) (2). 



σώματι δώ>ασ#αι και ουκ είναι των αδυνάτων, και 

*$τέγνην €πίστασ#αι τοιαύτην ώστε καϊ άνευ του διδο- 

5 μένου τούτον ζην. και τεκμηρίοις χρηται της μεν του 

σώματος ρώμης, οτι επί τους ίππους άι^αβαίνω^ της δ* 

εν τη τέχνη εύπορίας, οτι SiW/xcu aweuvai δυναμένους 

άνθρώποις άναλίσκβιν. την μεν ουν εκ της τέχνης 

3ο€νπορίαν και τον άλλον τον έμον βίον, οίος τυγχάνει, 

παντας ύμας οιομαι *γιγνώσκειν • όμως δε κάγω δια 

β βραχέων έρω. εμοι γαρ 6 μεν πατήρ κατέλιπεν ουδέν, 

την δε μητέρα τελεντησασαν πβττανμαι τρέφων τρίτον 

έτος τουτί, παίδες δέ μοι ουπω είσιν οι μ€ θεραπεύ- 

3$σουσι. τέχνην δε κέκτημαι βραχέα δυναμένην ώφε- 

λεΐν, ην αύτος μεν ηδη χαλεπώς εργάζομαι, τον 

5. On this travesty on the 
complainant's speech see Introd. 
ρ 236. — tovs t-mrovs : for the article 
see HA. 659; G. 950; B. 448. 
τους ΐππονς αναβαίνει, he rides 
horseback, takes the article as 
regularly as does the English 
" He plays the flute." Cp. 16. 13. 
— to η) τέχνη . . . !κ ri}s τέχνη* : 
we may think of the ευπορία of a 
workman as lying in (εν) his trade, 
or as coming from (Ik) it. — τνγ- 
xdvci : the only instance in Lysias 
of the omission of ων with rvy- 

6. τρίτον fcros tovtC: for the 
omission of the article where the 
noun has both a demonstrative 
and a numeral cp. Aeschin. 2. 149 
συνεχώς ίτος ήδη τουτϊ τρίτον 

LYSIAS — l6 

στρατηγών; Dem. 8. 2 cvScicarov 
μήνα τουτονί. For the case see 
HA. 721; G. 1063. — otiiro: he 
is already getting to be an old 
man (πρεσβυτερον και άσθενεστε- 
pov γιγνόμενον § 7) ; the jest is 
as obvious as that in ουπω δνναμαι 
κτησασθαι below. — 6cpaircv<rov<ri : 
for mood and tense see on βοηθη- 
σουσι 1 6. 16. — τέχνην: he gives 
no hint as to what his trade is. 
He has a shop (§ 20), and his 
lameness does not entirely inca- 
pacitate him for his work (χαλ£- 
πως εργάζομαι § 6). Perhaps the 
restriction in force in Aristotle's 
time (Introd. p. 232), confining the 
poor-relief to those so disabled 
ώστε μη δννασθαι μη$εν έργον 
εργάζεσθαι, was not yet in force. 


διαδεζόμενον δ* αυτήν ουπω δνι/α/χαι κτησασθαι. πρό- 
σοδος δε μοι ουκ έστιν άλλη πλην ταύτης, ην αν άφέ- 

39λησθέ με, κινδυνενσαιμ* αν ύπο τη δυσχερέστατη 
1 γενέσθαι τύχη. μη τοίνυν, επειδή γε έστιν, ω βουλή, 
σωσαί με δικαίως, άπολέσητε αδίκως • μηδέ α νεωτέρω 
και μάλλον £ ρ ρω μένω οντι έδοτε, πρεσβύτερον και 
άσθενέστερον γιγνόμενον άφέλησθε • μηδέ πρότερον 
και περί τους ούδεν έχοντας κακόν έλεημονέστατοι 

45 δοκουντες είναι νυνϊ δια τούτον τους και τοις έχθροις 
ελεεινούς οντάς άγρίως άποδέξησθε • μηδ* έμε τόλμη- 
σαντες άδικησαι και τους άλλους τους ομοίως εμοϊ 

8 διακειμένους άί?υρ/ί}σαι ποιησητε. και yap αν άτοπον 
εΐη, ω βουλή, ει ότε μεν άπλη μοι ην η συμφορά, τότε 

$ομεν φαινοίμην λαμβάνων το αργύρων τούτο, νυν δ* 
επειδή και γήρας και νόσοι και τα τούτοις επόμενα 

9 κακά προσγίγνεταί μοι, τότε άφαιρεθείην. δοκεΐ δε 

— κτήσ-ασθαι : the greater part of helped here by its coordination 
the skilled labor of the city was with νεωτέρω. — SoKotivrcs: tense, 
done by slaves, sometimes work- see on άνιωμενου Ϊ2. 32. — κα( 
ing in their owner's shop (cp. 12. (before τους άλλους) : also. — άβν- 
8), oftener let out to manufacturers. μή<ται : ingressive aorist, see on 

— αν άφ&.ησ-θ€ . . . κινδυν€ύ<Γαιμ* μετίσχον 1 6. 3. 

αν : mood, HA. 901 a ; G. 142 1 . 2 ; 8. καΐ γάρ : for indeed) see on 

B. 612. i.-wi τύχη: a slight § 3 (B) (1). — 

personification of τνχη (cp. § 10). 8tc pcv ήν | totc μίν φαινο(μην|| 
νπο with dat. is the regular expres- νΰν hi 

sion for subjection under a person. Ιικιδη ιτροσ-γιγν. | totc αφαίρώιίην. 

7. 8iKaC«s, a8hca>$ : on the πα- The antithesis is emphasized by 

ρονομασία see App. § 58. 5. — using μέν in both cola of the first 

Ιρρωμώτφ : the passage of the member. In the second member 

partic. into the complete adj. νυν οί is the real correlative of 

construction (pred. with οντι) is τότ€ μλν (φαινοίμψ), but is re- 



μοι της πενίας της εμης το μέγεθος 6 κατήγορος αν 
επιδεΐζαχ σαφέστατα μόνος ανθρώπων, ει γαρ εγώ 

ss κατασταθείς χορηγός τραγωδοΐς προκαλεσαίμην αύτον 
είς άντί8οσιν 9 δεκάκις &ν ελοιτο χορηγησαι μάλλον η 
άντι8ουναι ατταζ. καίτοι πώς ου δει,νόν εστί νυν μεν 
κατηγορεΐν ώς δια πολλην εύπορίαν εζ ίσου 8ύναμαι 
συνεΐναι τοις πλουσιωτατοις 9 εΐ 8ε ων εγώ λέγω τύχοι 

6ο τι γενόμενον, ομολογεΐν αν με τοιούτον είναι και ετι 
πονηρότερον ; 

10 ΤΙερϊ 8έ της εμης ιππικής, ής ούτος ετόλμησε μνψ 
σί^αι προς ύμας, ούτε την τύχην 8είσας ούτε ύμας 

enforced by the second rare, which 
gives a more perfect verbal balance 
than a repetition of νυν would have 
given. Note that the first rare is 
to be taken strictly with λαμβάνων 
only, for φαινοίμην refers to that 
hypothetical future time when the 
Senate may have refused him his 
obol. On the tense of λαμβάνων 
see on άνιωμενου 12. 32. 

9. αν : cp. § 2 and see on 12. 1 . 

— σ-αφ4σ-τατα μόνος : a combina- 
tion of two ideas, σαφέστατα αν- 
θρώπων and μόνος ανθρώπων. So 
Cicero, Prov. Consul. 12, unus 
omnium nequissimus. — καταστα- 
Ocfe: cp. διδάσκαλος καταστάς 12. 
78. Lysias uses the aor. pass, 
form only here and in 13. 35. It 
is very rare in other prose writers. 

— χορηγό» : next to the trierarchy 
the most costly of the liturgies; 
see on 19. 43. — τραγψδοί?: L. & 

S. s.v. I. 2. Case, HA. 767; G. 
1 165 ; B. 378 ; Gl. 523. Cp. 21. 2 
άνδρασι χορηγών eh Διονύσια. — 
άντίδοσ-ιν : if A. was appointed for 
a liturgy, but claimed that B., as 
being richer than himself, should 
have been called upon first, he 
might demand of B. that he as- 
sume the burden or else exchange 
property with him. If B. refused, 
the courts decided which must 
perform the liturgy. See Smith, 
Diet. Antiq. s.v. — χορηγήσ-αι : 
tense, cp. on ωκησε 12. 4. — τοιού- 
τον, ΐΓονηροτ€ρον : ' that I am as 
badly off as I claim to be, and 
even worse.' πονηρότερον covers 
both his physical and financial 
wretchedness, both of which the 
complainant disputes. 

10. On the following argument 
see Introd. p. 237. — την τύχην 
Ui<ra$: τύχη is substituted here 



αίσχυνθείς, ου πολύς ό λόγος, εγώ γαρ, ω βουλή, 

β$πάντας τους έχοντας τι δυστύχημα τουτ οΤμαι ζητεΐν 

καϊ τούτο φιλοσοφείν, δπως ώς άλυπότατα μεταχειριουν- 

ται το συμβεβηκος πάθος' ων εις εγώ. και περιπε- 

πτωκώς τοιαύτη συμφορά ταύτην εμαυτω ραστώνην 

69 εζηυρον είς τάς 68ους τάς μακροτερας των αναγκαίων. 

11 ο δε μεγιστον, S) βουλή, τεκμήριον οτι δια την συμφοτ 

ράν αλλ 9 ου δια την υβριν, ως οΰτός φησιν, επί τους 

ίππους άι/α)8αα/ω # εΐ γαρ εκεκτήμην ουσίαν, επ' ασ- 

τράβης αν ώχούμην, αλλ* ουκ επί τους αλλότριους 

for τους θεούς in the common 
formula for "fear of the gods 
and shame before men " ; cp. 32. 
13 ci μηδενα ανθρώπων ησχύνου, 
τους θεούς εχρην σε . . . δεδι,ε- 
ναί. Here τύχη is fitting as be- 
ing that divine power which is 
particularly concerned in reversals 
of life, and may any day make 
a cripple and a beggar of the 
now prosperous complainant. The 
Greek conception of τύχη, while 
sometimes not passing beyond 
mere u chance," is usually that of 
an active power, and there is a 
strong tendency to personify it, 
making it coordinate with Provi- 
dence, as Lysias distinctly does 
where he says (13. 63) ή δε τύχη 
καϊ 6 δαίμων περιε-ποίησε but for- 
tune and Prcnndence saved them. 
The cripple's idea is expressed in 
Isocrates 1 s warning (1. 29) μηδενΐ 
συμφοραν ονειδίσης' κοινή yap η 

τύχη καϊ τ6 μέλλον άόρατον revile 
710 man for his misfortune, for 
fortune is common to all and the 
future unseen. — |ητ€Ϊν, ψιλοσ-ο- 
φ€ΐν : on the συνωνυμία see App. 
§ 58. 2. — «v els *γώ : the emphasis 
upon the pronoun in this formula 
causes the frequent omission of 
the copula, even of the first and 
second persons, which in other 
connections is rarely omitted. — 
ταύτην: gender, see on 12. 37. — 
cts: see on εις σωτηρίαν 12. 14. 
— των αναγκαίων: partitive, for 
the longer trips among those that 
I have to make ; or perhaps = η 
τας αναγκαίας ordinary trips, 
i.e. trips for the everyday neces- 

11. δ . . . τοφήριον: cp. on 
32. 24. — την ΰβριν : the insolence 
charged by the complainant. — άσ•- 
τραβης : a soft saddle with a back, 
for women and invalids. — αν: 


ίππους άνέβαινον • νυνϊ δ' επειδή τοιούτον ου δύναμαι 
7$κτήσασθαι, τοις άλλοτρίοις ίππους αναγκάζομαι χρψ 

12 ρ-θαι πολλάκις, καίτοι πώς ουκ άτοπον εστίν, ω βουλή, 
τούτον αν αυτόν, ει μεν επ' άστράβης οχούμενον ε ώρα 
με, σιωπάω (τί γαρ αν και έλεγεν ;), οτι δ* επϊ τους 
ήτη μένους ίππους αναβαίνω, πειράσθαι πείθειν υ μας ως 

8ο δυνατός είμι ; και οτι μεν δυοΐν βακτηρίαιν χρώμαι, 
τών άλλων /υιια χρωμένων, μη κατηγορεΐν ως και τούτο 
τών δυναμένων εστίν • οτι δ* επί τους ίππους αναβαίνω, 
τεκμηρίω χρήσθαι προς υμάς ως ειμί τών δυναμένων ; 

84 οΐς εγώ δια την αυτήν αιτίαν άμφοτέροις χρώμαι. 

13 Τοσούτον δε διενήνοχεν ai/ai<rj(wria τών απάντων 
ανθρώπων, ώστε υμάς πειράται πείθειν, τοσούτους 
οντάς εις ων, ώς ουκ είμι τών αδυνάτων εγώ. καίτοι el 
τούτο πείσει τινάς υμών, ω βουλή, τί με κωλύει κλψ 
ρουσθαι τών εννέα αρχόντων, καΐ υμάς εμού μεν άφελέ- 

with both ωχονμψ and ανίβαινον, that is involved, but the present 

cp. 16. 8. prospect, due to the attitude of the 

12. καΐ ϊΚιψν . for the force hearers. — k»Xvci : no formal ac- 
of και see on 12. 29. — ηχημένους: tion had ever opened the archon- 
borrowed. — τών δυναμένων: case, ship to members of the fourth 
cp. on τών αυτών 12. 41. property class, as it had been 

13. ct . . . ircC<r€i : the thought opened to those of the third class 
is not that if the complainant shall in the fifth century ; but in prac- 
persuade, etc., then nothing will tice the restriction was ignored, 
hinder, but that if the jury is now The cripple's ineligibility was 
so disposed that the complainant therefore due to his physical im- 
is going to persuade them, nothing perfection, which rendered him 
now hinders. See HA. 893 c; unfit for the priestly functions 
G. 1391 ; B. 602 n. 2 ; Gl. 648 a; involved in the archonship. — άρ- 
GMT. 407 ; but here it is not the χοντων: case, see on τών οπλιτών 
"present intention or necessity" 32. 5. — ίμ.οΰ άφ€λάτθαι, τόν αυτόν 



90 σθαι τον οβολον ώς ύγιαίνοντος, τούτω 8c ψηφίσασθαι 

πάντας ώς άναττηρω ; ον γαρ δήπον τον αυτοί/ νμεΐς 

μ€ν ώς ΰννάμενον άφαι,ρησβσθε το διδομβΌΡ, οί δβ. 

θεσμοθέται ώς αδύνατον οντά κΚηρουσθαι κωΚύσονσιν. 

14 άλλα γαρ ούτε νμεΐς τούτω την αυτήν £χετ€ γνώμην, 

95 ουθ* οντος νμΐν • βδ ποιων, ο μεν γαρ ωσπβρ inuckrj- 

άφαιρήσ-€<τθ6 : case, HA. 7 2 4> 
748 a ; G. 1069, 1 1 18 ; Β. 34°> 3°2 ; 
G1. 535> 5°9 a • — ** : force, see on 
16. 8. — ψηφίσασ-θαι irdvras (cp. 
πείσει τινάς above) : * it will be as 
easy for all (πάντα?) to see a crip- 
ple in him, as for any (τινά?) to 
see a sound man in me.' Forman 
(Class. Rev. 10. 105) calls atten- 
tion to the fact that no one of 
Lysias's speakers but the cripple 
uses πας in the order, noun (or pro- 
noun) + verb + πας. He thinks 
it may well be a touch of Ethopoiia 
to catch this trick of the old man's 
speech as he does in §§ 13, 14, 
19, 21, 27. — 0€<τμοθέται : cp. Crit. 
Note. Of the nine archons the 
first three (Βασιλεύς, Πολέμαρχος, 
" Αρχων) had individual depart-' 
ments of administration ; the six 
others formed one board under the 
name Θεσμο^εται. Their chief 
work was the supervision of the 
law courts (see App. § 5) ; to this 
was added the drawing of the lot 
for those officers who were not 
elected by vote. Cf. Gulick, p. 301 f. 
14. άλλα γαρ : for this use in 
concluding a discussion see on 12. 

40. — τοΰτψ : drawn from its usual 
position after την αυτήν to stand 
close against its contrasted word : 
ύμεΐς τοντω | ούτος vfuv. — οΰβ* 
οντος ύμ,ίν : " The drastic tautology 
of the two disjunctive members, 
You do not think as he does, and 
he does not think as you do, and 
that is a right good thing, fits the 
comic coloring of the passage" 
(Frb.) ; cp. Crit. Note. — c5 ποιών : 
while grammatically ev ποιων is 
connected with the second clause 
only, its force extends over both. 
It is a stereotyped expression, for- 
tunately, thank heaven. Its formal 
use went so far that Demosthenes 
could say (23. 143), τούτο . . ., c® 
ποιούν, ον σννίβη this, fortunately, 
did not happen. — ώσ -ircp *πικλή- 
ρου : on the simile and the personi- 
fication, see Introd. p. 25, N. 5. 
The point is that when by the 
absence of sons an estate fell to a 
daughter, the nearest male heir 
could demand the hand of the 
heiress in marriage, even to the 
extent of taking her from her hus- 
band, if she was already married. 
The provision was made in order 


ρου της συμφοράς ούσης άμφισβητήσων ήκει και 
πειράται πείθειν υμάς ώς ουκ είμι τοιούτος οίον ύμεΐς 
οράτε πάντες • ύμεΐς δε (δ τών εΖ φρονούντων έργον 
εστί) μάλλον πιστεύετε τοις ύμετέροις αυτών οφθαλμοΐς 

ιοοη τοις τούτου λογοις. 

16 Κέτγει δ* ώς υβριστής ci/n και βίαιος και λίαν ασελ- 
γώς διακείμενος, ώσπερ ει φοβερώς ονομάσειε, μέλλων 
αληθή λέγειν, αλλ 9 ουκ, εάν πάνυ πραόνως, ταύτα ποιή- 
σων. εγω δ* ύμας, ω βουλή, σαφώς οΐμαι δεΐν διαγι- 

ιο5 γνώσκειν όΐς τ εγχωρεΐ των ανθρώπων ύβρισταις είναι 

16 και οίς ου προσήκει, ου γαρ τους πενομενους και λίαν 
άπόρως διακειμένους ύβρίζειν εικός, άλλα τους πολλψ 
πλείω των αναγκαίων κεκτημένους- ουδέ τους αδυνά- 
τους τοις σώ/χασιι/ οντάς, άλλα τους μάλιστα πιστεύον 

no τας ταις αυτών ρώμαις • ουδέ τους ήδη προβεβηκότας 

to keep the property in the family GS. 274. Note that the form of 

(cp. on 32. 4). The cripple says the apodoses corresponds to only 

that the complainant looks upon one of the protases, an<} that too 

his misfortune as an heiress, and the one the verb of which is un- 

is trying to get possession of her expressed (iav ττάνυ πραόνως). — 

inheritance of an obol a day. It ιτάνυ : see on 19. 15. — irpcuS- 

is the best of the joke to represent v«s : for πράως ; used in only 

the complainant as trying to get one other passage in Attic Greek 

the cripple's obol for himself. (Aristoph. Frogs, 856). Probably 

15. φοβ€ρά« όνομά<Γ€ΐ€ : ' he used here to give a stilted tone to 

knows his claims to be false, so the cripple's " philosophy." — ots : 

he tries to frighten you by calling see on ους 25. 7; cp. ω τρόπφ 

me νβρωΎης, βίαιος, άσ€λγώς δία- Ι9• 12. — irpo<HJKci : force as in 

#c€i/A€V09.' — μΛλων X£yciv, ταύτα 2ζ. η ; cp. ct#cos following. 
ιτοιήσ-ων: an instance of the use 16. ιτολλφ: so in 17.6 (πολλ^ 

of the periphrastic future (going πλβον) and 29. 8 (πολλώ πλ€ΐω) ; 

to) parallel with the simple future, elsewhere in Lysias, πολύ. 

248 ΛΥ2Ι0Υ 

τη ηλικία, άλλα τους έτι νέους καϊ ι/εαις ταΐ$ διανοίαις 

17 χρωμένους. ol μεν γαρ πλούσιοι τοις χρημασιν έζω- 
νούνται τους κινδύνους, οί δε πένητες ύπο της παρούσης 
απορίας σωφρονεΐν αναγκάζονται • και οί μεν νέοι σνγ- 

τι$γνώμης άζιούνται τυγχάνειν πάρα των πρεσβυτέρων, 
τοις δε πρεσβυτέροις Ιζαμαρτάνουσιν ομοίως επιτιμώ- 

18 σιν αμφότεροι- και τοις μεν ίσχυροΐς έγχωρεΐ μηδέν 
αύτοΐς πάσχουσιν ους αν βουληθώσιν ύβρίζειν, τοις 
δε άσθενέσιν ουκ έστιν ούτε ύβριζομένοις άμύνεσθαι 

ΐ2ο τονς ύπάρζαντας ούτε ύβρίζειν βουλομένοις περιγίγνε• 
σ^αι των αδικούμενων, ώστε μοι δοκεΐ 6 κατήγορος 
ειπείν περί της εμης ύβρεως ου σπουδάζων, άλλα 
παίζων, ούδ* υμάς 7T€i<rat βουλόμενος ως βΖ/ϋΐι τοιούτος, 

ΐ24 αλλ' εμε κωμωδεΐν βουλόμενος, ώσπερ τι καλόν ποιών. 

19 "Έτι δε καϊ συλλέγεσθαί φησιν ανθρώπους ως εμε 
πονηρούς και πολλούς, οι τα μεν εαυτών άνηλωκασι, 
τοΐς δε τα σφέτερα σωζειν βουλομένοις έπιβουλεύου- 
σιν. ύμεϊς δε ένθυμηθητε πάντες οτι ταύτα λέγων 
ούδεν εμού κατηγορεί μάλλον η των άλλων όσοι τέχνας 

ΐ3οέχουσιν, ούδε τών ως εμε εισιόντων μάλλον η τών ως 

20 τους άλλους δημιουργούς, έκαστος γαρ υμών είθισται 
προσφοιτάν 6 μεν προς μυροπώλιον, 6 δε προς κου- 

ΐ7• vird diropCas: see on υπό of the usual order, πολλούς και 

των yeyewrjpcvdiv 12. 3. — άμφότ€- πονηρούς. 
ροι : both young and old. 20. προσ-φοιταν : an indication 

18. μ,η&ν: see on μήτε 12. 68 of the simplicity of Athenian life. 
(B). — tovs ύπάρ£αντα$ : force, see In the capital city the barber's shop 
on υπάρχει 12. 23 A. and the cobbler's shop are the club- 

19. ώ$: see on 16. 4. — πολ- houses of men of leisure as in the 
Xovs : made emphatic by reversal modern country village. That no 



μείον, 6 δε προς σκυτοτομεΐον, 6 δ* οποί αν τύχ-β, καϊ 
πλείστοι μεΊ/ ως τους εγγυτάτω της αγοράς κατεσκεν- 

ι&ασμένους, ελάχιστοι δε ως τους πλείστον απέχοντας 
αντης' ωστ ει τιςνμων πονηρίαν καταγνώσετσχ των 
ως εμε εισιόντων, δήλον ,οτι και των παρά τοΐς άλλοις 
διατρφόντων • ει δε κάκείνων, απάντων Αθηναίων • 
άπαντες γαρ εΐθισθε προσφοιτάν και διατρίβειν άμου- 

ΐ4ο γέπον. 

21 'Αλλά γαρ ουκ οιδ' ο τι δει λίαι> με ακριβώς άπολο- 
γονμενον προς εν εκαστον νμιν των είρη μένων ενοχλεϊν 

reproach was involved in frequent- 
ing such places is clear from the fact 
that Demosthenes thinks it a good 
point to make with a jury that the 
man whom he is attacking (25. 52) 
does not frequent the shops : He 
shares no man's affection or com- 
panionship; . . . nor does he re- 
sort to any of these barbers'* shops 
or perfumers' 1 shops in the city, 
nor any other shops — not one. 
But he is implacable, restless, un- 
social, with no feeling of gratitude 
or friendship or anything else that 
a right-minded man feels. These 
ancient assemblies, like their mod- 
ern counterparts, "saved the coun- 
try," — with words, — as Isocrates 
tells us (7. 15): Which (the con- 
stitution) now become corrupted 
troubles us not, nor do we take 
thought how we may restore it; 
but we sit in the shops and find 
fault with the state of the country, 

and say that never in all the 
history of the democracy were we 
worse governed, — while in action, 
and in the principles that we cher- 
ish, we are better content with it 
than with the constitution that our 
fathers left us. — &πόι &v τύχη : 
sc. προσφοιτων ; cp. 12. 18. — 
αγοράς : on life about the Agora, 
see Gulick, p. 40 ff. — καταγνώο -crat : 
with gen. and ace. HA. 752 a; 
G. 1123 (cp. 1121); B. 370; Gl. 
514 a. — irapd tois άλλοις : see on 
τταρ αυτοΓς 1 2. 33. — άμονγέιτον : see 
Crit. Note, άμου- is of the same 
origin as ουδαμον, άμό$€ν, Eng. 
some (A.S. sum, Goth, sums) ; the 
Eng. has preserved the original 
meaning. Lysias has άμωσγάτως 
in 13. 7. 

21. άλλα γάρ: in transition; 
see on 12. 40. — ύμϊν: the inter- 
ruption of the normal order προς 
ev ίκαστον των άρημίων by υμΧν 



πλείω χρ6νον. el γαρ υπέρ τών μεγίστων εΐρηκα, τι 
δει περί τών φαύλων ομοίως τούτω σπουδάζειν ; εγω 

ΐ45 δ* υμών, ω βουλή, δέομαι πάντων την αύτην εχειν περί 

22 εμού διάνοιαν, ήνπερ και πρότερον • και μη οδ μόνου 
μεταλαβείν εδωκεν ή τύχη μοι τών iv τ$ πατρίδι, τού- 
του δια τουτονί άποστερήσητε με • μηδ' α πάλαι κοινή 
πάντες εδοτέ μοι, νυν οΰτος εις ων πείση) πάλιν υμάς 

iso άφελέσθαι. επειδή yap, ω βουλή, τών μεγίστων άρχων 
6 δαίμων άπεστερησεν ήμας, η πόλις ημΐν εφηφίσατο 
τούτο το άργύριον, ηγουμένη κοινάς eii /αι τάς τύχας 

28 τοις απασι και τών κακών και των άγα#ώι>. πώς οΖν 
ουκ αν δειλαιότατος εϊην, ει τών μεν καλλίστων και 

*55 μεγίστων δια την συμφοράν άπεστερημένος ειην, α δ* 
ή πόλις έδωκε προνοηθεΐσα τών ούτως διακείμενων, 
δια τον κατήγορον άφαι,ρεθείην ; μηδαμώς, ω βουλή, 
ταύτχι θήσθε την ψήφο ν. δια τι γαρ αν και τυχοιμι 

throws strong emphasis upon Iv 
ίκαστον. Cp. την αυτήν . . . διά- 
votav below, and τας τνχας . . . 
και των κακών και των άγαμων § 22 ; 
cp. on ημΧν 12. 33• — ^«Ρ των 
μεγίστων, ircpl τών φαύλων : for 
νπίρ = περί' see on § 4• It is 
fully in the spirit of parody that 
the cripple treats the complain- 
ant's sound arguments as " trivial " 
and his own nonsense as "most 
weigh ty." — ήνικρ: see on oitivcs 
12. 40. — καΐ irpOTCpov : for και in 
comparisons see on 19. 2. 

22. ή τύχη : note that 6 δαίμων 
is used below of the same power ; 
cp. on § 10. — ίψηφίσατο : t'.tf. by 

the law which established poor- 
relief in general. The award to 
individuals would seem from this 
speech to have rested with the 
Senate ; the veto on any case was 
certainly theirs. 

23. SciXaiOTaTos : another touch 
of fine phraseology in the cripple's 
mouth ; the word is common only 
in poetry. — καλλίστων καΐ μεγί- 
στων : on the συνωνυμία see App. 
58. 2. — δια τον κατήγορον: the 
direct agents of the deprivation 
would be the senators, but the 
cripple would have the complainant 
to ' thank for it. 1 See on 12. 87. — 
καΐ τυχοιμι : for και see on 12. 29. 



Μ τοιούτων υμών; πότερον οτι δι* εμε τις €19 άγωνα 
[6ο πώποτε καταστάς απώλεσε την ουσ'ιαν ; αλλ* ον8* αν 
εις άπο8είξειεν. αλλ* στι πολυπράγμων ειμί και θρασυς 
και φιλαπεχθήμων ; αλλ' ου τοιαύταις άφορμαΐς τον 
25 βίου τυγχάνω χρώμενος. αλλ* στι λίαν υβριστής 
και βίαιος; αλλ* ούδ* αϊ/ αύτος φήσειεν, εΐ μη βού~ 
[65 λοιτο και τοΰτο ψευ&εσθαι τοις άλλοις ομοίως, αλλ* 
ατι cm τώι> τριάκοντα γενόμενος εν δυνάμει κακώς 
εποίησα πολλούς των πολιτών ; άλλα μετά του υμετέ- 
ρου πλήθους εφυγον εις Χαλκίδα, και εζόν μοι μετ 
:69 εκείνων άδεως πολιτενεσθαι, μεθ* υμών είλόμην κιι/δν- 
ν&νενειν αποδήμων, μη τοίνυν, ω βουλή, μηδέν ημαρτψ 
κως ομοίων υμών τύχοιμι τοις πολλά ήδικηκόσιν, άλλα 

24. 'I am no sycophant, as are 
so many.' For the element of 
parody in this appeal see Introd. 
p. 238. — ov8* αν els: stronger 
than ουδείς αν; see on 19. 60. — 
άλλ* οΰ τοιαύται* κτλ. : but fortune 
has not given me the use of such 
resources for a livelihood (for she 
has made me weak and depen- 
dent on the favor of others, cp. § 
18). αφορμή originally = starting 
pointy then resource ; in war, base 
of operations ; in finance, capital. 

25. φήσ -cicv : if the speaker were 
thinking of the particular asser- 
tion to this effect which the com- 
plainant had made (Aeyci 0° ως 
υβριστής ειμί καί βίαιος και λίαν 
ασελγώ? διακείμενος § Ι5)> we 
should have εφη ; but he is think- 

ing of any such possible assertion 
on his part in the same general way 
in which he thinks of ουΚ αν είς 
αποδείξει* above. — καί τοΰτο : see 
on και ημών 19. 2. — 4πΙ των τριά- 
κοντα: for επί see on 12. 17. — 
πλήθους : see on 12. 42. 

26. toCwv: force, see on 16. 
7 (A). — μηδέν: see on μήτε 
12. 68 (Β). — ήμαρτηκώς: tense, 
see on αργασμένοι είσίν 1 2. 22. — 
ομοίων . . . rots πολλά ήδικηκοσΊν : 
as it stands the comparison seems 
to be between υμών and τοις 
ήδικηκόσιν, but of course the 
meaning is μη ομοίων υμών τνχοιμι 
οίων υμών τυγχάνουσιν οί πολλά 
ήδικηκότες. This looseness of ex- 
pression in comparisons is com- 
mon, resulting from an attempt at 

252 ΛΥ5Ι0Υ 

την αντην ψήφον θέσθε περί 4μοΰ ταΐς αλλαις βονΧαΐς, 
αναμνησθέντζς οτι οΰτε χρήματα διαχειρισας της πό- 
λεως δίδωμ,ι λόγοι/ αυτών, ούτε άρχην άρζας ουδεμία? 
ΐ75 ζυθννας υπέχω νυν αύτης, αλλά περϊ όβολον μόνον ποι- 
27 ονμαι τους λογούς, και όντως νμεΐς μεν τα δίκαια γνώτ 
σβσθε πάντες, εγώ δε τούτων ύμΐν τυχών εζω την χάριν, 
οδτος δε τον λοιποί) μαθήσεται μη τοις ασθενζοτέροίς 
Ιπιβουλεύειν άλλα των ομοίων αντψ περιγίγι>εσ0αι. 

brevity. Cp. Iliad I. 163 ov μλν position of νμχν cp. on υμΖν § 21, 

σοι 7γοτ€ Ισον Ιχω γέρας. — ποιου- and see on ήμ,ΐν 12. 33• — Ιιηβου- 

μαι tovs λόγου$: cp. on 12. 2. Xcuciv, ircpi/ytyvco-Oai : present tense, 

27. τούτων ύμ,ϊν τνχών Ιξ» : for of a practice, course of conduct. 




This speech was written for a citizen who had been one of the 
Three Thousand admitted by the Thirty to a nominal share in 
their government. The speaker has now, under the restored 
democracy, been chosen (by vote or lot) to some office. 1 

At the δοκιμασία 2 his eligibility is challenged on the ground 
that he was a supporter of the Thirty. The complainants have 
brought no charge of specific acts, basing their attack upon the 
principle that former members of the oligarchical party (<n i£ 
άστεως) cannot be trusted in office under the democracy. The 
defense must attack this principle, and it is this fact which raises 
the speech above the plane of personal questions, and makes it 
one of the most interesting documents in the history of the 
period immediately after the Return. 

1 The title of the speech in the Mss. is Δήμου καταλύσεως diroKoyia, but 
that is probably only an ancient editor's inference from the general character 
of the speech. It can hardly have been a defense against an indictment for 
treason, for the speaker nowhere expresses apprehension of any result save 
deprivation of some of the rights of a citizen (see §§ 3, 4, 23), and § 14 im- 
plies that he is pleading for an honor, not for safety (ύφ* υμών wvl τιμασθαι 
δίκαιος είμι). 

2 All officials were required to submit to a formal scrutiny (δοκιμασία) 
before entering upon office. Except in the case of Archons and Senators this 
was conducted by a law court. Senators were examined by the outgoing 
Senate ; Archons appeared first before the Senate, then before a law court. 
See p. 133 f., and Gilbert, p. 218 ff. ; Gardner and Jevons, p. 465. 



The oath of amnesty * provided for the exclusion from the city 
of certain specified leaders of the oligarchy ; to all other citizens 
it guaranteed oblivion of the past (των 8c παρεληλνθότων prficvl 
προς μεδενα μνησίκακων i^eiwu). Under any fair interpretation of 
this agreement the former supporters of the Thirty, even senators, 
office-holders, and soldiers under them, were perfectly eligible to 
office under the restored democracy. But to keep their pledges 
in the full spirit of them proved to be a severe test of the self- 
control of the party of the Return. 2 

The wiser democratic leaders fully recognized the critical 
nature of the situation. An attempt by one of the returned exiles 
to violate the agreement and take vengeance on one of the city 
party was met by the summary seizure of the complainant and his 
execution by the Senate without trial. 8 This made it clear that 
there was to be no policy of bloody reprisals ; but the feeling of 
hostility remained. 

Then, less than three years after the Return, came the attempt 
of the survivors of the Thirty, settled at Eleusis, to organize an 
attack by force. The prompt march of the citizen forces, to- 
gether with their treacherous seizure of the oligarchical leaders, 
soon put down the movement. But now more than ever it 
seemed to the democratic masses intolerable that members of the 
city party should have equal privileges with themselves. Their 
spokesmen began to say that the aristocrats might consider the 
people generous indeed in allowing their former enemies to vote 
in the Ecclesia and to sit on juries ; that to ask for more than 
this was an impertinence (Lys. 26. 2, 3). 

Those who had been conspicuous supporters of the Thirty, or 
personally connected with their crimes of bloodshed and robbery, 
naturally refrained from thrusting themselves into prominence; 
indeed, few of these had probably remained in the city. But 
the first test came when men whose support of the Thirty had 
been only passive, and against whose personal character no charge 

1 Arist. Resp. Aih. ch. 39. 2 Cp. XVI Introd. p. 133. 

8 Arist. Resp. Ath. 40. 2. 


could be raised, ventured to become candidates for office. Their 
δοκι/ιασώι gave opportunity for. attack by personal enemies, by 
political blackmailers, or by politicians who were posing as jealous 
guardians of the democracy. 

This speech was written by Lysias for one of the first cases of 
this sort, — it may have been the very first. The issue was vital. 
If a man like the speaker, of proved ability and personal char- 
acter, untainted by crime under all the opportunities offered dur- 
ing the rule of the Thirty, was now to be excluded from office, 
the reconciliation must soon break down. 

The date of the speech cannot be earlier than 400 B.C., nor 
can it be much later. 1 


Ι. ϋροοίμιον, Exordium, §§ 1-6. 

It is pardonable in you to feel resentment toward all who 
remained in the city under the Thirty, but it is amazing that 
my accusers try to persuade you to make no distinctions among us. 

I will show that their charges against me are false. 

Their conduct is consistent with their character ; yours should 
be for the protection of the innocent and for the good of the state. 

1 The new officials took their seats in midsummer; their δοκιμασία occurred 
shortly before. The siege of Eleusis is already past (§9); this fell in the 
archonship which closed July, 400 (Μ ^{€ναι]νέτου άρχοντος Arist. Resp. Ath, 
40. 4). The speech cannot be placed much later than 400, for the speaker, 
with all his pleas based on his good conduct before and during the rule of the 
Thirty, says nothing of his conduct since the Return (October, 403), nor does he 
cite cases of other men of his party holding office. Moreover, his warnings 
show that there are fugitives of the oligarchical party who still hope for a 
reaction and a counter blow against the democracy, and who are not yet sure 
what will be the treatment of the former supporters of the Thirty (§ 23), while 
in § 27 he speaks of the democracy not as established, but as in process of 
being established (δημοκρατία yiyverai). A longer time would seem to be 
implied in the charges against the sycophants (ταχέωι μέν έκ ιτ€νήτων πλούσιοι 
yey ένηνται, πολλά; δέ apxas dpxorres ουδεμία* εύθύνην διδόασιν), were these 
not stock charges, hardly to be taken seriously. 



In return for my positive services to the state I ask only what 
you give to the merely harmless citizen. 

My accusers try to lay upon me the crimes of the Thirty be- 
cause they can find nothing wrong in my own conduct. 

II. Πρόθεσις, Propositio, § 7. 

It is unreasonable to suppose that I am hostile to the democ- 
racy (the πρό0€σις is incomplete, stating only the first of the argu- 
ments that are to follow). 

III. Πίστας, Argumentation §§ 8-28. (The morcis form the 
Aims of the charges.) 

A, The proposed refusal of office would be unjust to me, for 
I was never disaffected toward the democracy, §§ 8-18. 

B. The policy of refusal would be unwise for you, §§ 19-28. 

IV. ΊΙαρέκβασκ, Egressio, §§ 29-34. 

The complainants are unworthy of your confidence. 

V. 'Επίλογος, Peroratio. (The peroration probably began with 
§ 35 ; it is lost by the mutilation of the Ms.) 


I. Hpooipuov, Exordium, §§ 1-6. 

The opening words, like those of the defense of Mantitheus, 
give at once the impression of conscious innocence, but with this 
we have here a more indignant tone of protest against the action 
of the complainants, and an earnest tone of warning to the jury. 
From the first the tone is less that of one pleading for favor than 
of one who identifies his interest with theirs and earnestly counsels 

The sentences are long and dignified. Only after the proem 
is well under way is there any touch of artificial rhetoric. 

Π. Πρό&σις, Propositio, § 7. 

A speech for the defense need not open with a statement of 
the case, — the speech of the prosecution has already given that, 


— but the defendant will, naturally give at the beginning some 
statement of his line of argument. Lysias chooses to state here 
only his first point. When, in § 19, he passes on to his second 
argument, he does it without any πρόθεσις. 

III. Harms, Argumentation §§ 8-28. 

A. §§ 8— i8i The speaker cannot deny the fact that he re- 
mained in the city under the Thirty ; he must therefore deny the 
significance of the fact. The argument is surprising ; in the most 
blunt way he asserts that men follow self-interest in their attitude 
toward one form of government or another. He gives the jury to 
understand that he remained in the city under the Thirty because 
it was for his personal safety and for the safety of his property 
that he do so ; but he claims that it would have been still more to 
his personal advantage that the Thirty had never been established, 
and shows that support of the restored democracy is altogether 
to his personal advantage. He frankly tells the jury to assume 
that he acts from an enlightened self-interest, and demonstrates 
that on that assumption he will be a reliable supporter of their 

The cool frankness with which he waives aside all claim of sen- 
timental patriotism, ascribes his services to the earlier democracy 
to the desire to stand well with the people (§§ 12-18), admits that 
he submitted to the oligarchy, and asks the jury to estimate his 
relations to the new government purely on the basis of his per- 
sonal interests, must have been refreshing to a jury weary of hear- 
ing pious protestations of loyalty and sacrifice for the sacred 
democracy. If their first thought was that they were dealing 
with a shameless egoist, their later feeling must have been that 
this was an outspoken man, who dared express his opinions 
frankly; and then — who could deny the force of his arguments? 

Not only is the argument as a whole novel and vigorous, but 

here and there Lysias gives a bright and unexpected turn to the 

subordinate parts. In the summary as to the speaker's conduct 

under the oligarchy he makes neat use of the dilemma : If the 

lysias — 17 


Thirty offered him the chance to share their power and he 
refused, that shows that he was no friend to them ; if the Thirty 
did not offer it, that shows that they were no friends to him 
(§ 14). Again, in § 17 he makes the keen plea that a man who 
kept his hands clean in times when there was every encourage- 
ment to wrong-doing can be counted on to be a law-abiding 
citizen under the present settled government 

The dignified language of the proem is continued throughout 
this argument. The sentences are in rounded, periodic form, 
with much of antithesis, which reaches its height in § 18 : — 

ηγούμαι £e, ω άνδρες δικασται 
ουκ αν δικαίως ν μας μισεϊν τους εν rrj ολιγαρχία μηδϊεν πεπονθότας κακόν 
ε£6ν οργίζεσθαι τοΐς εις το πλήθος εζημαρτηκόσιν 

ουΰίε τους μη φυγόντας εχθρούς νομίζειν 
αλλά τους υμάς εκβαλόντας 

ουδ* τους προθνμον μένους τα εαυτών σώσαι 
άλλα τους τα των άλλων αφηρημένους 

ου$ε οι της σφετερας αυτών σωτηρίας ένεκα έμειναν εν τω άστα 
άλλ* οΐτινες έτερους άπολεσαι βονλόμενοι μετεσχον των πραγμάτων. 

III. Β. §§ 19-28. The speaker now assumes the part of polit- 
ical adviser. Entirely without passion, with the tone of one whose 
chief thought is for the good of the city, he analyzes the political 
situation, showing how essential it is that the restored democracy 
unite all citizens in its support, and how dangerous a course it 
would be to alienate from the new government the supporters of 
the oligarchy. 

This is a strange tone for a defendant, that of political instruc- 
tion and warning. But it was true to the situation. And such 
a plea was the more effective as coming from a speaker who had 
no sentimental illusions as to either form of government, but who 
argued purely on grounds of ordinary prudence. 

The language becomes still more elevated with the increasing 


dignity and earnestness of the thought, almost reaching the epi- 
deictic style. 

IV. Ώ.αρ€κβασις, Egressio, §§ 29-34. 

A counter attack on the prosecution is a natural and a com- 
mon part of a plea for the defense. It usually falls, as here, be- 
tween the argument in rebuttal and the epilogue. 

The attack here is direct and forcible. It is ingenious in 
showing that the principle that underlies the complaint is precisely 
the principle that governed the Thirty — a point already made in 
another connection (§ 20) ; it includes the stock charge against 
the professional politicians, — that they are getting rich from their 
trade ; and it brings out distinctly the most serious charge, that 
they are fomenting discord in a community only just reunited. 

The tone of the attack is severe and earnest, but always digni- 
fied. There is no display of personal passion. The speaker 
stands above petty recriminations, and in a most convincing way 
exposes the conduct of a group of small politicians who were 
coming to the front on false claims of service in the late civil 
war, and who were destined to succeed before long in discrediting 
and thrusting aside the great patriots of the Return. 

In style of speech this attack keeps up the strong sentence 
structure, but the prevailing antitheses become sharper and 
clearer, particularly in the summary attack of § 30. In § 31 we 
have a period of the most artificial type, i κείνοι μλν ολιγαρχίας 
ονσης κτλ. : see Αρρ. § 57• 7• 

In §§ 23 and 24 there is rhetorical play on the sound of words, 
not ill-fitted to the scornful tone of the attack; see App. § 58. 5. 

V. Επίλογο?, Peroratio, §§35-. 

The epilogue ordinarily follows the ϋαρέκβαχης, and the closing 
sentence of § 34 seems to form the transition from the attack on 
the prosecution to the prayer to the jury. There is therefore little 
doubt that the epilogue begins with § 35, and probably little of 
the speech has been lost by the mutilation of the Ms. 

One who has read this speech comes to the close with a definite 


impression of the personality of the speaker. He is no enthusiast, 
he has no political sentiment ; as a result of his observations of 
men he has reached the conclusion that all political attachments 
are determined by personal advantage, — and he is not afraid to 
express his opinion. This same analysis he brings to the dis- 
cussion of party policy. He makes no appeal to the honor or 
generosity of the democratic jury, but with the utmost calmness 
and penetration he shows them that it is for the interest of their 
party to approve his candidacy. * ' 

We receive the impression that we are listening to a man of 
experience, of sharp observation of men, and of a personal dignity 
that forbids equally appeal to the sympathy of the jury and violent 
invective against his enemies. 

The view that the speech embodies a true portrait of the client 
is most clearly expressed in the following words of Bruns. 1 In the 
conversation between lawyer and client " the talk would soon pass 
from personal matters to questions of political principles. The 
keen lawyer, who had himself had an eventful political experience, 
would be impressed by his client's views — mature and free from 
all illusions. The coolness with which he explained all political 
attachments on the ground of personal interest had its effect upon 
Lysias, and he counted upon its having its effect upon others. 
He therefore built up his defense on this idea. He believed that 
the good impression which he had himself received from the 
straightforward tone of the speaker — free from all personal small 
talk, 2 would not fail in the case of other listeners. And so in his 
treatment of the case, perhaps at the express request of the speaker, 
he let him pass quickly from his own person to general questions." 

The style is noticeably more rhetorical than is usual with Lysias. 
In the more elevated parts his usual simplicity of sentence struc- 
ture gives way to strong periods, with abundant antithesis and 

1 Literarisckes Portrat, p. 451. 

2 The speech for Mantitheus (XVI) offers a marked contrast ra this respect 
The young cavalryman is full of talk of his own achievements, 


1 'Ύμΐν % μεν πολλην συγγνώμην εχω, 2 άνδρες δικασταί, 
άκούουσι τοιούτων λόγων και άναμιμνησκομενοις των 
γεγενημενων, ομοίως άπασιν όργίζεσθαι τοις εν άστει 
μείνασι• των δε κατηγόρων θαυμάζω, ο\ άμελουντες 

$των οικείων των αλλότριων επιμελούνται, και σαφώς 
είδότες τους μηδέν άδικουντας και τους πολλά εζη- 
μαρτηκότας ζητουσι κερδαίνειν η υμάς πείθειν περί 

2 απάντων ημών την γνώμην ταύτην εχειν. ει μεν οίν 
οΐονται οσα ύπο των τριάκοντα γεγενηται τη πόλει 

ίο εμού κατηγορηκεναι, αδυνάτους αυτούς ηγούμαι λέγειν • 

χ. Tofe \uLvaa-i: case, see on 
όμγίζεσθ€ 12. 8o. — &στη : for non- 
use of the article see on 12. 16. — 
μηδέν : when a participle or adjec- 
tive with the article is equivalent 
to an indefinite relative clause, it 
takes μη as its negative, as such 
a clause would do (μη in prota- 
sis). Such expressions refer to 
a class of persons or things, and 
this neg. may be called " μή ge- 
neric." — aSucoOvras, έξημαρτηκό- 
ταβ : note the coupling of pres. and 
perf. participles; see on ά&κώ 
12. 14, and for the perf. (of 
" guilt"). see on αργασμένοι €ΐσίν 

12. 22. — KcpSotvciv: for interpre- 
tation see Crit. Note. — ταύτην: 
the opinion urged by the com- 
plainants, and implied in όργι- 

2. ήγοΰμαι : this word ex- 
presses a more definite and ma- 
ture conviction than οϊομαι (οΧμαι) 
or νομίζω. It is significant that 
this experienced and confident 
speaker uses ηγούμαι eight times 
(§§ 2, 5, 6, 7, 11, 17, 18, 29) in 
the eight (Teubner) pages, and 
nowhere says νομίζω or οίομαι. 
The thirteenth speech shows a 
like fondness for οΐμαχ (fourteen 




ούδε γαρ πολλοστοί/ μέρος των εκείνοις πεπραγμένων 
ειρηκασιν el δε ως έμοί τι προσήκον περί αυτών 
ποιούνται τους λόγους, αποδείξω τούτους μεν άπαντα 
n ψευδόμενους, εμαυτον δε τοιούτον όντα οΐόσπερ &ν των 
3 εκ Πειραιώς ο βέλτιστος εν άστει μείνας εγένετο. δέο- 
μαι δ* υμών, Ζ άνδρες δικασταί, μη την αύτην γνώμην 
εχειν τοις συκοφάνταις. τούτων μεν γαρ έργον εστί 
και τους μηδέν ημαρτηκότας είς αιτίαν καθιστάναι, εκ 
τούτων γαρ αν μάλιστα χρηματίζοιντο • ύμέτερον δε 

occurrences in the twenty-one 
pages), but with the other words 
for " I think " used twice each. It 
is possible that in talking with his 
client Lysias noticed a fondness for 
this ηγούμαι, and so gave a natural 
tone to the speech by its repeated 
use. Cp. on 19. 15. — ώ$ cpoC . . . 
αυτών : on the assumption that any 
charge against them involves me. 

— τουβ λόγου* : cp. on 12. 2. — 
tovtovs: see on τούτον 12. 81. — 
ίααντόν 8c τοιούτον όντα : the an- 
tithesis with τούτους μεν . . . ψευ- 
δόμενους causes this construction 
instead of the more common 
nominative (τοιούτος ων) ; cp. § 4 
άποφήνω . . . αίτιος γεγενημενος. 

— 4ν ασ -Tct ucCvas : had he re- 
mained in the city. 

3. τοντων uc*v : τούτων rather 
than αυτών because these com- 
plainants are the particular syco- 
phants whom he is attacking. For 
the greater precision of Greek as 
compared with Eng. in such use 

of pronouns cp. on 12. 81, 84. — 
χρηματίζοιντο : blackmail by the 
threat of bringing innocent men 
before the courts on trumped-up 
charges was the regular work of 
the " sycophants."' The quiet and 
orderly citizen was often ready to 
avoid both the reproach and the 
annoyance of a lawsuit by money 
payment. Xenophon tells how, 
by advice of Socrates, Crito finally 
supported a lawyer of his own to 
silence these fellows by counter 
attacks (Mem. 2. 9). The de- 
fendant for whom Isocrates wrote 
the speech against Callimachus 
tells how Callimachus began by 
telling in the streets and the 
shops that he had been wronged 
by the defendant; how then the 
defendant's friends came to him 
and advised him to buy Callima- 
chus off, cautioning him that, how- 
ever confident he was in the justice 
of his case, he must remember that 
many things in court tura out con- 


2ο τοις μηδέν άδικουσιν εξ ίσου της πολιτείας μεταδίδο- 
μαι, ούτω γαρ αν τοις καθεστηκόσι πράγμασι πλεί- 

4 στους συμμάχους εχοιτε. άζιώ δε, ώ άνδρες δικασταί, 
εάν άποφηνω συμφοράς μεν μηδεμιάς αίτιος γεγενημέ- 
νος 9 πολλά δε κάγαθά είργασμενος την πόλιν και τω 

25 σώματι καϊ τοις χρημασι 9 ταύτα γουν μοι παρ" υμών 

ύπάρχειν, ων ου μόνον τους ε5 πεποιη κότας αλλά και 

δ τους μηδέν άδικουντας τυγχάνειν δίκαιον εστί. μέγα 

μεν ουν ηγονμαί μοι τεκμηριον είναι, δτι, είπε/) εδν- 

ναντο οι κατήγοροι ιδία με άδικουντα εζελέγξαι, ουκ 

3ο αν τά των τριάκοντα αμαρτήματα εμού κατηγορούν^ 
ούδ' αν ωοντο χρηναι ύπερ των εκείνοις πεπραγμένων 
έτερους διαβάλλειν, αλλ* αυτούς τους άδικουντας τιμω- 
ρέίσθαι• νυν δε νομίζουσι την προς εκείνους όργην 

34 ικανην είναι καΧ τους μηδέν κακόν ειργασμενους άπο- 

6 λεσαι. εγω δε ουχ ηγούμαι δίκαιον είναι ούτε ει τίνες 

ttaxy to expectation, that verdicts δτι clause : / hold the fact that, 
are more a matter of chance than of etc., . . . to be a great proof in 
justice, and that it is wise by paying my favor. — dire ρ : see on 1 2. 27. 
a small sum to be freed from great — ISCa μ* &8ικονντα : crimes of my 
accusations and the possibility of own. — αμαρτήματα, 4μο0 : con- 
great pecuniary losses (Isoc. 18. struction, see on καταγνώσεται 24. 
9 f.). — καθ€<ττηκό<Γΐ ιτραγμασι : 2θ. — ύπφ: while νπίρ usually = in 
the established order = the existing behalf of it is often used to give 
government. See on 16. 3. the ground of a feeling or action, 

4. μη&μιας: see on μήτε 12. especially with words of thanking, 
68(B). — αίτιο* γ€γ€νημ^νο$: cp. praising, accusing, punishing, de- 
on έμαντόν § 2; HA. 981; G. fending, and the like. Cp. 12. 37, 
1588; B. 661; Gl. 587. — wop- 12. 89, 25. 19. For υπίρ = περί 
\€iv: / may count upon. See on see on 24. 4. — μη8έν: see on § 1. 
υπάρχει 12. 23. 6. 4γώ U κτλ. : the normal con- 

5. τικμήριον : predicate of the struction would be as follows : — 


rj} πόλει πολλών ατγαθων αίτιοι γεγενηνται, άλλους 
τινας ύπερ τούτων τιμήν η χάριν κομίσασθαι παρ* 
ύμων, ούτ ει τίνες πολλά κακά είργασμένοι εισίν 9 
είκάτως αν δι* εκείνους τους μηδέν άδικουντας ονείδους 

4° και διαβολής τυγχάνειν Ικανοί γαρ 61 υπάρχοντες 
εχθροί τη πάλει και μέγα κέρδος νομίζοντες είναι 
τους αδίκως εν ταΐς διαβολαΐς καθεστηκότας. 

7 ΤΙειράσομαι δ* ν μας διδά£αι, ους ηγούμαι των πολι- 
τών προσηκειν ολιγαρχίας επιθυμειν και ους δημοκρα- 

45τίας. εκ τούτου γαρ και ύμεΐς γνώσεσθε, κάγώ περί 
εμαυτου την άπολογίαν ποιήσομαι, άποφαίνων ώς ούτε 
εζ ων εν δημοκρατία ούτε εξ ων εν δλιγαρχίφ πεποίηκα, 
ουδέν μοι προσήκον κακόνουν είναι τω πληθει τφ νμε~ 

9τέρψ. πρώτον μεν ούν ενθυμηθηναι χρη δτι ουδείς 

$ο εστίν ανθρώπων φύσει ούτε ολιγαρχικός ούτε δημοτ 

εγω 8ε ουχ ηγούμαι, δίκαιον cTvai under false accusation are a 

ούτε . . . κομίσασθαι great gain to themselves, viz. 

ούτε . . . τύγχαναν. ' the city has enemies enough 

But as the sentence develops already, and every false accusation 

Lysias breaks the regular order helps them by adding to their 

by adding to the thought of the number. 1 

injustice the further thought of 7. οΰ«: the rel. for the usual 

unwisdom, leaving the broken indef. rel. in an indirect question, 

construction Cp. 19. 12, 24. 15; HA. ion a; 

€γώ δέ ονχ ηγούμαι G. 1600; Β. 49° ί G1. 021 a. — 

δίκαιον eivat ovre . . . κομίσασθαι ιτροσ-ήκαν : = εικός cfvat. The dat. 

οντ εΐκότως αν τυγχάνειν. with προσηκειν is more common 

— &ν: see on 12. 1; cp. 24. 2, than the accus. ; cp. § n προση- 

24. 9• — 8t* IkcCvovs: for δια with καν αυτοΐς επιθυμειν; 12. 38 

ace. see on 12.87. — Ικανοί κτλ. : τούτο αυτω προσήκει ποιησαι. 

for the city has enemies enough — o$8& : adverbial. — ιτροσ-ήκον : 

already, and men enough who sc. εστί, — τφ πλήθα: cp. on 12. 

think that those who stand 42. 


κρατικός, αλλ* ήτις αν έκάστω πολιτεία συμφέρει, ταυ- 
την προθυμεΐται καθεστάναί' ώστε ουκ ελάχιστον iv 
ύμΐν εστί μέρος ως πλείστους επιθυμεΐν των παρόν- 
των vwl πραγμάτων. καϊ ταύτα ότι όντως έχει, ου 

55χαλ€7τω5 εκ των πρότερον γεγενημενων μαθήσεσθε. 

νσκεψασθε yap, ω αν8ρες δικασταί, τους προστάντας 
αμφοτέρων των πολιτειών, οσάκις 8η μετεβάλοντο. 
ου Φρύνιχος μεν και ΤΙείσανΒρος και ol μετ εκείνων 

8. &ττ€ ουκ ελάχιστον κτλ. : 

1 So that in no small degree it is 
in your power to secure for the 
present government a great num- 
ber of zealous supporters. 1 This 
is quite aside from the argument, 
a parenthetical reminder to the 
jury that their action to-day will 
have an important effect upon the 
support of the new government. — 
Ιλάχισ-τον : made emphatic by its 
wide separation from its noun, 
μέρος. Note that the English 
idiom requires here the positive, 
in no small degree, for the Greek 
superlative. — |Upos : case, HA. 
719; G. 1060; B. 336; Gl. 540. 
— τών παρόντων vwl ιτραγμάτων: 
cp. rots καθεστηκόσι πράγ/χασι § 3> 
and see on 16. 3• 

9. 8ή : Lysias seldom uses δη. 
In the eight speeches of this vol- 
ume there are seven instances of 
και ftcv δη (see on 12. 30) and 
only eight of δη in other connec- 
tions. Lysias's sparing use of 
this vivid and emphatic particle 

is quite in keeping with the sim- 
plicity, and moderation of his style 
(cp. on πάνυ ig. 15). The in- 
stances of δη are the following: 
(A) To emphasize a preceding 
word, 12. 34, 12. 62, 22. 5, all with 
imperatives, a common usage; 
34. ι τότ€ δη. (Β) To empha- 
size the whole statement, 12. 35, 
12. 38, 12. 57. (C) To mark a 
fact as a familiar one, 25. 9; this 
usage is in other writers especially 
common with relatives. — Φρύνι- 
χο* : a man of the common people, 
commander in chief of the fleet. 
He was at first strongly opposed 
to the oligarchs, but becoming 
involved in political intrigues he 
found that his personal safety lay 
in going over to Pisander. He 
became one of the most unscrupu- 
lous of the oligarchs, and was 
murdered in the Agora after the 
reaction against the extreme oli- 
garchs had set in. — IlcbravSpos : 
he, too, was at first a prominent 
democrat, and one of the chief 



δημαγωγοί, επειδή πολλά εις υμάς εξημαρτον, τάς 

βοπερΧ τούτων δείσαντες τιμωρίας την πρότεροι/ ολιγαρτ 

γίαν κατέστησαν, πολλοί δε των τετρακοσίων μετά των 

εκ Πειραιώς συγκατηλθον, ενιοι δε τώ*> εκείνους έκβα- 

λόντων αυτοί αύθις των τριάκοντα εγενοντο; είσι δε 

^οιτινες των ΈλευσΓι/άδε άπογραψαμενων, εζελθόντες 

\0μεθ* υμών, επολιόρκουν τους μεθ' αυτών, ουκονν χαλε- 

πον γνώναι, ω άνδρες Βικασταί, δτι ου περί πολιτείας 

movers in the hue and cry raised 
over the mutilation of the Hermae 
as being the work of anti-demo- 
cratic conspirators. He became 
the chief executive among those 
who planned and established the 
government of the Four Hundred. 
See Chron. App. 412 B.C. — δημα- 
γωγοί : democratic leaders. — els : 
see on 32. 19, Crit. Note, προς (C) 
6. — €vtot : the mention of names 
of those involved in the so recent 
revolutions is avoided. Under 
tvioi all must think first of The- 
ramenes, to whose faction the 
speaker probably belonged. — iiccC- 
vovs: strictly only the extreme 
faction of the Four Hundred, ex- 
pelled by the moderates under lead 
of Theramenes. See Chron. App. 
Sept. 411 B.C. — των Έλ€υσ-ΐνά8« 
άιτογραψαμ^νων : the amnesty pro- 
vided that any partisans of the 
Thirty who desired to settle with 
them in Eleusis should be per- 
mitted to do so within twenty days, 
on condition of enrolling their 

names within ten days (Xen. Hell. 
2. 4. 38, Arist. Resp. Ath. 39. 4). 
From our passage it appears that 
some who enrolled their names un- 
der the first fear of vengeance from 
the democracy became convinced 
of their safety in the city and did 
not withdraw. — tovs |Μ0* αύτ•ν: 
viz. those who had formerly been 
with themselves in the city party. 
Xenophon gives a very brief ac- 
count of this siege {Hell. 2. 4. 43) ; 
he says: "Afterward they (the 
Athenians), hearing that those at 
Eleusis were hiring mercenaries, 
went out against them with all the 
citizen forces. TJiey killed their 
generaL•, who had come into a 
conference with them, and sent 
friends and relatives to the others, 
and persuaded them to a reconcili- 
ation.^ Aristotle {Resp. Ath. 40. 
4) places this event in the third 
year after the withdrawal to Eleu- 
sis (401/0 B.C.). For the bearing 
of this on the date of our speech 
see Introd. p. 255 n. 1. 


είσιν αϊ προς αλλήλους διαφοραί, άλλα περί τών ιδία 
συμφερόντων εκάστω. υμάς ούν γρη εκ τούτων δοκι- 
μάζενν τους πολίτας, σκοπουντας μα/ όπως ήσαν iv τη 

70 δημοκρατία πεπολιτευμενοι, ζητούντας δε ει τις αύτοις 
εγίγνετο ωφέλεια των πραγμάτων μεταπεσόντων • ούτως 
γαρ αν δικαιοτάτην την κρίσιν περί αύτων ποιοΐσθε. 

11 εγω τοίνυν ηγούμαι, όσοι μεν εν τη δημοκρατία άτιμοι 
ήσαν ή των όντων άπεστερημενοι ή άλλη τινι συμφορά 

75 τοιαύτη κεγρημενοι, προσηκειν αύτοΐς ετέρας επιθυμεί» 
πολιτείας, βλπίζοιτας την μεταβολήν ώφελειάν τίνα 
αύτοΐς βσεσβαι- όσοι δε τον δήμον πολλά κάγαθα 
ειργασμενοι είσί, κακόν δε μηδέν πώποτε, οφείλεται 
δε αύτοΐς χάριν κομίσασθαι παρ 9 υμών μάλλον ή 

Βο δούναι δίκην των πεπραγμένων, ουκ άξιον τάς περί 

ίο. irpds: see on 32• 19 Crit. 
Note. — 4κ τούτων: on this basis, 
— δοκίμαζαν : probably here in the 
technical sense, L. & S. s.v. II. 2. 
— Iv τη δημοκρατία, : the (definite) 
democracy which preceded the 
rule of the Thirty; cp. iv δημο- 
κρατία § 7, where the less specific 
reference causes the omission of 
the article. — fyfryvcTo : was coming, 
impf. of an expected event; see 
on συναπώλΑυντο 12. 88. — τών 
πραγμάτων: force, see on 16. 3. 

11. άτιμοι: see on 12. 21. — 
am <ττ€ρημΙνοι : the tense implies 
both the past ill-treatment and the 
abiding resentment resulting from 
it. — ιτροο-ήκαν : tense, cp. on av- 
riXeyctv 12. 26. For force and 

construction see on § 7. — αυτοί? 
(before crepa?) : instead of ούτος 
analeptic (see on πάντας αυτούς 1 6. 
1 1). The*desire to throw the stress 
upon προσηκειν causes the use of 
the less emphatic αυτόίς. In the 
contrasted and emphatic form 
below we have τούτων (τας wept 
τούτων) . — afrrots (before χάριν) : 
to whom. In a coordinate relative 
clause the Eng. repeats the rela- 
tive, while the Greek usually car- 
ries the idea along by a personal 
or derrfons. pronoun, especially if 
the case changes ; HA. 1005 ; G. 
1040; Gl. 615 a. So in 19. 14. 
But sometimes the pronoun is 
omitted in the second clause, as 
in 22. 13 and 21 ; HA. 1005 ; G. 


τούτων άποδεχεσθοΛ διαβολάς, ούδ* εάν πάντες ol τά 
της πόλεως πράττοντας ολιγαρχικούς αυτούς φάσκωσιν 

12 Έμοι τοίνυν, Ζ άνδρες Βικασταί, οΰτ ίδί^ °^ Γ€ 
85 δημοσία, συμφορά έν εκείνω τω χρόνω ουδεμία πωποτε 

έγενετο, άνθ* ης τίνος αν προθυμούμενος των παρόντων 
κακών άπαλλαγ^ναι έτερων επεθύμουν πραγμάτων, 
τετριηράρχηκα μεν γαρ πεντάκις, τετράκις δε νεναν 
μάχηκα, καϊ εισφοράς εν τω πολεμώ πολλά? είσενη- 
Φ>νοχα, καϊ ταλλα λελητούργηκα ούδενος χείρον των 

13 πολιτών, καίτοι δια τούτο πλείω των ύπο της πόλεως 
προσταττομενων έδαπανώμην, ίνα και βελτίων ύφ' υμών 
νομιζοίμην, καϊ ει πού μοί τις συμφορά γένοιτο, αμεν 
νον άγωνιζοίμην. ων εν τη ολιγαρχία, απάντων άπετ 

ν$στερούμην ου γάρ τους τω πληθει άγαθου τίνος 
αίτιους γεγενημενους χάριτος παρ* αυτών ήζίουν τνγ• 
χάνειν, αλλά τους πλείστα κακά υμάς ειργασμενους εις 

• 104 1 ; Β. 487• For an instance to his credit at the time when the 

of both constructions in the same revolution was under discussion ; 

sentence see 32. 27 and note. but all the time the speaker has 

12. Ιτφων πραγμάτων : cp. ere- also in mind the fact that he has 

pas πολιτείας § 1 1 . The more these things to his credit now, an 

common expression is νεώτερα argument for a favorable verdict 

πράγματα (res novae). Cp. on now; so he half unconsciously 

16. 3. — α ν έιηθύμονν: force, see uses the less logical perfect. — 

on αν ή£ίωσ€ 19. 13. — τ€τριηράρ- ν€ναυμάχηκα: see Crit. Note. — 

χηκα : perf. of " credit," %ee on λ€λητούργηκα : for such services 

είργασμένοι είσίν 12. 22. The see on 19. 43. 
logical connection would lead us 13. 48αιτανώμην : tense, see on 

to expect the pluperfect in this and εποίονν 12. 25. — καϊ cl : see on 19. 

the following verbs, for the argu- 18. — άγωνιζοίμην: viz. when in- 

ment is that he had these services volved in a case at law. — 


τάς τιμάς καθίστασαν, ώς ταύτην παρ 9 ημών πίστιν 
ειληφότες. α χρη πάντας ένθυμουμένους μη τοις τον- 

ιοοτων λόγοι? πίστευαν, άλλα εκ των έργων σκοπεΐν α 

ΐίεκάστω τυγχάνει πεπραγμένα, εγώ γάρ, ω άνδρες 
δικασταί, ούτε των τετρακοσίων εγενόμην • η των κατη- 
γόρων 6 βουλόμενος παρελθών ελεγξάτω• ου τοίννν 
ούδ' επειδή ol τριάκοντα κατέστησαν, ουδείς με άπο- 

ιο5 δείξει ούτε βουλεύσαντα ούτε άρχην ουδεμίαν άρξαντα. 
καίτοι ει μεν εξόν μοι αρχειν μη έβουλόμην, υφ' υμών 
νυν\ τιμάσθαι δίκαιος εϊμι • ει δε οι τότε δυνάμενοι μη 
ήξίουν μοι μεταδιδόναι των πραγμάτων, πως &ν φάνε- 
ρωτερον η ούτως ψευδόμενους άποδείξαιμι τους κατψ 

ι ίο γόρους ; 

15 ¥ Έιτι τοίνυν 9 ώ άνδρες δικασταί, καϊ εκ των άλλων 
των εμοϊ πεπραγμένων άξιον σκό^ασθαι. εγώ γάρ 
τοιούτον έμαυτον εν ταΐς της πόλεως συμφοραΐς παρτ 
έσχον ώστε, ει πάντες την αυτήν γνώμην έσχον έμοί, 

τι$μηδένα αν υμών μηδεμια χρησασθαι συμφορά, υπ* 

ρούμην: tense, q). on €γιγι/€το§ ίο. ονδ' : corresponding, with slight 

— ώ«: force, see on 16.8. — ταΰ- anacoluthon, to ovrt above. — 

την : i.e. πλαστά κακά νμα? αργά- βονλ«νσαντα : in technical sense, 

σθαι. For the fact cp. 12. 27 and L. & S. s.v. III. — Ιξόν: see on 

93. For the gender see on ταντην παρόν 1 2. 30. — Siiccuos : personal 

12. 37. — wap ήμΔν: the people construction, HA. 944; G. 1527; 

who remained in the city. — tAv B. 641 ; Gl. 565 a. — τΑν τραγμά- 

Ιργων: the deeds of each indi- rmv: force, see on 16. 3. 
vidual, contrasted with the words 15. In τοίννν : the τοίνυν of 

of these complainants. transition (see on 16. 7 (D)) Is 

14. «apcX&fo: the technical here strengthened by the more 

word for coming forward to the specific crt; so in 19. 59, 32. 14. 

speaker's platform, — oi τοίννν — παρέσχον : cp. 1 2. 20 κοσμίους 8* 



εμού γαρ εν τη ολιγαρχίφ ούτε άπαχθεις ουδείς φα- 

νησεται, ούτε των εχθρών ουδείς τετιμωρημά/ος 9 ούτε 
16 των φίλων ε$ πεπονθώς. (και τούτο μεν ουκ άξιον 

θαυμάζειν • ευ μεν γαρ ποιεΐν εν έκείνω τψ χρόνφ 
ΐ2οχαλεπον ην, εζαμαρτάνειν δε τω βουλομένω ρσΖιον.) 

ου τοίνυν ούδ' εις τον κατάλογον 9 Αθηναίων καταλεζας 

ή μας αντονς παρέχοντας. — άιτα- 
X0c£s : a technical term. The απα- 
γωγή was, under the democracy, 
a summary process for the arrest 
and punishment of one caught in 
a criminal act of the grosser sort. 
It became a convenient form of 
law under which the Thirty could 
cover their arrests and executions ; 
cp. the case of Polemarchus, 12. 
25, and cp. on €ΐσαγγελ.ιών 12. 48. 
16. τοΰτο |iiv: viz. ov&tva των 
φίλων ev πεπονθεναι. While μέν 
without a correlative usually sug- 
gests an unexpressed contrast (see 
on 12. 8) it sometimes, as here, 
becomes a mere particle of em- 
phasis. The speaker sees that in 
saying that he had helped no 
friend, he may meet the retort, 
" Were you then so contemptible 
a coward as to refuse to help your 
friends in such troublous times ? " 
He guards against this by the 
parenthetical statement. — rbv 
κατάλογον : we hear of two " lists " 
drawn up under the Thirty; one 
was the list of 3000 who were 
nominally to enjoy political rights 
(Xen. Hell. 2. 3. 18), the other a 

proscription list known to us only 
by two statements of Isocrates. 
The speaker in the case against 
Callimachus, referring to the time 
of the Thirty, says, " // will be 
made clear that I have drought 
upon no citizen loss of money , or 
peril of life ; nor erased his name 
from those who held political 
rights, and enrolled him in tfie 
list with Ly sander (18. 16). In 
another plea (21. 2) Isocrates 
makes the speaker say of his 
friend Nicias, that after the estab- 
lishment of the Thirty his enemies 
erased his name from those who 
held political rights and enrolled 
him in the list with Ly sander 
(τον μετά, Ανσάνδρον κατάλογον). 
This is doubtless the list referred 
to in our passage. Why it was 
called the " Lysander list " we can 
only conjecture ; it would be natu- 
ral that on the drawing up of 
such a list Lysander would cause 
the insertion of the names of 
those who had most persistently 
held out against reconciliation 
with Sparta. The existence of 
such a list gave opportunity for 


ούδό>α φανησομαι, ούδε δίαιτα^ καταδιαιτησάμενος 
ούδενός, ουδέ πλουσιώτερος εκ των υμετέρων γεγονώς 
συμφορών. καίτοι ει τοΐς των γεγενημενων κακών 

ΐ25 αίτιοι? οργίζεσθε, εικός και τους μηδέν ημαρτηκστας 

17 βελτίους ύφ' υμών νομίζεσθαι. καϊ μεν δη, ώ άνδρες 
δικασταί, μεγίστην ηγούμαι περί εμαυτου τη δημοκρα- 
τία πίστιν δεδωκέναι. όστις γαρ τότε ουδέν εξημαρτον 
ούτω πολλής δεδομένης εξουσίας, tJ που νυν σφόδρα 

ΐ3οπροθυμηθησομαι χρηστός elvai, ευ ειδως οτι, εάν 
αδικώ, παραχρήμα δώσω δίκην. άλλα γάρ τοιαύτην 
δια τέλους γνώμην εχω, ώστε εν ολιγαρχία μεν μη 
επιθυμεΐν των αλλότριων, εν δημοκρατία δε τά δντα 

τ^προθτίμως εις υμάς άναλίσκειν. 

satisfying private enmities, as is 
clear from the case of Nicias. — 
'Αθηναίων: connect with ovSeva. 
— SCcurav: a provision of the 
Athenian system sent a large 
class of cases to official arbitra- 
tors; see App. § 29. It is not 
% likely that official arbitrators were 
a part of the system of the Thirty, 
as the popular courts themselves 
were abolished. The reference is 
probably to private arbitration. The 
custom of thus settling cases out of 
court was always common. — κατα- 
8uuri)<ra|i€vos : procuring an un- 
favorable verdict ; the active would 
be used of rendering a verdict. 

17. irbrov ScSoiiclvai : cp. 12. 27 
ου yap . . . πίστιν παρ αυτόν 
€λάμβανον. Perfect tense because 

the emphasis is quite as much 
on the fact that the jury now have 
the evidence as upon his having 
given it. — Cp. on άκηκόατε 12. 48. 

— &rrts : here preferred to os, be- 
cause the emphasis is on the 
characteristic of the man (see on 
ofrtves 12. 40), not his identity. 
By the personal inflection of the 
verb the Greek combines two ideas 
that are expressed less simply in 
Eng. by /, a man who. — \ irov: 
these particles, giving emphasis to 
an apodosis (as in 12. 88), are 
often strengthened as here by 
σφόδρα, or as in 12. 35 by yc. — 
άλλα γάρ: for this use in conclud- 
ing a discussion see on 12. 40. 

— els ty&s : see on cts ras νανς 
19. 21 (C). 


18 'Ηγούμαι δε 9 ω άνδρες δικασταί, ουκ &ν δικαίως 
υμάς μισεΐν τους εν τη ολιγαρχία μηδέν πεπονθότας 
κακόν, εξόν οργίζεσθαι τοις εις το πλήθος εζημαρτψ 
κόσιν, ουδέ τους μη φυγόντας εχθρούς νομίζειν, άλλα 
τους υμάς εκβαλόντας, ουδέ τους προθυμουμέρους τά 

140 εαυτών σ"ώ<ται, άλλα του? τά των άλλων αφηρημένους, 
ουδέ οί της σφετερας αύτων σωτηρίας ένεκα έμειναν 
εν τφ άστει, αλλ* οΐτινες έτερους άπολεσαι βουλόμενοι 
μετέσχον των πραγμάτων, ει δε otca^c χρήναι, ους 
εκείνοι παρελιπον άδικουντες, ύμεΐς άπολεσαι, ουδείς 

H5 των πολιτών ύπολειφθήσεται. 

19 Χκοπεΐν δε χμη και εκ τωνδε, ω άνδρες δικασταί. 
πάντες γαρ επίστασθε δτι εν τη πρότερα δημοκρατία 
των τά της πόλεως πραττόντων πολλοί μεν τά δη/χ όσια 
εκλεπτον, eWoi δ* επι τοις ύμετεροις έδωροδόκουν, οί 

ι8. For the repeated use of phus'sjoke in reminding Xenophon 

antithesis in this section see App. of the abilities of his countrymen : 

§ 57. 1. — &v: cp. § 6, and see on κάγώ υμάς τους ' Αθηναίους ακούω 

12. ι. — 4ντφασ*τ€ΐ: for the article δεινούς civat κλέπτειν τα. δημόσια, 

see on 12. 16. — oEtivcs: cp. on και μάλα δντος δεινού του κινδύνου 

όστις § Ι7• Here the character- τω κλίπτοντι, και τους κρατίστσυς φ 

istic of the men as a class is μεντοι μάλιστα, ειπερ νμΐν ol κρά- 

the emphatic thought; cp. 01 of τιστοι άρχειν άξιοννται, Xen. Anab. 

the preceding clause. — μκτ&τχον: 4. 6. 1 6. — 4irl «rote ύμττέροι*: 

tense, see on μετέσχον i6. 3. — against your interests. More 

vjicis : assimilated in case to the clearly stated in Din. 2. 26 οωρα 

subject of the leading verb. δεχόμενον επι τοΐς της πατρίδος 

ig . fcXcirrov : the stealing of συμφερουσιν taking bribes against 

the politicians was as common a the interests of his country, bri 

theme in ancient, as in modern, with dat. in hostile sense is not 

times. Athenian politicians seem common (see on 32. 19, Crit. 

to have been notoriously open to Note) ; it is oftenest used of brib- 

the charge, if we may trust Chiriso- ery, but occasionally in other con- 


i5o8e συκοφαντουντες τους συμμάχους άφίστασαν. και 
ει μεν ol τριάκοντα τούτους μόνους ετιμωρούντο, άνδρας 
αγαθούς καΐ ύμεΐς αν αυτούς ηγεΐσθε • νυν δε, οτε υπέρ 
των εκείνοις ήμαρτημενων το πλήθος κακώς ποιεΐν 
ηζίουν, ήγανακτεΐτε, -ηγούμενοι δεινον είναι τα των 

ΐ55 ολίγων αδικήματα πάση τη πόλει κοινά γίγνεσθαι. 

20 ου τοίνυν άξιον χρησθαι τούτοις, οίς εκείνους εωρατε 
εζαμαρτάνοντας, ούδε α πάσχοντες άδικα ενομίζετε 
πάσχειν, όταν ετέρους ποιητε, δίκαια ηγεΐσθαι, αλλά 
την αύτην κατελθόντες περί ημών γνωμην έχετε, ηνπερ 

ι6ο φεύγοντες περί ύμων αύτων εΐχετε • εκ τούτων γαρ καϊ 
ομόνοιαν πλείστην ποιήσετε, και η πόλις έσται με- 
γίστη, και τοις εχθροις ανιαρότατα φηφιεΐσθε. 

nections from Homer down. Cp. 
Thuc. I. 102 την ytvopcmrjv iirl τω 
Μήδω ξνμμαχίαν the alliance that 
had been made against the Mede. 
— άφίστασ-αν: one of the chief 
causes of the break up of the 
Athenian empire was the require- 
ment that a large class of cases 
at law arising in the allied cities 
be tried at Athens by Athenian 
courts. The loss of time, the 
expense of travel, and the uncer- 
tainty of justice before a foreign 
jury were so great that the syco- 
phant found a rich field here. A 
wealthy foreigner could afford to 
pay liberally to buy off a threat- 
ened prosecution. Under honest 
administration the system would 
have been burdensome to the 
allies; under the actual abuses it 

LYS1AS — l8 

became intolerable. — άνδρας αγα- 
θούς : this was the case at first ; see 
on 12. 5. — ύττφ : force, see on § 5. 
— κοινά : viz. a common charge. 

20. ol« : neuter, obj. of ίζαμαρ- 
τάνοντας, but assimilated in case 
to its antec. τούτοις. — oiSc α iroor- 
\ovt€s κτλ. : nor treatment which, 
when you received it, you consid- 
ered to be unjust treatment, άδικα 
is obj . of πάσχαν. — κατ€λθόντ€« : 
force, see on 16. 4. Cp. κατύναι 
§ 22. — fycrc: in passing to the 
positive half of the sentence, 
Lysias shifts from the mild αζιον 
construction to the earnest im- 
perative. On the rhetorical form, 
!χ€Τ€, €ΐχ«τ€, see App. § 57. 6. — 
ήνιτ€ρ: see on oini/c? 12. 40. — 
ίχθροΐς : the enemies of the de- 
mocracy, some of whom were now 


21 'Έίνθυμηθήναι δε χρή> ώ άνδρες δικασταί 9 και των 
επί των τριάκοντα γεγενημενων, ίνα τα των έχθρων 

ι65 αμαρτήματα άμεινον υμάς ποίηση περί των υμετέρων 
αυτών βουλεύσασθαι. ore μεν yap άκούοιτε τους εν 
άστε την αυτήν γνώμην εχειν, μικράς ελπίδας εΐχετε 
της καθόδου, ηγούμενοι την ημετεραν ομόνοιαν με- 

22yic ον κακόν cli/cu τη υμέτερα φνγη- επειδή δε πυν- 

\ηοθ( οισθε τους μεν τρισχιλίους στασιάζοντας, τους 
άλλους δε πολιτας εκ του άστεως εκκεκηρυγμενους, 
τους δε τριάκοντα μη την αυτήν γνώμην έχοντας, 
πλείους δε οντάς τους ύπερ υμών δβδιοτα? η τους ύμΐν 
πολεμουντας, τότ ηδη καΐ κατιέναι προσεδοκατε καΧ 

ΐ75 παρά τώι> εχθρών ληχ^εσθαι δίκην. ταύτα γαρ τοις 
θεοΐς ηυχεσθε, άπερ εκείνους εωρατε ποιουντας, ηγού- 
μενοι δια την τών τριάκοντα πονηρίαν πολύ μάλλον 
σωθησεσθαι fj δια την τών φευγόντων δώ^α/χιι/ κατνέ- 

in exile, others protected by the 22. τρισχιλ(ου$: see on § 16. 
amnesty. — στασιάζοντας : the execution of 
ax. krC: force, see on 12. 17. Theramenes marked the beginning 
— ore άκονοιτ€, 4ιτ€ΐδή ιτυνθάνοισ-θέ of open division, which culminated 
(§ 22) : in both instances the ref- after the battle at Munychia in the 
erence is to the repeated rumors deposition of the Thirty and the 
that came from the city. HA. appointment of the Ten ; see 
914 Β (2); G. 1431.2; B. 625 ; Chron. App. — tovs άλλου* W : the 
Gl. 616 b; GMT. 532. — φνγη : displacement of hi throws em- 
best taken in the (rare) collective phasis upon άλλους. See on 16.7. 
sense = you, the exiles. So Xen. — 4kkc κηρυγμένους : cp. 12. 95. — 
Hell. 5. 2. 9 κατάγειν Ιβονλοντο μη Ιχονταβ : μη because έχοντας 
την φνγην. Cp. την αρχήν = the depends on a verb in protasis ; 
administration Lys. 12. 6. For seeon/^Te 12. 68 (Β). — τότ ήδη: 
the argument, cp. the plea of see on 12. 66. — aiwp: cp. fjvmp 
Theramenes to the same effect, § 20 and see on on-tvc? 12. 40. — 
Xen. Hell. 2. 3. 44. κατιέναι (after δυνα/χιν) : note that 


23 poll, χρη τοίνυν 9 α) άνδρες δικασταί, τοις πρότερον 
ιδο γεγενημένοις παραδείγμασι χρωμένους βουλεύεσθαι 

περί των μελλόντων εσεσ#αι, καί τούτους ηγ€Ϊσθαι 
δημοτικωτάτους, οΐτινες ομονοεΐν υμάς βουλόμενοι τοις 
δρκοις καί rats συνθηκαις εμμένουσι, νομίζοντας και 
της πόλεως ταύτην ικανωτάτην elvai σωτηρίαν και 
ι85 των έχθρων μεγίστην τιμωρίαν • ονδεν γαρ αν εΐη 
αύτοΐς τούτων χαλεπώτερον, η πυνθάνεσθαι μεν ημάς 
μετέχοντας των πραγμάτων, αισθάνζσθαι δε όντως 
διακειμένους τους πολίτας ωσπερ μηδενός εγκλήματος 

24 προς αλλήλους γεγενημένου. χρη δε ειδέζΌ,ι, ώ άνδρες 
190 δικασταί, οτι ol φεύγοντες των άλλων πολιτών ως 

πλείστους καί διαβεβλτ}σ#αι και ητιμωσθαι βούλονται, 
ελπίζοντες τους ύφ* υμών αδικούμενους εαυτοΐς εσεσ#αι 

the present form is coordinate — ήμ*β: former members of the 

with the fut. σωθήσεσθαι, HA. Three Thousand. — όντως διαικι- 

828 a; G. 1257; B. 524 ν. ; μένους κτλ. : writing at a later date 

Gl. 385 b. The verb is unneces- Isocrates says (18. 46), επειδή 8c 

sary here, for the δια* phrases τας πίστεις άλλήλοις εδομεν είς 

might both be attached to σωθη- ταντον συνελθόντες, οντω καλώς 

σεσθαι ; but Lysias is fond of καί κοινώς πολιτευόμεθα, ώσπερ ου- 

balanced cola ending with words δεμιας ήμΐν συμφοράς γεγενημενης. 

in similar construction (see App. Note that Isocrates uses ουδεμίας, 

57• 3). the regular negative after ωσπερ 

23. ofrivcs: see on 12. 40. — (see on άλλ' ου 12. 64), while 

ταύτην: gender, see on ταύτην Lysias has μηδενός. The μψ 

12. 37• — σωτηρίαν . . . τιμωρίαν: is due to the governing verb 

for the παρονομάσω, see App. (infin.). — πρό«: see , on 32. 19 

§ 58• 5• — η : the idea compared Crit. Note. 

is anticipated, without effect upon 24. ol <}>€ύγοντ€5 : see on τοις 

its construction, by the compara- εχθροΐς § 20; cp. έχθρων § 23. — 

tive gen. τούτων. This construe- ητιμωσθαι : in technical sense, see 

,tion is found from Homer down, on 12. 2 1 . — αδικούμενοι* : tense, 



συμμάχους, τους δε συκοφάντας ενδοκιμβίν Βέζαντ αν 
παρ 9 ύμΐν καΐ μέγα Βύνασθαι iv τη πόλει • την γαρ 
195 τούτων πονηρίαν εαυτών ηγούνται σωτηρίαν. 

25 "Αξιον 8c μνησθηναι και των μ€τά τους τετρακόσιους 
πραγμάτων • ευ γαρ εΓ<τεσ#ε οτι, α μεν ούτοι συμβου- 
λεύουσιν, ού$€πώποτ€ ύμΐν ΙλνσιτέΧησεν, α δ' εγώ 
παραινώ, άμφοτέραις αεί τοις πο\ιτ€ΐαις συμφέρει. 

2οοΓστε γαρ 'Έπτιγένην και Δημοφάνην και Κλεισθένην 
ιδία μεν καρπωσαμενους τάς της πόλεως συμφοράς, 

26 δημοσία δε οντάς μεγίστων κακών αιτίους. ένίων μεν 
γαρ έπεισαν υμάς άκριτων θάνατον καταχίτηφίσασθαι, 
πολλών οε αδίκως οημευσαι τας ουσίας, τους ο εςελα- 

see on αδικώ 12. ι φ — Είξαιντ &ν : 
would prefer, a meaning which 
comes from a shortening of the 
phrase μάλλον δεχεσθαι. η. Cp. 
§ 32 hi^aivr αν . . . μάλλον tj. — 
τούτων : cp. on τούτου 12. 8i. — 
«ττονηρίαν, σωτηρίαν: for the πα- 
ρονομασία see App. 58. 5. 

25. μ*τά tovs τ€τρακο«τίσυ$ : the 
fall of the Four Hundred was 
followed by a brief compromise 
administration under Theramenes 
and the moderates (see Chron. 
App. 411/10), but this gave way 
to full democracy, under which a 
violent reaction set in against all 
who had had a share in the oli- 
garchical movement. It went so 
for that the men who had remained 
in the city and served in the forces 
under the Four Hundred were put 
under a form of ατιμία which ex- 

cluded them from the Senate and 
from the privilege of speaking in 
the Ecclesia (Andoc. 1. 75). — 
α μίν οντοι <τυμβουλ€ύουσ-ιν : from 
these words, and ώστε ουκ άξιον 
κτλ. § 27, it is probable that Epi- 
genes, Demophanes, and Clisthe- 
nes were the complainants (ovrot) 
in this case. Epigenes was the 
mover of the resolution (409 B.C.) 
by which the work on the Erech- 
theum was resumed {C.I. A. I. 
322), a measure perhaps designed 
to give relief to the unemployed. 
See Crit. Note. — dcC: position, 
see on η μίν 12. 33. — καρταχταμέ- 
vovs : for the metaphor see In trod, 
p. 25, n. 5. — όνταβ : for the imp£ 
(note its coordination with καμπω• 
σαμενονς) see on άνιωμενσυς 12. 32. 
26. άκριτων: cp. on 12. 17. — 
δημ€ΰσ-αι: confiscation of prop- 


2θ5 σαι καϊ άτιμωσαι των πολιτών • τοιούτοι γαρ 'ήσαν 
ώστε τους μεν ημαρτηκότας άργυριον λαμβάνοντες 
άφιεναι 7 τους δε μηδέν ήδικηκότας εις υμάς είσιόντες 
άπολλύναι. και ου πρότερον έπαύσαντο, εως την μεν 
2θ9 πάλιν εις στάσβις καϊ τάς μεγίστας συμφοράς κατέ- 
27 στησαν, αυτοί δ* εκ πενήτων πλούσιοι εγένοντο. ύμεΐς 
δε ούτως διετέθητε ώστε τους μεν φεύγοντας κατεδέ- 
ξασθε, τους δ' άτιμους επίτιμους εποιησατε 9 τοΐς δ* 
άλλοις περί ομονοίας όρκους ωμνυτε • τελεντωντες δε 

erty as a punishment for politi- 
cal offenses (cp. on 19. 8) had 
come down from early times. The 
custom offered to the demagogues 
and 'sycophants' a ready field 
for personal enrichment through 
blackmail, and for securing popu- 
larity by bringing the property of 
rich men into the treasury. — άτι- 
μωσαι : see on ήτιμωσθαι § 24. — 
των «ιτολιτών: the position gives 
the greatest emphasis possible. — 
ώστ€ αφιέναι : the emphasis is not 
so much on what they did as on 
the character revealed by it. HA. 
927 ; G. 1450 ; B. 59s ; Gl. 639 ; 
cp. the opening sentence of § 27. 

— oi irpOTcpov &»s: see on 12. 71. 

— <rra<rcis : the divisions that cul- 
minated in the revolution of the 

27. τους μ£ν φινγοντα$ κτλ. : 
we learn from Andocides (1. 73, 
76) that after Aegospotami and 
the beginning of the siege by the 

Lacedaemonians, the Athenians 
took special action for the recon- 
ciliation of factions. They voted 
to restore civic rights to those who 
were under ατιμία (τους άτιμους 
Ιττιτίμους ποιησαι), and to give 
mutual pledges of agreement be- 
tween factions {πίστιν αλΚηλοις 
περί ομονοίας δούναι εν ακροπόλει). 
But he says (1. 8o) that the exiles 
were not at this time recalled. 
The return of the exiles (those 
banished after the fall of the Four 
Hundred) both Andocides (1. 80) 
and Xenophon {Hell. 2. 2. 23) 
place after the surrender. Lysias 
distorts the facts for the sake of 
his argument, representing the 
recall of the oligarchical exiles, 
which was really forced upon the 
city by Sparta, as a voluntary act 
connected with the reconciliation 
of parties before the surrender. — 
τ€λ£ντώντ€5 : force, HA. 968 a ; G. 
1564; B. 653 n. 2; Gl. 583 a. 



ηδιον &v τους iv rg ΰημοκρατίφ συκοφαντούνται eri- 
*ι$ μωρήσασθ€ η τους αρξαντας έν τ$ δλιγαρχίφ. καϊ 
είκότως, ω άνδρες δικασταί• ττασι yap η&η φανερόν 
Ιστιν οτι δια τους μέν αδίκως πολιτενομο/ους iv τρ 
ολιγαρχία δημοκρατία γίγν€ται 9 δια δε τους iv τρ 
δημοκρατία συκοφαντούνται ολιγαρχία δις κατέστη. 
220 ώστε ουκ άξιον τούτοις πολλάκις χρησθαι συμβουλοις, 

οΐς ουδέ άπαξ ελυσιτελτ/σε π€ΐθομ€νοις. 
28 ΈΖ,κέψασθαι δε χρη οτι καϊ των εκ Πειραιώς οί /xeyi- 

— ήδιον : see the testimony of 
Aristotle, quoted on 12. 5. — &v 
έτιμωρή<Γασ-θ€ : see on &v ηξίωσε 
19. 13. — τη ολιγαρχία : the Four 
Hundred. — διά rovs κτ\. : see on 
δια πλήθους 12. 87. The democracy 
is being established in consequence 
of tine, action of the wicked rulers 
of the oligarchy, but by no means 
by their desire. — δημοκρατία yC- 
γν€ται : the speaker does not con- 
sider the work as yet completed. 

— τούτοιβ: the complainants and 
the whole class of men, present 
and past, which they represent; 
cp. on § 25. — ικιθοαένοις : in 
agreement with νμΐν understood, 
and governing οις. 

28. ol Ιχοντ€$ . . . SickcXcv- 
σ-αντο : their foremost leader, 
Thrasybulus, above all. Xeno- 
phon {Hell. 2. 4. 42) quotes these 
words from the speech of Thrasy- 
bulus in the assembly after the 
Return : ov μεντοι ye νμας, ω 
άνδρες, ά£ιώ iylo ων δμωμόκατ* 

παραβηναι ουδέν, άλλα και τοντο 
προς τοις άλλοις καλοις €7rio€i£ui, 
οτι καϊ ένορκοι και όσιοι core but 
1 would not have you, fellow-citi- 
zens, in any way violate your oaths, 
but rather show this in addition 
to your other noble deeds, that you 
are reverent and faithful to your 
pledges. Isocrates some time later 
testifies to the self-restraint of 
Thrasybulus and Anytus : Θρασύ- 
βουλος και *Ανυτος μίγιστον μλν 
δυνάμενοι των iv rrj πόλει, πολλών 
δ' άπεστερημενοι χρημάτων, eUMrcs 
δ« τους άπογράψαντας, όμως ον 
τολμωσιν αντοΊς δι'κας λαγχάνα,ν 
ovSk μνησικακεΐν Thrasybulus and 
Anytus, who are the most powerful 
men in the city, and have been 
robbed of great possessions, though 
they know who confiscated them, 
nevertheless are unwilling to bring 
suit or cherish anger ( 1 8. 23) . Ar- 
ch inus, a third democratic leader, 
when one of the returned exiles 
attempted to violate the amnesty 


στην δόζαν έχοντες και μάλιστα κεκινδυνευκότες και 
πλείστα υμάς αγαθά είργασμένοι πολλάκις ηδη τφ 

22$νμ€Τ€ρφ πληθει διεκελεύσαντο τοις ορκοις και ταΐς 
συνθηκαις εμμένει*, ηγούμενοι ταύτην δημοκρατίας 
ea'at φυλακην • . τοις μεν γαρ εξ άστεως νπερ των 
παρεληλυθότων ά&ειαν ποιήσειν, τοις δ' εκ ΊΙειραιως 

239 όντως πλείστον αν χρόνον την πολιτείαν παραμεΐναι. 

29οΓς ύμεΐς πολύ αν δικαιότερον πιστενοιτε η τούτοις, 
οί φεύγοντες μεν δι ετέρους έσώθησαν, κατελθόντες 
δε συκοφαντεΐν επιχειρούσιν. ηγούμαι δε, & άνδρες 
δικασταί, τους μεν την αύτην γνώμην έχοντας εμοι 
των εν άστει μεινάντων φανερούς γεγενησθαι και εν 

235 ολιγαρχίφ καΐ εν δημοκρατία, οποίοι τινές εισι πολΐ- 

30ταΐ' τούτων δ* άζιον θανμάζειν, ο τι αν εποίησαν, ει 
τις αυτούς εΐασε των τριάκοντα γενέσθαι, οι νυν δη- 
μοκρατίας ούσης ταύτα έκείνοις πράττονσι, και ταχέως 
μεν εκ πενήτων πλούσιοι γεγένηνται, πολλάς δε αρχάς 

(μνησίκακεΐν), carried through the 29. 81" irlpovs : through others, 
Senate his condemnation to death though not by their direct inten- 
without trial, as an example to all tion, hence ace. ; see on 12. 87. — 
citizens who might be tempted to γνώμην : the political principle de- 
violate the oaths of reconciliation fined at the end of § 17. — ολι- 
(Arist. Resp. Ath. 40. 2). — kckiv- "y a PX i( l• : for omission of the article 
Svvcvkotcs : tense, see on είργασμέ- cp. on § 10. 

vol είσίν 12. 22. — SiiKcXcWavro : 30. πλούσιοι: this is a stock 

tense, see on -ησθόμην i6. 20. — charge of the orators against their 

υπέρ: as words of penalty and opponents, and not to be taken 

punishment take νττίρ (see on § 5 ), very seriously. Lysias has already 

it is natural that the same word represented these men as having 

stand with αδ€ΐαν, a negative of become Ικ πενήτων πλούσιοι (§ 26) 

penalty. — &ν τταραμ^ίνοα : cp. §§ 6, before the time of the Thirty. 

18; see on 12. 1. Now they have done it again! 



ap άρχοντες ουδεμίας ευθύνην διδοασιρ, αλλ' αντί μεν 
ομονοίας ύποψίαν προς αλλήλους πεποιηκασιν 9 wri 
δε ειρήνης πόλεμον κατηγγέλκασι, δια τούτους δε 

31 άπιστοι τοι? ^Ελλ^σι γεγενημεθα. και τοσούτων 
κακών και έτερων πολλών οντες αίτιοι, και ούδεν δια- 

245 φέροντες τών τριάκοντα πλην ότι εκείνοι μεν ολιγαρ- 
χίας ούσης επεθύμουν ωνπερ ούτοι, οντοι δε και 
δημοκρατίας τών αυτών ωνπερ % εκείνοι, όμως οΐονται 
χρηναι ούτως ρς,δίως ον αν βούλωνται κακώς ποιειν. 

— €ύθύνην : possibly an Athenian 
official did sometimes avoid the 
required νυθνναι, but it could only 
be by unusually efficient party 
machinery or through an overrid- 
ing personality (like that of Alci- 
biades), for the legal system of 
accounting was most minute. It 
included audit by independent 
boards, and offered the utmost 
freedom of complaint to all citi- 
zens. Charges like the present 
one are on a par with the general 
charges of thievery and rapid en- 
richment; without the specifica- 
tion of cases they are of little 
value. Every Athenian official 
was required every prytany (every 
thirty-five days) to submit an 
account of his receipts and ex- 
penditures to a board of ten 
auditors, selected by lot from the 
Senate. At the close of his term 
of office he was also required to 
present complete accounts to an- 
other board ; see Introd. p. 44. — 

iroXcpov : the feeling had been so 
excited as to lead to the siege 
of the remnant of the Thirty 
at Eleusis ; but from Xenophon's 
account it appears that it was 
the action of the exiles them- 
selves which led to this. Lysias 
is either misrepresenting the cause 
of the expedition to Eleusis or 
greatly exaggerating the extent of 
the existing ill-feeling at home. — 
8td: see on 12.87. — τούτου»: for 
the change from the relative see 
on avrots § 11. — airurroi : the 
failure to abide by the terms of 
the amnesty, which allowed the 
Thirty to hold Eleusis, and the 
treacherous seizure of their leaders, 
may well have produced this effect. 
31. For the rhetorical hrava- 
στροφή and κύκλος see App. § 57. 
7 f • — ώνιτ€ρ : see on οΐτινες 12. 40. 
— δημοκρατίας: sc. ούσης. — χρη- 
ναι: 'they actually regard this 
conduct as a duty; they pose as 
righteous men punishing the un- 


ο^ωσπερ των μεν άλλων άδικούντων 9 άριστοι δε άνδρες 
32 αυτοί γεγενημένοι. (και τούτων μεν ουκ άξιον θαν 
μάζειν 9 υμών δε 9 art ote<r#€ μεν δημοκρατίαν είναι, 
γίγνεται δε δ τι αν ούτοι βούλωνται, και δίκην διδότ 
ασιν ουχ οι το ύμετερον πλήθος άδικουντες, αλλ* 
οι τα σφετερα αυτών μη δίδοντες.) και δεξαιντ αν 
2$5 μικράν είναι την πόλνν μάλλον ί} δι 9 άλλους μεγάλην 
33 /cat ελεύθερον, ηγούμενοι νυν μεν δια τους εκ Πει- 
ραιώς κινδύνους αύτοΐς efeu>ai ποιεΐν δ τι αν βού- 
λωνται, εάν δ' ύστερον ύμΐν δι* έτερους σωτήρια 
γενηται, τούτους μεν ττεπαύσεσθαι, εκείνους δε μείζον 
26οδυνησεσθαι• ώστε οί τοιούτοι πάντες εμποδών είσιν, 
34 εάν τι δι άλλων άγαθον ύμΐν φαίνηται. τούτο μεν 
ουν ου χαλεπον τφ βουλομενω κατανοησαι* αυτοί τε 

righteous.' — άριστοι 8c γ€7€νημέ- 
νοι: for correlation of gen. abs. 
with participles in other construc- 
tion see on πραττονσης 12. 69. 

32. 8 τι αν βονλωνται : ' you 
have exchanged the tyranny of 
the Thirty for the tyranny of a 
group of sycophants, who override 
the first principles of democracy.' 
— μή 8i86vtc$ : viz. whoever will not 
buy off the sycophants, μη generic, 
see on μηδέν § ι . — δέξαιντ ov : see 
on § 24. — μικράν : cp. the same 
charge against Theramenes, 12. 70. 

33. Ik Ilcipai&s : see Crit. Note. 
The Piraeus was the starting point 
of the dangerous undertaking. — 
τοΰτου* μίν . . . 4kc(vovs 8I : these 
sycophants (tovtovs) now hold 

undisputed lead, on the ground 
of the dangers which they met in 
helping to secure the return. They 
think that if, in the new situation, 
other men shall come forward and 
benefit the state, the leadership 
will pass to these others (εκείνους) ; 
they therefore try to discredit men 
like the speaker who seek hon- 
estly and unselfishly to serve the 
state. For τούτους cp. on τούτου 
12. 8l. — 81* άλλων (cp. &" έτερους 
above) : see on 12. 87. 

34. αυτοί tc γάρ κτλ. : the struc- 
ture is 

, , Γ ουκ επιθυμυουσι 
[αλλ αισχυνονται 


e „ Γ τα μεν οράτε 
™ 1 τα δ' άκούετε 


γαρ ουκ επιθυμουσι \ανθάνειν, αλλ' αισχυνονται μη 
δοκουντες elvcu πονηροί, ύμεΐς τε τα μεν αυτοί οράτε 

a6sra ο έτερων ποΚΚων ακουετε. ημείς οε 9 ω ανορες 
δικασταί, δι /cato^ μεν ηγούμεθ* είναι προς πάπας 
ύμας τους πολίτας ταΐς συνθηκαις καϊ τοις δρκοις 

Ζδέμμένειν, δμως δε, όταν μεν ΐδωμεν τους των κακών 
αίτιους 8ίκην δίδοντας, των τότε περί ύμας γεγενψ 

α/ο μένων μεμνημενρι συγγνώμην εχομεν, όταν δε φανε- 
ροί γένησθε τους μηδέν αίτιους εξ ίσου τοις άδικουσι 
τιμωρούμενοι, τη αύτη ψήφψ πάντας ημάς εις ύποψίαν 
καταστήσετε. . . . 

— μη Sokovvtcs: see on μητ€ 12. and execution of the leaders at 

68 (A). — ήμ€ίβ: we of the city Eleusis was a violation of the 

party. — vpos : the subject of Ιμ.μ.ί- amnesty, though done under great 

ve«/, thrust between πάντα? and provocation. We have record of 

its substantive (πολίτας) to em- no other instance, though Isocra- 

phasize πάντας. See on ήμΖν tes says ( 1 8. 2) that such attempts 

12. 33. were made, and that a special law 

35. SCktjv δίδοντα* : the seizure was passed to prevent them. 



Diodotus, a wealthy Athenian merchant, married the daughter 
of his brother, Diogiton. Of this marriage a daughter and two 
sons were born. Diogiton was thus their uncle on the father's 
side, and their grandfather on the mother's side. 

The father, Diodotus, was called upon in 410 B.C. 1 to join the 
expedition of Thrasyllus to the coast of Asia Minor, and was killed 
in the attack on Ephesus (§§ 4-7). Before leaving home he had 
made a will in which he provided for his sons, and bequeathed to 
his wife his personal valuables and one talent as dowry in case of 
her remarriage, and to his daughter one talent as dowry (§ 6). 

Diodotus left the will with his brother, Diogiton, and a copy 
of it with his wife (§7). 

We have no full inventory of the property, but the plaintiff 
claims that it included the following sums : 

Left on deposit with Diogiton (§§ 5, 13), 5 t. 

Invested in a loan on bottomry (§§ 6, 14), 7 t. 4000 dr. 

Due in the Chersonese (§ 6), 2000 dr. 

Left with his wife (§ 6) and turned over by her to 
Diogiton on the death of her husband (§ 15), 

20 minae = 2000 dr. 

30 Cyzicene staters a = 840 dr. 

A mortgage on real estate (§ 15), 100 minae = 1 t. 4000 dr. 

Total, 15 t. 840 dr. 

1 For the date see Chron. App. 

2 The value of the Cyzicene stater is not entirely fixed. See App. § 62. 



To this are to be added valuable house furnishings (§ is). 1 

On the death of Diodotus, Diogiton became the guardian of 
his widowed daughter and her three children. For a time he 
concealed from them the fact of Diodotus's death, and under 
the pretext that certain documents were needed for conducting 
his brother's business, he obtained from his daughter the sealed 
package of papers that had been left with her (§ 7). After the 
death of Diodotus became known to her, the widow turned over 
to Diogiton whatever property was in her possession, to be admin- 
istered for the family (§15). 

Diogiton, as guardian of his widowed daughter, arranged a 
second marriage for her with one Hegemon (§ 12), but gave a 
sixth less dowry than the will prescribed (§ 8). In due time he 
arranged a marriage for his granddaughter also (§ 2) ; there is no 
claim that he gave with her less than the dowry required by the 
will. 2 

For eight years Diogiton supported the boys from the income 
of the estate, but when the elder came of age, he called them 
to him and told them that their father had left for them only 
2840 dr., 3 and that this had all been expended for their support ; 
that already he had himself paid out much for them, and that the 
elder must now take care of himself (§ 9). 

The boys, who had supposed that they were to come into a 
large fortune, at once appealed to their mother, and she hastened 
to her daughter's husband, as the only representative of the family 
who might secure justice from her father. But all appeals to 
Diogiton and all attempts at settlement through family friends 

1 The above reckoning assumes that the 2000 dr. of § 15 are the same as the 
claim of 2000 dr. in the Chersonese (§ 6) ; but it is quite possible that this is 
another investment. 

2 It would seem that the daughter was married not long before the trial, 
for in the estimate of reasonable expense for the children the speaker includes 
provision for the daughter and her maid for the full eight years (§ 28). 

8 This was the sum which their mother had turned over to Diogiton in 
cash, and which he could not deny having received. 


were in vain, and the case was brought to court (§§ 10-12). The 
elder son was the plaintiff, and the daughter's husband, as his 
συνήγορος, made the main plea for him * by delivering this speech, 
prepared by Lysias. 

In the preparation of his defense Diogiton saw that he could 
not maintain his original claim that he had received only 2840 dr. 
for the boys. The mother had documentary proof of his having 
received one sum of 7 t. 4000 dr. (§ 14), and Diogiton now ac- 
knowledged in his sworn answer that he had received that sum, 
but he submitted detailed accounts purporting to show that it had 
all been used for the family (§§ 20, 28). 2 

The date of this speech is determined by the feet that Diodotus 
died in 410 b.c. (§5), and that the boys were under Diogiton's 
guardianship eight years (§29). It is not likely that a suit in- 
volving the whole family fortune would be long delayed, so that 
the trial must be put in 402/1 b.c. or very soon thereafter. 

This speech is not contained in our Mss. of Lysias, but the 
part which we have is preserved in the treatise of Dionysius of 
Halicarnassus, On the Ancient Orators? After a discussion of the 
peculiarities of Lysias's style, Dionysius transcribes this speech, 
with comments after each rhetorical subdivision ; unfortunately 
he does not give the last part of the proof or the epilogue. 

1 See App. § 17. 

2 It is not clear just how much Diogiton did acknowledge. If he did not 
retract his first statement, the 2840 dr. must be added to the 7 t 4000 dr. 
And then there remains the question whether he included in these sums the 
money paid in the two dowries. Lysias says in § 20 that Diogiton in his 
reckoning claimed to have spent the 7 t. 4000 dr. for the two boys and their 
sister; but it is possible that the mother's and the sister's dowries were reck- 
oned in this total in Diogiton's account. 

If we had the documents which were presented in court and the complete 
speech of Lysias, these points, which seem in our fragment strangely con- 
fused, would probably be made clear. 

8 Dionysius was a student and teacher of literature who came to Rome in 
jo B.C. He taught Rhetoric both by lectures and by published treatises, and 
published a History of Rome from the earliest times to the beginning of the 



Ι. Τίροοίμιον, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

Apology for bringing a family dispute into the courts. 

Justification of the speaker's appearance in the case, after 
earnest efforts to effect a private settlement. 

General πρόθεσις : the speaker will show that these plaintiffs 
have been worse abused by their grandfather than any one ever 
was even by men not related. 

II. Διήγησις, Narratio, §§ 4-18. 

The marriage of Diodotus to his niece, the daughter of Diog- 
iton. Diodotus's departure for the wars and his provision for his 
family. His death, and the conduct of Diogiton thereafter. The 
action of Diogiton when the eldest son came of age. Protests of 
the family and their attempts to secure justice out of court. The 
mother's plea to her father and its effect on the hearers. 

III. Particular πρόθεσις, Propositio, §§ 18, 19. 

The call for witnesses for the speaker, and the request to the 
jury to examine the accounts of the defendant. 

IV. Πίστας, Argumentation §§ 20- . 

A. Examination of the items charged against the sum which 
Diogiton admits that he received. 

B. Argument that the sum received was much larger than 
Diogiton admits (this argument is not preserved ; see p. 290)• 

Dionysius has not preserved the epilogue. 

Punic Wars. He was an enthusiastic student of classical Greek oratory, and 
devoted himself to the attempt to revive its pure standards as against the 
degenerate rhetoric of the later times. He published a treatise on Lysias, 
Isocrates, and Isaeus, as a part of a work on The Ancient Orators; a second 
part was to treat of Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines, but it is un- 
certain whether it was ever written. 



Ι. ΐΐροοίμχον, Exordium, §§ 1-3. 

The Greek rhetoricians, and the Romans after them, prescribed 
three ends to be sought in a proem : the gaining of the good will 
of the hearers, instructing them as to the case in hand and its 
proposed treatment, and arousing their attention (euvoca, ενμάθεια, 
πρόσ^ις) . 

Dionysius l in his criticism of the proem of this speech evidently 
has this definition in mind. He says that in the case of a suit 
against members of one's own family the rhetoricians are agreed 
that the plaintiff must above all things else guard against prejudice 
on the part of the jury in the suspicion that he is following an 
unworthy and litigious course. The plaintiff must show that the 
wrongs which he is attacking are unendurable ; that he is pleading 
in behalf of other members of the family nearer to him and de- 
pendent upon him for securing redress ; that it would be wicked 
for him to refuse his aid. He must show further that he has made 
every attempt to settle the case out of court. 

This first quality of the ideal proem, adaptedness to secure the 
good will of the jury by the means indicated, Dionysius finds in 
full in our proem. 

The second purpose of a proem, the clear instruction of the 
jury as to the case in hand, Dionysius finds equally well fulfilled. 
The proem includes a virtual πρόθ€σις, which gives all the infor- 
mation that is needed for the understanding of what follows. 

The third aim of a proem, the quickening of attention, Dionys- 
ius says is to be reached by surprising or even paradoxical state- 
ments, and by direct appeal to the jury. These things, too, 
Dionysius assures us that he finds in this proem, but to the mod- 
ern reader it seems that his wish to find here all the elements of 
the ideal proem must have been father to the thought ; for there 
is certainly no touch of the novel or surprising or paradoxical in 
thought. Some others of Lysias's proems have these character- 

1 Lysias, § 24. 


istics in a marked degree, but not this one. There is a direct 
prayer to the jury, but that is brief and not very impressive. 

The language of the proem, like that of Lysias's proems in 
general, is for the most part periodic. A larger group of thoughts 
is brought together under a single sentence structure both in 
§ ι and in §§ 2-3 than is usual with Lysias. " The impression 
is one of dignity and earnestness. There is no rhetorical 
embellishment either in grouping of cola or in play on words 
or phrases. 

Π. Δίήγησις, Narratio, §§ 4-18. 

Dionysius gives no comment on this " narrative," but before 
quoting this speech he had summed up his views of Lysias's ex- 
cellence in each part of a speech. He there spoke as follows 
of his powers in narration (>S 18) : "In narration, which in my 
opinion demands the utmost wisdom and attention, I consider 
him unquestionably the greatest of all orators, and I declare him 
to be the measure and standard (δρον tc και κανόνα) . And I be- 
lieve that the treatises on the theory of rhetoric which contain 
anything valuable on the subject of ' narration ' have derived 
their inspiration and their precepts from no source more than 
from the works of Lysias. For his narratives excel in conciseness 
and clearness. No others are so charming and persuasive. They 
convince you before you are aware, so that it is not easy to find 
any narrative as a whole, or any part of one, that is false or un- 
convincing. Such persuasion and charm are in his speech, and 
so completely do the hearers forget to ask whether it is true or 

This enthusiasm of Dionysius for Lysias's narratives is justified, 
and in no case more fully than in that of the narrative under dis- 
cussion. This, like the great narrative of the arrest in XII, and 
the even greater narrative in I — an honest husband's story of the 
seduction of his young wife by an aristocrat — has the persuasive 
power of simple and clear speech. But in this narrative there is 
a stroke of genius that places it above even the other two. This 


is the introduction of the mother's plea in her own words. The 
mother could not plead in court, but by picturing the scene in the 
family council Lysias carries the jurors in imagination to that room 
where a woman pleads with her father, protesting against the un- 
natural greed that has robbed his own grandsons, and begging 
him to do simple justice to her children. As the jurors heard 
how the hearers of that plea arose and left the room, silent and in 
tears, there was little need for argument. 

Here, again, Lysias secures his result by the simplest means. 
As he talked in his office with his clients and heard their story of 
the family meeting, and how the mother of the boys had pleaded 
with her father, he had the insight to see that the central point 
of the prosecution should be to make the jury see this case as the 
mother saw it. Her view of it moved him, and he knew it would 
move the jury. His work was to take this narrative from the lips 
of his clients, to preserve its naturalness and simplicity, to suppress 
non-essentials, and to bring out the points of real power, condens- 
ing and clarifying all. The result was a work of art perfect in 
the concealment of art. 

The language is, as in Lysias's narratives generally, of the 
simplest form. For the most part the sentences are short. When 
they are expanded, it is by a series of simple coordinate cola, 
binding the thoughts without making the whole complex. So the 
long narrative sentence of § 5. The long sentence of § 10 is a 
typical example of the running, in distinction from the periodic, 
structure. 1 But, as often in Lysias, the simple narrative is con- 
cluded by a strong, amplified sentence, in full periodic form (see 
App. §44): — 

§ 18. totc μίν ουν, ω άνδρες δικασται 

πολλών και δανών νπο της γυναικός ρηθεντων 
ούτω οΐ€.τεθημ.€.ν πάντες οι παρόντες 
νπο των τούτω πεπραγμένων 
και των λόγων των Ικύνης 

1 See Αρρ. § 42. 
lysias — 19 


6ρωντ€ς μλν τους παιδας 

οία ήσαν πεπονθότες 
άναμιμνησκόμενοι 8e του αποθανόντος 

ως άνάζιον της ουσίας τον Ιπίτροπον κατέλιπεν 
ένθνμυουμενοι 8e ώ? χαλεπον i£tvpuv 

οτω χρη περί των ίαντον πιστα/σαι 

ωστ€, ω άνδρες ο\κασταί, 
μηδένα των παρόντων δύτασΑαι φθεγ $ασθαι 
άλλα καϊ δακρνοντας μη ήττον των πεπονθότων 
άπιόντας οϊχεσθαι σιωπή. 

III. 11ρόθ€σις, Propositio, §§ 1 8, 19. 

A brief πρό$€σίς introduces the affidavits of witnesses and the 
discussion of the guardian's accounts as filed with the court. 

IV. Ilwrrcis, Argumentation 

We know from Dionysius * that the argument on the accounts 
submitted by Diogiton fell into two parts : A, Discussion of the 
use that Diogiton claims to have made of the property which he 
admits he has received from the estate; B, Proof that he has 
received a much larger sum than he admits. The second part is 
not included in what is preserved. 

The examination of the alleged expenditures is sharp and clear. 
The overcharge seems written on the face of every item, and the 
series culminates in a case of the most shameless fraud (§§26, 27). 
The most striking characteristic of this convincing argument is the 
Lysian brevity. Out of an accounting of eight years Lysias. selects 
a very few typical items, makes the most of them in a brief, cut- 
ting comment, and then passes on before the hearers are wearied 
with the discussion of details. 

The language is in short and rounded periods. Vigor and 
terseness prevail in it all, and there is an occasional sharpening 
of expression by rhetorical device. Antitheses are common as in 

1 Lysias, § 26. 


all vigorous speech of Lysias, and some are heightened by rhyming 
of the final words of cola (δμοιοτελευτον, see App. 57. 4). 

§ 19. ίνα τους pkv νεανίσκους δια τό μέγεθος των συμφορών ελεήσητε, 
τούτον δ' απασι τοις πολίταις αζιον οργής ήγησησθε. 

§ 25. καίτοι ει μεν τάς ζημίας τούτων άπο&είζει 

τα 8ε σωθεντα των χρημάτων αυτός ε£ει 
οποί μεν άνηΧωται τά χρήματα 
ου χαλεπως €ΐς τον λόγον εγγράψει 
ραδιως 8ε εκ των αλλότριων αντος πλούτισα. 

The word play (παρονομασία, App. § 58. 5) i n § 22, a turn of 
speech rare in Lysias, but a favorite with the rhetoricians, is fitted 
to the sarcastic tone : — 

ίνα γράμματα αυτοΐς άντϊ των χρημάτων άπο8εί£ειεν. 

The personification in § 23, a figure equally rare in Lysias (In- 
trod. p. 25. n. 5), is in the same sarcastic tone : — 

ηγούμενος δείν την αυτόν πονηρίαν κληρονόμων είναι των του τεθνε- 
ωτος χρημάτων. 

§ 24 offers a striking instance of Lysias's power of condensation. 
Each of the four brief phrases adds an incriminating feature of 
the action : — 

ούτος 8ε πάππος ων \ πάρα, τους νόμους | της εαυτού τριηραρχίας | 
παρά των θυγατρικών \ το ήμισυ πράττεται. 

Of ηθοποιία in the ordinary sense, the nice fitting of thought 
and speech to the personality of the speaker, so that the individ- 
uality of the man stands out in his plea, there is nothing here. The 
speaker might be any Athenian gentleman ; we get no impression 
of his age or temperament or character. 

Some see definite ηθοποιία in the mother's speech, but it is 
rather the ήθος of womanhood and motherhood than of this par- 
ticular mother. 

But there is another form of portraiture, closely allied to ηθο- 
ποιία* the picturing of the character, not of the speaker, but of 

1 See Introd. p. 29. 


his opponent We have certainly a personal portrait of Diogiton, 
and this by the simple recital of his words and conduct. There is 
no piling up of opprobrious epithets. By his own conduct greed 
is shown to have been the one principle of his life, from the time 
when he married his daughter to his brother to keep hold of his 
increasing property, to the day when, with hollow professions of 
regret and with shameless lies, he turned his grandsons out of 


1 Ει μεν μη μεγάλα ην τά διαφέροντα, ω άνδρες δικά- 
σταί, ουκ αν ποτέ εις υμάς είσελθεΐν τούτους βίασα, 
νομίζων αισχιστον είναι προς τους οικείους διαφερετ 
σ"0αι, ειδώς τε οτι ου μόνον οί άδικουντες χείρους νμΐν 

5 εΐναι δοκουσιν 9 αλλά και οΐτινες αν ελαττον ύπο των 
προσηκόντων έχοντες άνέχεσθαι μη δύνωνταΐ' επειδή 
μεντοι, ω άνδρες δικασταί, πολλών χρημάτων άπεστετ 
ρηνται, και πολλά και δεινά πεπονθότες ύφ* ων ηκιστα 

9εχρην έπ* εμε κηδεστην όντα κατεφυγον, ανάγκη μοι 

ζ. τά διαφέροντα: έμοι διάφε- 
ρα = it matters to me, I have 
something at stake, hence τα διαφέ- 
ροντα = the issues at stake, — cUrcX- 
0ctv: a technical term; cp. 25. 26 
€i? νμ&% €mtioVt€s. — τούτους: the 
usual word for either plaintiff or 
defendant; here the elder son, 
who has only recently come of 
age, is technically the only plain- 
tiff, but his younger brother is 
equally interested in the suit, and 
is doubtless present. — irpos : see 
on § ιφ Crit. Note. — tc : the sim- 
ple T€ (without και or a correl. tc) 
is very rarely used in prose to con- 
nect single words ; its use to con- 

nect clauses (as here) is common 
in Herod, and Thuc, less com- 
mon in Xen., and rare in the 
orators (Kiihn. II. ii. p. 242). Cp. 
§ 22, and 1. 17, 13. 1, 31. 2. It 
is Lysias's one bit of old-fashioned 
syntax. See Introd. p. 25. — 
2λαττον cxovtcs: being worsted, 
injured. For connection with 
υπό see on κατέστησαν 12. 43. — 
ίχρήν : for the form see on 12. 48. 
For force see on €t#cos rjv 12. 27. — 
κηδ«<Γτήν: affinis, any connection 
by marriage. By the context here 
of a brother-in-law; in § 5 of 
a father-in-law. Cp. on 19. 48. — 
κατέφνγον : the perfect might have 




2 γεγενηται ειπείν ύπερ αυτών, εχω δε τούτων μεν άδελ* 
φήν, Διογείτονος δε θυγατριδην, καΧ πολλά δεηθείς 
αμφοτέρων το μεν πρώτον έπεισα τοις φίλοις επιτρέφαχ 
Scaur αν, περί πολλού ποιούμενος τα τούτων πράγματα 
μηδενα των άλλων είδεναι • επειδή δε Διογείταχν α φανε- 

is /οώς έχων εζηλεγχετο, περί τούτων ουδενϊ των αυτόν 
φίλων ετόλμα πείθεσθαι, αλλ 9 εβουληθη και φεύγειν 
δίκας και μη ούσας διώκειν και ύπομεΐναι τους εσχά- 

been used as in the corresponding 
clause (άπ€στ€ρηνται), but their 
appeal to the speaker was some- 
thing so striking and definite, and 
stands so vividly in his mind, that 
he uses the aorist (of the definite 
act) rather than the perfect (of the 
present situation). 

2. ita|0c(s : passive in form only, 
L. & S. s.v. II. 2; HA. 497; 
G. 444; B. 158. 3; Gl. 394.— 
4ιητρέψαι δίαιταν : a technical 
term, cp. [Dem.] 59. 45 avvrjyov 
αυτούς oi €πιτή$€ΐθί καΧ ίπεισαν 
δίαιταν Ιπίτρίψαι αντοίς their 
friends brought them together and 
persuaded them to submit to their 
arbitration. — πράγματα: L. & S. 
s.v. III. 5. — ά 4ξηλ£γχ€το, irepl 
τούτων: the position of the rel. 
clause before its antecedent makes 
it emphatic. The prosecution had 
indisputable proof as to a part 
of the estate; Diogiton was not 
willing to yield even as to this. 
— 4τόλμα: force as in 12.5; cp. 
Ιβονληθη in the following clause. 

— κα\ ψ«ύγ<ιν Sheas καΐ μ.ή ovVat 
8ιώκ€ΐν : the present infinitives and 
the plurals (δίκας . . . ούσας) refer 
not to any particular movement 
of Diogiton, but to his determina- 
tion to avail himself of all the 
* twists and turns of the law.' 1 
<f>cvy€iv δίκας is the usual term for 
defending, suits, μη ονσας διώ- 
k€lv, to prosecute suits to set aside 
default, refers to one of the tricks 
for gaining time. If a party 
to a suit failed to appear at the 
time set for trial, he lost his case 
by default; such a case in the 
courts was called η ϊρημος δίκη; 
if it was before a board of arbi- 
trators it was also called rf μη ovau 
δίκη. But one who had thus lost 
a case by default might, within a 
specified time, appeal for a hearing 
on the ground that there was suf- 
ficient reason for his non-appear- 
ance : in this case he was said την 
Ιρημον (δίκην) άντιλαχεΐν οττηνμη 
ουσαν (δίκην) άντιλαχεΐν. — twui 
4σ-χάτου$ κινδύνους: an exagger- 

ΚΑΤΑ Δ101Έ1Τ0Ν02 XXXII 2-4 


τους κινδύνους μάλλον η τά δίκαια ποιησας άπηλλάχθαι 
ζτων προς τούτους εγκλημάτων, υμών δέομαι, εάν μεν 
2ο αποδείξω οΰτως αισχρώς αυτούς επιτετροπευμένους ύπο 
του πάππου ως ουδείς πώποτε ύπο των μηδέν προση- 
κόντων εν τη πόλει, βοηθεΐν αύτοΐς τά δίκαια, ει δε μη, 
τούτω μεν άπαντα πιστεύειν, ημάς δε εις τον λοιπόν 
γρόνον τ^γεΓσίαι χείρους €ΐι/αι. εξ αρχής δ* υμάς περί 
25 αύτων διδά^αι πειράσομαι. 

4 Αδελφοί ήσαν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, Αιόδοτος και 

Διογείτων ομοπάτριοι καϊ δμομητριοι, και την μεν 

άφανη ούσίαν ενείμαντο, της δε φανεράς i κοινωνούν. 

εργασαμενου δε Αιοδότου κατ εμπορίαν πολλά χρή- 

3ο/χατα πείθει αύτον Διογείτων λαβείν την εαυτού θυγα- 

ated statement; at the most the 
penalty would be only the resto- 
ration of the sum found to have 
been taken, and a fine of one 
sixth of that amount; still the 
public disgrace must be counted 
among the 'dangers. 1 — irpos τού- 
του*: force, see on 16. 10. 

3. &iriTCTpo<ircv|iivovs : perf. be- 
cause the guilt of the guardian is 
the fact that is discussed. See on 
£ΐργασμεΐΌΐ €Ϊσίν 12. 22. — βοηθών 
αυτοίς τά δίκαια : a common con- 
densed expression ; τά δίκαια 
(their rights) is the ace. of effect 
(HA. 714; G. 1055. 1 ; B. 333"4; 
Gl. 536. b) ; to aid them their 
rights — to aid them in obtain- 
ing their rights. — xcCpovs : see on 
16. 3. 

4. άψανή, φαν«ρά$ : in general 
= personal property ', real estate ; 
cash, investments, and credits are 
always ουσία αφανής ; houses and 
lands are ουσία φανερά ; the appli- 
cation of the terms to other prop- 
erty is variable, as they are not 
sharply defined legal terms. — 
θυγατέρα: Greek marriages were 
regularly arranged by parents and 
guardians ; naturally the property 
relations of the contract were a 
prominent consideration. Out of 
this grew the tendency to encour- 
age marriage between near rela- 
tives (cp. Lysias's own marriage, 
Introd. p. 23) in order to keep 
the family property intact. A 
man might even marry his half- 
sister if she was of a different 



τφα, ηπερ ' ην αύτ$ μόνη • και γίγνονται αντψ νεΐ 

5 δύο και θυγάτηρ. χρόνφ δε ύστερον καταλέγει? Διό- 

δοτος μετά Θρασιίλλου των οπλιτών, καλεσας την 

εαυτού γυναίκα, άδελφ&ήν ουσαν, και τον εκείνης 

35/*έι> πατέρα, αύτου δε κηδεστην καί αδελφός πάππον 

δε των 7ταιδίωι/ και θείον, ηγούμενος δια ταύτας τάς 

άι/αγκαιοτητας ούδει/ί μ,άλλο? προσηκειν δικαίω ircpl 

τους αυτοί) παίδας γενέσθαι, διαθηκην αύτφ δίδωσι 

βκαΐ πει>τε τάλαιτα αργυρίου παρακαταθηκην ναυτικά 

mother. — vet: form, see on 12. 


5. KaroXrycCs : the names of all 
citizens liable to military service 
(men between eighteen and sixty 
years of age) were kept publicly 
posted in an official list. When 
troops were to be called into ser- 
vice a special decree of the Ecclesia 
determined the ages within which 
the draft should be made. Out 
of these available names the mili- 
tary authorities selected as many 
as were needed for the immediate 
emergency, and posted a list, 
which became the official roll. 
Such a list is here referred to. — 
Θρασ-ύλλον: 410 B.C. SeeChron. 
App. While Alcibiades was oper- 
ating on the Hellespont, Thrasyl- 
lus was sent out to the coast of 
Asia Minor, with a force of 1000 
hoplites, 100 cavalry, and 50 tri- 
remes (Xen./fell. 1. 1. 34). Xen- 
ophon, who was one of these 
cavalrymen, has left a detailed 

account of the preliminary skir- 
mishes of the expedition, and of 
their severe defeat before Ephe- 
sus {Hell. 1. 2. 1-9). Thrasyl- 
lus was an efficient and popular 
general, an opponent of the Four 
Hundred, and closely associated 
with Thrasybulus. It is a wise 
thought to let the jury know that 
the father of the plaintiff lost his 
life under their popular general. — 
των οπλιτών: case, HA. 732; G. 
1095 ; B. 355. 2 ; Gl. 508. Cp. των 
αρχόντων 24. 1 3. — 4κι£νη« : in con- 
trast with αυτοί; below. Cp. on 
εκείνων 12. 77. — κη&στήν : cp. 
on § 1. — 8ικαίω: agreement, cp. 
on AeyovTi 12. I. — ιταρακαταθή- 
κην: i.e. in trust for his family, 
and in case of his death to be 
disposed of according to the will. 
6. For the value of the sums 
mentioned see App. § 61.— ναυ- 
τικά: in the great extension of 
Athenian trade in the fifth century 
there grew up a carefully guarded 



4ο δε απεδείζεν εκδεδομενα επτά τάλαιτα καΐ τεττα/)ά- 
κοντα μνας . . ., δισχιλία* δε οφειλομενας εν Χερτ 
ρονησω. επέσκηψε δε, εάι/ τι πάθγ/, τάλαντον μεν 
επιδοΰναι Tjj γυναικί και τά ει> τς> δωματίω δούναι, 
τάλαυντον δε τ# θνγατρί. κατεΚιπε δε και είκοσι 

45/χ^α? ττ} γυναικί και τριάκοντα στατηρας Κυζι,κηνούς. 

7 ταύτα δε πράζας και οίκοι αντίγραφα καταλιπων ψχετο 
στρατευσόμενος μετά θρασυλλου. αποθανόντος δε 
εκείνον εν 'Έφέσφ Διογείτων την μεν θυγατέρα έκρυπτε 
τον θάνατον του ανδρός, . . . και τα γράμματα \αμ- 

system of loans on vessels or their 
cargoes. There was no system 
of maritime insurance, while the 
primitive means of navigation, 
the prevalence of piracy, and the 
frequent dangers by war made 
the risks greater than in modern 
times. Accordingly the rates of 
interest were high ; 12 per cent 
was common, and the rate some- 
times went above 30 per cent. 
The papers in each case specified 
definitely the limits of place and 
time within which the voyage was 
to be made. In this period of the 
war the dangers were particularly 
great. — μνο$ . . . : editors assume 
a lacuna here, for in § 15 we find 
that the family claimed an item of 
100 minae on a real estate mort- 
gage. The 2000 dr. of § 15 may 
be the 2000 dr. loaned in the 
Chersonese (§6). — $ur\iXias : sc. 
δραχμάς, which is often omitted 

with numbers. — 4m$o0vcu : as 
dowry (cp. on 16. 10 and 19. 14) ; 
Sowai, a personal gift. — τά 4v τφ 
£ωματ£φ: cp. 12. 10. — τη θνγατρί: 
i.e. as dowry on her marriage. — 
κατέλιικ : not to be understood 
of the will ; he * left ' this sum in 
cash with his wife on his depar- 
ture ; after his death she turned it 
over to her father (§ 15). 

7. αντίγραψα : the plural is gen- 
erally used of a single 'copy,' 
probably from the connection with 
τά γρά/Α/Αατα, but the singular oc- 
curs, as in Andoc. 1. 76, Demos. 
36. 7. The original will was left 
with Diogiton (§ 5) ; the copy 
was left at Diodotus's own house, 
probably sealed up with the other 
papers (§ 7). — Ικρνπτι: impf. of 
an attempted action (which suc- 
ceeded for a time) . — £νδρύ$ • . . 
see Crit. Note. There is force in 
Thalheim's conjecture that the 



so βάνει a κατίλιπε σετημασμένα, φάσκων τα ναυτικά 
χρήματα 8εΐν εκ τούτων των γραμματειών κομίσ ασθαι. 

*έπει8η 8ε χρόνω ε8ηλωσε τον θάνατον αύτοΐς και 
εποπ/σαι/ τα νομιζόμενα, τον μεν πρώτον h /ιαυτον iv 
ΤΙειραιεΐ 8ιτ)τωντο• άπαντα γαρ αυτού κατε\4\ειπτο 

55 τα επιτη8εια • εκείνων δε επιΚειπόντων τους μεν παίδας 
εις άστυ άι/απε/χπει, την 8ε μητέρα αυτών €κ$ί8ω<τιν 
έπι8ους πεντακισχιλίας 8ραχμάς, χιλίαις ikavrov ων 

9 ο άνηρ αύτη ς ε8ωκεν. 6γ8όω 8* ετει 8οκιμασθεντος 

lost words are τα 8' αντίγραφα, 
for that assumption explains the 
fact that the speaker makes no 
use of a copy of the will in his 
plea. — τα γράμματα : the notes for 
the several loans. 

8. τα νομιζόμ€να: Xenophon 
says that those who died fighting 
before Ephesus were buried at 
Notium {Hell. i. 2. ii). The 
* rites ' here referred to were prob- 
ably in connection with the dedi- 
cation of a cenotaph at Athens 
(the μνήμα, of § 21), according to 
a common custom. — iv Ilcipaici 
διητώντο : they * lived on ' at the 
Piraeus, where the father had natu- 
rally fixed his residence because 
of his foreign trade. At the end 
of the year the boys were sent to 
their grandfather's house in the 
city in the deme Collytus (§ 14) ; 
they afterward removed with his 
family to another house (την Φαι- 
δρού οϊκίαν § 14); apparently the 
heirs claim that the last house 

was purchased with money of the 
estate, for when the grandfather 
proposes to send them out to care 
for themselves, their mother says 
he is casting them c#c της οικίας 
της αντων (§ l6). — αύτοΰ : the 
adverb. — 4ιπλ€ΐΐΓΟντων : note the 
force of the present, as compared 
with κατ€λ€λ«7Γτο above. — cte 
άστυ: see on 12. 16. — Ικδίδβχην : 
Diogiton became the head of the 
family, as the oldest son was a 
minor ; it rested with him therefore 
to arrange the second marriage; 
we learn the name of the husband 
from § 12. — ικντακισ-χιλ(α* : cp. 
on 16. 10. The amount, though 
not niggardly, is small for a wealthy 

9. δοκιμα<τθέντο$ : on a fixed day 
of each year (perhaps in July at 
the beginning of the civil year) 
all young men who had passed 
their eighteenth birthday in the 
twelve months preceding were en- 
titled to enrollment in the citizens 7 


2 9 9 

μετά ταύτα τον πρεσβυτέρου τοΐν μειρακ'ιοιν, καλέσας 
6ο αυτούς είπε Διογείτων, ότι καταλίποι αύτοΐς 6 πατήρ 
είκοσι μνάς αργυρίου και τριάκοντα στατηρας. u εγώ 
ουν πολλά των εμαυτού δεδαπάνηκα εις την ύμετέραν 
τροφήν. και εως μεν εΐχον, ουδέν μοι διέφερα* νυνϊ 
8c και αύτος άπόρως διάκειμαι. συ ουν, επειδή δεδο- 
6s κίμασαι /cat άνηρ γεγένησαι, σκοπεί αύτος ήδη πόθεν 
ΐοε^εις τα επιτήδεια." ταυτ άκούσαντες έκπεπληγμένοι 
/cat δακρύοντες ωχοντο προς την μητέρα, /cat παραλα- 
βόντες εκείνην ήκον προς εμέ, οίκτρως ύπο του πάθους 
διακείμενου /cat άθλίως έκπεπτωκότες, κλάοντες καϊ 
jo παρακαλουντες με μη περιιδεϊν αυτούς άποστερηθεντας 
των πατρώων μηδ* εις πτωχείαν καταστάντας, υβρισμέ- 
νους ύφ' ων ηκιστα εχρήν, άλλα βοηθήσαι και της 
11 αδελφής ένεκα /cat σφων αυτών, πολλά αν ειη λέγειν, 

list (the modern check list). But followed (see on 16. 20). If he 
to guard this enrollment it was had been under guardianship, his 
provided that the candidate must property was now turned over to 
secure the approval of the assem- him, with accounts of its manage- 
bled citizens of his deme, and the ment. — els . . . τροφήν : see on 
ratification of their act by the Sen- cts τας νανς 19. 2 1 (B). 
ate. This δοκιμασία was intended 10. «irpos : Lysias seldom uses 
to guarantee the candidate's hav- προς in this way ; cp. § 14 προς 
ing reached the full age, and his αυτήν, and see on ως i6. 4. — 
being of pure, free Athenian birth. ko: force, see on 12. 3. — 4κιτ€- 
With this enrollment the young «ιττωκότιβ: εκπίπτω is the regular 
man passed from under control of passive of ίκβάλλω expel: cp. ck- 
his father or guardian and as- βάλλειν . . . ck της οικίας § 1 6, 
sumed all rights and obligations and see on cfenwov 12. 57. 
of citizenship so far as they were 11. Asyndeton between sen- 
compatible with the special duties tences (as rare in Greek as it is 
of his two years of service in the common in English) draws atten- 
^adet corps, which immediately tion to the second sentence. Here 

3θθ . ΛΥ2Ι0Υ 

οσον πένθος εν τη εμη oiKiq, Tjv εν έκείνω τφ χρόνφ. 
75τελεντώσα 8c 17 μήνη ρ αυτών ήντεβόλει με και Ικέτευε 
συναγαγεΐν αυτής τον πατέρα καϊ τους φίλους, ειπούσα 
ότι, ει καϊ μη πρότερον είθισται λέγειν iv άνδράσι, το 
μέγεθος αύτην αναγκάσει των συμφορών περί των σφε- 

12 τερων κακών δ^λώσαι πάντα προς ημάς. έλθών δ' εγώ 
Βοήγανάκτουν μεν προς Ήγημονα τον έχοντα την τούτου 

θυγατέρα, λόγους δ 9 εποιούμην προς τους άλλους επιτη- 
δείους, ηζίουν δε τούτον εις ελεγχον ιεναι περϊ των 
πραγμάτων. Διογείτων δε το μεν πρώτον ουκ ήθελε, 
τελευτών δε ύπο τών φίλων ήναγκάσθη. επειδή δε 
85 συνηλθομεν, ηρετο αύτον η γυνή, τίνα ποτέ φνχην 
έχων άξιοι περί τών παίδων τοιαύτη γνώμη χρησθαΛ, 
" αδελφός μεν ων του πατρός αυτών, πατήρ δ* εμός, 

13 θειος δε αύτοις καϊ πάππος. και ει μηδενα ανθρώ- 
πων ησχύνου, τους θεούς εχρήν σε " φησί ζζ δεδιεναΛ ' 

9°ος έλαβες μεν, δτ εκείνος εζεπλει, πέντε τάλαντα παρ* 
αύτου παρακαταθηκην. και περί τούτων εγώ εθέλω 

it gives a touch of deeper feeling. 284. — λόγοι* δ* «ποιούμην : see on 

— TJiTff&Xci: for the double aug- 12. 2. — ήξίουν: as in 1 6. 8. — clt 
ment see HA. 361 a; G. 544. £λ?γχον ttvcu: see on 16. 1. — ο6κ 
On the συνωνυμία see App. § 58. 2. rfltk* : impf. of persistent refusal, 

— ct καί: force, see on 16. 2. — 'resistance to pressure'; see on 
Xfyciv : to talk ; cp. different force Ιτόλμων 12. 5. — τίνα irorfc ψνχήν : 
of the present above, πολλά αν *ΐη what possible heart, cp. on irorc 
key€Lv to recount. — kv άνδράσ-ι : for 12. 29. — άξιοϊ : the ind. disc, 
the seclusion of Athenian women passes over quickly to the direct 
see Gardner and Jevons, 342 ff. ; in πατήρ δ* ίμός. 

Becker, Charicles (Eng. trans.), 13. καϊ ct: see on 19. 18. — 

462 if. ; Gulick, 30 f., 119 ff. &of3cs μέν: who certainly received 

12. Ήγήμονα: see Introd. p. (whatever became of it) . - See on 

ΚΑΤΑ ΔΙ0ΓΕΙΤ0Ν02 XXXII 12-15 3°* 

τους παΐδας παραστησαμένη καϊ τούτους καϊ τους 
ύστερον εμαυτη γενομένους ομόσαι οπού αν ούτος 
λεγη. καίτοι ούχ οΰτως εγώ είμι άθλία 9 ούδ* ούτω 
95 περί πολλού ποιούμαι χρήματα, ώστ επιορκησασα 
κατά των παίδων των εμαυτης τον βίον καταβαλεΐν, 

14 αδίκως δε άφελέσθαι την του πατρός ούσίαν" έτι 
τοίνυν έζήλεγχεν αύτη επτά τάλαντα κεκομισμένον 
ναυτικά και τετρακισχιλίας δραχμάς, και τούτων τά 

οο γράμματα άπέδειζεν εν γαρ τη εζοικίσει, δτ εκ Κολ- 
λυτου εζφκίζετο εις την Φαιδρού οικίαν, τους παιδας 
επιτυχόντας εκβεβλημένω βιβλίφ ένεγκεΐν προς αυτήν. 

15 άπέφηνε δ* αυτοί/ εκατόν μνάς κεκομισμένον εγγείω επί 
*τόκφ δεδανεισμένας, καϊ ετέρας Βκτχιλίας δραχμάς 

χ>5καΙ έπιπλα πολλού ά£ια• φοιτάν δε καϊ σΐτον αύτοΐς 

€ftc μέν 12. 8. — τοί* vorcpov: by count book which the boys had 

her marriage with Hegemon. — found, and of which their mother 

όμόσ-αι : for a parent to swear be- had retained possession. The orig- 

fore an altar with the hand on the inal ' writings ' which secured the 

head of a child was to stake upon loans had been carried off by 

the truth of the oath what one Diogiton with the other sealed 

held most dear. The penalty papers (§7). — Κολλυτοΰ: ademe 

would be the death of the child, lying just north of the Acropolis. 

See Crit. Note, and cp. Pison's We conclude from a statement of 

oath 12. 10. — »8irov: z'.e. at any Plutarch that it was a favorite 

shrine, however sacred. — ovtos: residential quarter (Plut. de Exil. 

the woman now turns appealingly 6 ov8e yap ΆθψαΛοι πάντες κα- 

to her friends. — όντως: position, τοικσνσι Κολλυτόν). — oUCav:see 

see on ημΖν 12. 33. — κατά των on § 8. — 4vcyicciv: in indir. disc. 

ναί8ων : see on προς 32. 19, Crit. loosely dependent on the idea of 

Note. — το*» πατρός: my father's. saying implied in Ιξηλίγχεν. 

ΐ4• In, τοίνυν: force, see on 15. tfycCtp 4irl τόκφ : on amort- 

25. 15. — τά γράμματα : the entries gage on real estate, — fcmirXa : cp. 

in the old memorandum or ac- 12. 19. — φοιτάν: of a regular 



εκ Χερρονήσου καθ 9 έκαστοι/ ενιαυτόν. " έπειτα συ 

ετόλμησας " εφη " ειπείν, έχων τοσαυτα χρήματα, ως 

δισχιλίας δραχμάς 6 τούτων πατήρ κατελιπε και τριά- 

ιο9 κοντά στατήρας, άπερ εμοι καταλειφθεντα εκείνον 

16 τελευτησαντος εγώ σοι έδωκα ; •και εκβάλλευν τούτους 
ήζίωκας θυγατριδους οντάς εκ της οικίας της αυτών 
εν τριβωνίοις, ανυπόδητους, ου μετά ακολούθου, ου 
μετά στρωμάτων, ου μετά ιματίων, ου μετά των επί- 

αόπλων ά ο πατήρ αυτοίς κατέΧιπεν, ουδέ μετά των 

17 παρακαταθηκών ας εκείνος παρά σοι κατέθετο. και 

coming. As we read of a claim 
of 20oo dr. in the Chersonese 
(§ 6), we may perhaps assume 
that this grain was sent annually 
as payment of the interest. — 
feirfiTct : elra is the more common 
word to introduce an indignant 
comment upon conduct as related 
to a preceding statement (as in 
1 2. 26), then, in view of all that. — 
8ι<τχιλία5 δραχμάς κτλ. : Diogiton 
at first acknowledged only the 
money which his daughter had 
herself turned over to him as 
head of the family. — airep : force, 
see on oirives 12. 40. 

16. £κβάλλ«.ν: tense, see Crit. 
Note. — τούτου* : it was to the 
oldest boy only that the grand- 
father had said that he must shift 
for himself; though he says that 
they are living on his generosity, 
he does not intimate that the 
younger brother must go now. 

But the family naturally take it 
as the casting out of both. — 
τήβ αυτών : see on § 8. — h" 
τριβωνίοι$, ανυπόδητου?: in rags, 
barefoot. — ού μ€τά : on the επανα- 
φορά see App. § 57. 5, and on the 
άσυι/δετον, App. § 58. 3. — ακολού- 
θου: a man of ordinary standing 
was expected to have a slave at- 
tendant as he went about his busi- 
ness. Even the schoolboy had 
his παιδαγωγό?. Among the in- 
equalities that are to be abolished 
in the reformed society of Aris- 
tophanes's Ecclesjazusae (v. 593) 
is the undemocratic state of things 
by which, while one citizen has 
many slaves, another has not even 
a personal attendant (άνδραπόδοις 
τον ucv χρήσθαι πολλοίς τον 8" 
οΰδ' άκολούθψ). Cp. Gulick, 66 ff. 
— μ€τά στρωμάτων : see on μ€τά 
19. ΐ4• — παρά voC: see on παρ* 
αντω 19. 22, 



νυν τους μεν εκ της μητρυιάς της εμης παιδεύεις εν 
-ττολλοϊς χρημασιν εύδαίμονας οντάς- και ταύτα μεν 
καλώς ποιείς- τους δ* εμούς αδικείς, ους άτιμους εκ 
της οικίας εκβαλών αντί πλουσίων πτωχούς άποδεΐζαι 

ΐ2οπροθυμγ}. και επι τοιούτοις εργοις ούτε τους θεούς 
Φ°βν> °^ Τ€ € V^ T Vi u (τυνειδυΐαν αΙσχύνη, ούτε του 
αδελφού μεμνησαι, άλλα πάντας ημάς περί ελάττονος 

ΐΒποιη χρημάτων. 99 τότε μεν ούν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, 
πολλών καΧ δεινών ύπο της γυναικός ρηθεντων ούτω 

[25 διετεθημεν πάντες ol παρόντες ύπο τών τούτω πεπραγ- 
μένων καϊ τών λόγων τών εκείνης, ορώντες μεν τους 
παΐδα?, οία ήσαν πεπονθότες, άναμιμνβσκόμενοι δε 
του αποθανόντος, ως άνάζιον της ουσίας τον επίτρο- 

ΐ7• ταΟτα μίν : contrast with 
her censure of his other conduct 
is implied. See on c/lic μίν 12. 8. 
— &iro8c££ai: often nearly equal 
to ποιήσαι; here it combines the 
idea of making the children beg- 
gars with that of exhibiting their 
sad condition to the world. — 
ττροθυμή : in the course of the 
fourth century B.C. writers proba- 
bly used the endings -η and -ei 
with equal freedom ; in the fifth -rj 
is to be assumed. Lysias belongs 
so far to the earlier generation 
that he is more likely to have used 
the older form exclusively. — lirt 
τοιούτοι* Ipyots : a natural develop- 
ment from €7rt local is the use of 
hri with the dat. in a figurative 
sense to give the ground of an 

action or feeling. So i<f> 9 ω § 21 ; 
cp. 14. 35 Μ τβ του πατρός πονη- 
ρία φιλοτιμείται he is proud of 
his fathers wickedness. For the 
development of this into the pur- 
pose construction see on 12. 24. 
For Ιπί with gen. see on 24. 1. — 
πάντα* ήμα« . . . χρημάτων: the 
position brings the contrast into 
relief and leaves χρημάτων as the 
last word of the mother's indig- 
nant complaint. 

18. μέν οΰν: see on 12. 3 (B). 
— wo: force, see on 12. 3. — at 
άνάξιον . . . τον briTpoirov κατέ- 
Xiircv : the Greek combines the two 
idioms of English " how unworthy 
a guardian he had left," and " how 
unworthy the guardian whom he 
had left." — τή$ ofo-Cot : connect 



πον κατέλιπβν, ένθνμονμενοι δε ως χαλβπον itjevpew 
130 οτω χρη irepl των έαντου πιστενσαι, ώστε, Ζ άνδρες 

δικασταί, μηδενα των παρόντων δνναχτθαι φθ4γζασθαι 9 

άλλα και δακρνοντας μη ήττον των πεπονθστων απών 

τας οιχεσθ αι σιωπή. 
ΐ34 ΊΙρωτον μ€ν ονν τούτων ανάβητέ μοι μάρτυρες. 


with «τιτροττον. — ίαυτοΟ : referring 
to the indef. subject of πιστενσαχ, 
how hard it is to find a man in whom 
one may safely put confidence as 
regards his property f , i.e. to whom 
one may safely intrust his property. 
— φθέγ{ασ6αι : the strongest possi- 
ble word = to utter a sound, cp. 
Dem. 18. 199 el yap ... συ προνλε- 
γες και οΊ,εμχχρτύρον βοών και κεκρα- 
γώς, ος ον& εφθεγζω for even if 
you had foretold and protested with 
shouts and cries, you who did not 
even open your mouth. — μή ?jttov : 
cp. on μήτε 12. 68 (Β). — οίχι- 
σθαι : the subject is πάντας, sup- 
plied from the connection with 
μηΒενα δννασθαι. — σιωιτη : an 
instance of the force that may 
lie in the final word of a sentence ; 
cp. χρημάτων §17• 

A review of the tenses used 
in this whole section, §§ 10-18, is 
instructive as bearing on the use 
of historical present, impf., aorist, 
and plupf. in narrative and de- 
scription : 

The preliminary narrative: 

ωχοντο, ηκον § ίο, impf. with plupf. 

ήντεβόλει, ικέτευε § II, descriptive 
impf. (GS. 207) with added idea 
of persistence. 

ηγανάκτουν § 12, descriptive impf. 

Ιποίονμψ, ήξίσυν descriptive 
impf. with added idea of 

ουκ ήθελε impf. with negative, 're- 
sistance to pressure ' (GS. 216). 

ήναγκάσθη aor. of 'attainment 1 
(GS. 214). 
The main narrative : 

ηρετο narrative aor. (GS. 238). 

φησί § 13, histor. pres. ; the scene 
becomes most vivid, with direct 

εζηλεγχεν § 14, descriptive impf., 
the general statement. 

άπ&ειξεν § 14, άπεφηνε §15, nar- 
rative aor. 

εφη neutral (one form for impf. 
and aor.). 

οΊ,ετεθημεν § 1 8, aor., the "up- 
shot" of it all (GS. 238). 

ΚΑΤΑ ΔΙ0ΓΕΙΤ0Ν02 XXXII 19, 2ο 3<>5 

19 Ά|ιώ τοίνυν, ώ αρΒρες δικασταί, τω λογισμω προσέτ 
χειρ top ρουν, Ινα τους μερ νεανίσκους δια το μέγεθος 
τώρ συμφορών εΚεήσητε, τουτορ δ* απασι τοις πολίταις 
αζιορ οργής ηγησησθε. εις τοσαύτηρ γαρ ύποψίαρ 
Διογείτωρ πάρτας άρθρώπους προς αλλήλους καθιστή- 

ΐ4<>σιι>, ώστε μήτε ζωρτας μήτε άποθρήσκορτας μηδερ 
μάλλον τοϊς οικειοτάτοις ί} τοις εχθίστοις πιστενειρ 9 \ 

20 ος ετόλμησε τωρ μερ εζαρρος γενέσθαι, τα 8ε τέλευτωρ 
ομολογησας έχειρ, εις διίο παιδα? και άδελφηρ λήμμα 
και αράλωμα έρ οκτώ ετεσιρ επτά ταλαρτα αργυρίου 

[ 4 5 *<μ τετρακισχιλίας δραχμάς άποδεΐζαι. και εις τούτο 
ήλθερ άναισχυρτίας 9 ώστε ουκ έχων οποί τρέψειε τα 
χρήματα, εις οφορ μερ Βυοίρ παιδίοιρ και αδελφή πέντε 
οβολούς της ημέρας ελογίζετο, εις υποδήματα Ζε και 
εις γραφεΐορ και εις κουρέως κατά μηρα ουκ ?jp αντω 

ig. τφλογισμφ: the statement ter. See Introd.p. 285 Ν. 2. — τρ<- 
of accounts filed with the court ψ€Μ: i.e. under what items to 
byDiogiton. — ιτολίταιβ : construe- distribute so much as he claims 
tion, L. & S. άξιος II. 2 b. — to have spent. Mood, HA. 932. 
irpos αλλήλους : for προς see Crit. 2 (2) ; G. 1490 ; B. 673 last para- 
Note. ' graph ; Gl. 661 ; GMT. 677. For 

20. tcXcvtAv: cp. §§ 11,' 12. — an important extension of this 

8χ«ν : tense, see on avriXeyeiv construction see on δοίψ 24. ι . — 

12. 26. — cfe δύο Ίταΐδαβ: see on &|rov : the term covers all that is 

cts τάς ναυς ig. 21 (C). — ίιττά eaten except bread, viz. meat, fish, 

τάλαντα . . . καΐ ττττρα. δρ. : see vegetables, relishes, and desserts. 

Crit. Note. This, the sum proved Cp. Gulick, p. 144 ff. Xenophon 

by the book that the boys found, tells some bright anecdotes of 

is what Diogiton admits that he Socrates on the relation of bread 

had for the use of the children, to fyov, Mem. 3. 14. 1-7. Cp. 

It does not appear what claim he Plato, Republic, II. 372. — its 

made as to the money for the γναφιίον : under this item is 

dowries of the widow and daugh- included the whole expense for 
lysias — 20 



150 ουδέ κατ* ενιαυτον γεγ ραμμένα, συλλήβδην δε παντός 
21 του χρόνου πλεΐν η τάλαντον αργυρίου, είς Be το 
μνήμα του πατρός ουκ άι/αλώσας πέντε και είκοσι 
μνας εκ πεντακισχιλίων δραχμών, το μεν ήμισυ αύτψ 
τίθησι, το δε τούτοις λελόγισται. εις Διονύσια τοίνυν, 
ΐ55 ω άνδρες δικασταί, (ουκ άτοπον γαρ μοι δοκεΐ και 
περί τούτου μνησθήναι) έκκαίδεκα δραχμών άπέφηνεν 

clothing. Originally the γναφεύς 
only dressed and whitened the 
cloth that came from the home 
looms; then he added the work 
of a laundry; to this was again 
added the full business of the 
modern tailor and dealer in cloth- 
ing (so we read in Aristoph. Eccl. 
408 if., the "most democratic" 
proposal that on the approach of 
cold weather the fullers give a 
cloak to every citizen who needs 
one). Cp. Gulick, p. 229. Still, 
much of the work, both of weav- 
ing and making of clothing, was 
done by the slaves of a household. 
— els κουρέως : sc. €ρ•γαστηριχ>ν. 
At " the barber's " one not only 
had the hair dressed, but bought 
the oil and ointments that were 
regularly used at the bath. — 
iravTOs τοΰ χρόνου : note the vari- 
ous constructions for time in this 
section : tcXcitiw, iv οκτώ €Τ£σιν, 
της ημέρας, κατά μήνα, παντός τον 
χρόνου. — ιτλ€ϊν : a shortened form 
of πλεΐον. See Crit. Note; cp. 
19. 31, 19. 46. 

ax. cts : see on cfe τα? νανς ig. 
21 (Β) . — μνήμα : see on § 8. The 
Athenian tombs and monuments 
were among the finest products of 
Greek art. There was a tendency 
to extravagant outlay, but in most 
artistic form. The expense was 
great as compared with the expen- 
diture for the living. We know 
of sums ranging from 3 minae to 
2 talents. For full description 
and illustration see Percy Gard- 
ner's Sculptured Tombs of Hellas. 
Cp. Gulick, 297 ff. — τό μίν ήμκτυ : 
i.e. half of the 5000 dr., the pre- 
tended cost. His brother thus 
receives a very creditable monu- 
ment, charged entirely to the es- 
tate. — els Διονύσια: Lysias uses 
names of festivals without the ar- 
ticle; so Eng. "for Christmas," 
" for Easter. 1 ' — ίκκαί&κα δραχμών : 
the price is perhaps unreasonable 
(see App. § 64), though not so if 
this particular festival fell in one 
of the last years of the war; but 
the thing that hurts is that the 
children are charged with half the 


εωνημενον άρνίον, και τούτων τάς οκτώ δραχμάς ελογί- 
ζετο τοις παισίν • εφ* φ ημείς ούχ ηκιστα ώργίσθημεν. 
ούτως, Ζ άνδρες, εν ταϊς μεγάΚαις ζημίαις ενίοτε ούχ 

ι6ο ήττον τά μικρά λυπεί τους αδικούμενους* λίαν γαρ 
φανεράν την πονηρίαν των άδικούντων επιδείκνυσιν. 

22 εις τοίνυν τάς αλλάς εορτάς και θυσίας ελογίσατο 
αύτοΐς πλεΐν η τετρακισχιλίας δραχμάς άνηλωμενας, 
ετερά τε παμπληθη, α προς το κεφάλαιον συνελογίζετο, 

ι65 ωσπερ διά τούτο επίτροπος των παιδιών καταλειφθείς, 
ίνα γράμματα αύτοΐς άντι των χρημάτων άποδείξειεν 
και πενεστάτους άντι πλουσίων άποφηνειε, και ίνα, 
εΐ μεν τις αύτοΐς πατρικός έχθρος ην, εκείνου μεν 

ι69 €7Γΐλά<?ω^τ(Η, τω δ' επιτραπώ των πατρώων άπεστερη- 

2Ζμένοι πολεμωσι. καίτοι ει εβούλετο δίκαιος είναι περί 
τους τταίδας, εξην αύτω, κατά τους νόμους οι κείνται 

expense of the family thanksgiving common purpose phrase, cis with 
festival by their own grandfather. ace. (see on 12. 14), is replaced 
— τά$ οκτώ : the numeral as such by the causal phrase διά with ace. ; 
would not take the article, but here the purpose idea is fully de- 
there goes with it here the idea veloped by the ίνα clause. So in 
of "the half"; HA. 664 a; G. 1. 35 δια τσυτο, ίνα κτλ.— γράμ- 
948 a. — 4φ* φ : force, see on lift ματα, χρημάτων : for the play on 
§ 17, and on δργίζεσθε 12. 80. — sound see App. § 58. 5. — cl μέν, 
ώργ(σ6ημ€ν : ingressive aor., see on fccivov μΑν : for the repetition of 
μετίσχον 1 6. 3. — ούτω* : see 12. ι μεν cp. on 24. 8. — έιτιλάθωνται, 
Crit. Note. ιτολ€μώσι : for the change from the 
22. els: see on § 21. — τ*: cp. preceding optatives, and the con- 
on § 1. — irpos τό «φάλαιον: for sequent gain in vividness of the 
his total. — «rwcXo'yCgcTo : be gat h- presentation of the purpose, see 
ered up (crvv) and reckoned in. — GMT. 32 1, πολεμωσι, present of 
διά τοΟτο, ΐνα : the purpose of an a state of war. For the metaphor- 
act is its "final cause," hence it is ical use see Introd. p. 25, n. 5. 
not strange that sometimes the 23. κατά τρυ$ νόμρυ$: in such 



περί των ορφανών και τοις άδυνάτοις των επιτρόπων 
και τοις $υναμενοις, /κ,ισ^ωσαι τον οίκον άπηλλαγμένον 
πολλών πραγμάτων, η γην πριάμενον εκ των προσιόν- 
ΐ75 των τους παι8ας τρεφειν • και όπότερα τούτων εποίησεν, 
ούδενος αν ήττον 'Αθηναίων πλούσιοι ήσαν. νυν 8έ 
μοι δοκεΐ ούΒεπώποτε Ζιανοηθηναι ως φανεραν κατα- 

case the first Archon, the state 
guardian of orphans, offered the 
lease of the entire property at 
public auction, taking security 
from the lessee. Such property 
often yielded more than 12 per 
cent interest. — -rots άδυνάτοιβ : 
guardians disabled from managing 
the property by reason either of 
ill health or of business cares. — 
πραγμάτων: force as in § 2. — 
*ΐΓθ£ησ-€ν: mood and tense HA. 
915 ; G. 1433 ; B. 622. — crfScvos&v 
fJTTOv : cp. ον&ενος χείρον των πολι- 
τών 2$. 12. The statement that 
the boys would have been as rich 
as any boys in the city (having 
about 12 t. after the payment of 
expenses for the eight years and 
of dowries for mother and sister) 
seems reasonable from what we 
know of Athenian fortunes. The 
war and the internal political 
troubles had impoverished the 
older rich families, and had 
pressed even harder upon the 
merchants, whose foreign trade 
had been destroyed, while their 
public burdens were enormous. 
The fabulously rich men of the 

older generation, Nicias and Cal- 
lias, were popularly supposed to 
have had fortunes of 100 and 200 
talents. But a man who bad 8 
to 10 talents at the close of the 
Peloponnesian War was a rich 
man. In comparing these with 
modern fortunes we must remem- 
ber that property yielded from 
three to four times as much inter- 
est as now, that the price of living 
and of labor was very low (see 
App. § 63 ff.), and above all that 
the habits of life were simple. 
Demosthenes's lather was a rich 
man, having property about equal 
to that in question here (about 
$15,000), but his house was esti- 
mated as worth only $540 (cp. on 
19. 29). It was only after Alex- 
ander's conquests had brought 
Oriental ideas of luxury and the 
means to grow rich by conquest 
and by trade on a large scale, 
that the Greek family needed 
very much money to be "ποη." 
Cp. on 19. 42 if. — vOv 84 μοι κτλ. : 
but the fact is, as it seems to me, 
that he never for a moment fro- 
posed to make public the amount 

ΚΑΤΑ ΔΙ0ΓΕ1Τ0Ν02 XXXII 24, 25 


στησων την ουσίαν, αλλ* ως αύτος εζων τά τούτων, 

ΐ79 ηγούμενος δεΐν την αύτου πονηρίαν κληρονόμον είναι 

21 των του τεθνεωτος χρημάτων, ο δε πάντων δεινότατον, 

ω άνδρες δικασταί' ούτος γαρ συντριηραρχων *Α.\έξιδι 

τω Άριστοδίκου, φάσκων δυοΐν δέουσας πεντήκοντα 

μνας εκείνω σνμβαλεσθαι, το ήμισυ τούτοις όρφανοΐς 

οδσι \ε\όγισται, ους η πόλις ου μόνον παιδα? οντάς 

ι85ατ€λ€ΐ5 εποίησεν, αλλά καΐ βπβιδάι/ δοκιμασθωσιν ενι- 

αυτον άφηκεν άπασων των λητουργιων. ούτος δε 

πάππος ων πάρα τους νόμους της εαυτού τριηραρχίας 

25 παρά των θυγατριδων το ήμισυ πράττεται, και άπο- 

πέμψας είς τον Άδρίαν όλκάδα δυοΐν ταΚάντοιν, οτε 

ι^μεν α7Γ€στ€λλ€^, έλεγε προς την μητέρα αύτων οτι των 

of the estate (as he must have 
done if he had made the public 
loan through the Archon or in- 
vested it in real estate), φανεράν 
has the double suggestion of prop- 
erty revealed and of visible prop- 
erty, i.e. real estate. διανο€ομαι 
with ως and partic. of ind. disc, 
for infin. is rare ; cp. on ως 12. 73. 
— ττονηρίαν κληρονόμον: for the 
personification see Introd. p. 25, 
n. 5. 

24. 5 : the antecedent is the fol- 
lowing sentence ; cp. on ο . . . δα- 
νότατον 19. 33- — γάρ : force, see on 
19. 12 (C) (i). — συντριηραρχων: 
in the last years of the Pelopon- 
nesian War, because of the long- 
continued demand for service and 
the decline in wealth, it became 

necessary to assign two men to 
the burden that one had carried 
before. For the cost of the trier- 
archy see on 19. 42. — οοκιμα- 
σθωσαν : see on § 9. — πραττ€ται : 
see L. & S. s.v. V. 2. Present 
tense : he is doing it now by try- 
ing to persuade the court to accept 
the accounting. 

25. 'ASpiav : a notoriously dan- 
gerous voyage. Lysias says of a 
rascal at the Piraeus that his 
neighbors would rather take a 
voyage to the Adriatic than lend 
him money {Frag, 1 . 4) . — τα- 
λάντοιν : i.e. with a cargo of that 
value. — 8t€ ykv diriorcXXcv, 4ιτ€ΐ$ή 
8c fa -ώθη :. note δτε with the impf. 
for the contemporary, επειδή with 
the aor. for the preliminary, act 



παυοων ο κίνδυνος ειη, €π€ΐοτ/ οε εσωση και εοιπλασι- 
ασ€Ρ, αύτοδ τ^ι/ έμπορίαν εφασκεν είναι, καίτοι εί 
μεν τάς ζημίας τούτων αποδείξει, τα δέ σωθεντα των 
χρημάτων αυτός εζει, οποί μεν άνηλωται τα χρήματα 
ΐ95 ου χαλεπως εις τον λόγον εγγράφει, ραδίως δε εκ των 

26 αλλότριων αύτος πλουτησει. καθ* εκαστον μεν οδι/, 
ω άνδρες δικασταί, πολύ &ι/ έργον εΐη προς υμάς 
λογίζεσθαΐ' έπειδη δε μόλις παρ* αύτοΰ παρελαβον 
τα γράμματα, μάρτυρας έχων ήρωτων Άριστόδικον 

2οο τον άδελφον τον Άλέέχδος (αύτος yap ετύγχανε τετετ 
λευτηκώς), εΐ 6 λόγος αύτω εΐη 6 της τριηραρχίας' 6 
δε εφασκεν eipai, και ελθόντες οΐκαδε ηύρομεν Αιογεί- 
τονα τετταρας και είκοσι μνάς εκείνω συμβεβλημένον 

27 εις την τριηραρχίαν. ούτος δε επέδειξε δυοΐν δέουσας 
205 πεντήκοντα μνάς άνηλωκεναι, ώστε τούτοις λελογίσθαι 

οσονπερ όλον το άνάλωμα αύτω γεγένηται. καίτοι τί 
αύτον οίεσθε πεποιηκέναι περί ων αύτω ουδείς σύνοιδεν 

(see on 1 2. 53)• — τούτων: pred. 
possess. — σίτοι : tinder what head 
(in the account) as in § 20 οποί 
rpeif/eie τα χρήματα. — τόν λόγον : 
= τω λογισμω of § 19 an d τά 
•γράμματα of § 26. — έγγραψ€ΐ : its 
object is the clause οποί . . . χρή- 

26. καθ* ίκασ-τον : cp. κατά μήνα 
§ 20. — πολύ αν Ιργον €Ϊη . . . 
λογ£ζ€<τθαι : cp. the rare, condensed 
expression of § 11 πολλά άν ο-η 

27. οσ -ovircp: cp. on oinves 12. 
40. — irtpl ών αύτω κτλ. : as to 

those matters the knowledge of 
which no one shares with him, but 
which he Jiandled all alone. The 
object of avvodkv is assimilated to 
the case of its omitted antecedent 
(gen. with περί), and the object 
of ΰιζχϊίριζςν is to be supplied from 
ων. Immediately following is an 
instance of the carrying forward 
of the relative idea by the demon- 
strative, ί α δι ετέρων έπράχθη 
αϊ ον χαλίπόν ην 
Ι περί τούτων ιτνθίσθαι. 
For the omission of the second 
relative, or the substitution of a 

ΚΑΤΑ ΔΙ0ΓΕΙΤ0Ν05 XXXII 26-28 3" 

αλλ* αντος μόνος διεχείριζεν, ος α δι ετέρων επράχθη 
και ου χαλεπον ην περί τούτων πυθέσθαι, ετόλμησε 
ζιοφευσάμενος τέτταρσι και είκοσι μναΐς τους αυτού 
θυγατριδους ζημιωσαι ; Και μοι άνάβητε τούτων μάρ- 


28 Ύών μεν μαρτύρων άκηκόατε, Ζ άνδρες δικασταί' 
εγώ δ 9 δσα τελευτων ώμολόγησεν έχευν αύτος χρήματα, 

2ΐ5 επτά τάλαντα και τετταράκοντα μνας, εκ τούτων αντω 
λογιουμαι, πρόσοδον μεν ούδεμίαν άποφαίνων, άπο δε 
των υπαρχόντων άναλίσκων, και θήσω όσον ουδείς 
πώποτ εν τη πόλει, εις δύο παιδας και άδελφην και 
παιδαγωγον καϊ θεράπαιναν χίλια? δραχμάς εκάστου 

22ο ενιαυτου, μικρω ελαττον η τρεις δραχμάς της ημέρας • 

personal or demonstrative pronoun cost of living in Athens and in 

for it, see on 25. 11. — 81' Ιτίρων: modern cities. But in such esti- 

see on δια πλήθσυς 1 2. 87. mates we must bear in mind the 

28. άκηκόατ€: tense, see on 12. greater simplicity of dress, the 

48. — τ€λ€ντών: cp. on § 20. — small use of meat, and the low 

ώμολόγησ^ : see on § 20. — πρόσο- price of labor. (Cp. on § 23.) 

δον, τών υπαρχόντων : interest, cap- The eight years covered by this 

ital; see on νπάρχα 12. 23. The guardianship included six years 

estate would have yielded 12 per of the war, culminating in actual 

cent, enough to support the family famine before the surrender. The 

and add a good sum to the capital estimate is for the children of a 

yearly. — θήσω: cp. τίθησι § 21. rich family, and covers both food 

— παιδαγωγον : a family slave who and clothing. Thirty years later we 

cared for the boys at home and find the young Demosthenes with 

on their way to and from school ; his mother and sister supported 

see Gulick, p. 77. — θ€ράιταιναν: from the father's estate at a cost 

the sister's attendant. — χιλ£α« of 7 minae (= 700 dr.) per year 

δραχμά$ : this statement is of (this probably included the board 

value in estimating the relative and clothing of personal servants). 

3i a AYSIOY 

29 iv οκτώ αύται ereai γιγνονται οκτακισχιλιαι Βραχμαί, 
και άποΰείκνννται ίξ τάλαντα περιόντα καΧ είκοσι 
μ,ναι. ου γαρ αν ονναιτο αποοειςαι ονσ νπο Καστών 
άπολωλβκως ovre ζημίαν βίληφως ovre χρησταις άπο- 

225 δεδωκώ?. . . . 

2g. ircptovra : in the absence of form no safe estimate of what 
the full account (λογισμό?) which surplus really should have been 
was before the jury (§ 19) we can found. Cp. Introd. p. 285 N. 2. 



This speech was written immediately after the return of the 
democratic exiles from the Piraeus, for a citizen to deliver in op- 
position to a motion that under the restored democracy the fran- 
chise be restricted to holders of real estate and to men of pure 
Athenian descent. 1 

By the amnesty effected under the mediation of the Spartan 
king, Pausanias, the two opposing parties were now reunited. The 
past was to be forgotten, the exiles restored to their homes, and 
the orderly life of the city taken, up again. Pending the election 
of officers and the establishment of courts, a provisional administra- 
tion was set up by the election of twenty men as a governing 
board, doubtless made up of ten from each party (Andoc. i. 81). 

The first question to be settled, before senators or other officers 
could be chosen or courts put into operation, was that of the 
franchise. Should citizenship with full political rights be open to 
all Athenian men as before the oligarchical revolution, or should 
it be restricted according to the understanding with Sparta the 
year before in connection with the surrender? 2 

1 The first restriction only is mentioned by Dionysius in his introduction, 
but the second is implied in ofrre yivei άχελαυνόμενο* § 3 ; it was far less im- 
portant than the first. 

2 Usener (Jahrb. 1873, p. 164 ff.) holds that the men of the lowest class 
were not admitted to the first deliberations after the Return, but that the 
restriction of the franchise which had been legally adopted in connection 
with the establishment of the Thirty was considered as still in force. He 
holds that the question now under discussion was that of the continuance of 



It might well be presumed that the restoration of the demo- 
cratic constitution would be considered an affront to Sparta, and 
it is possible that the Spartans had made definite statements to 
this effect. 1 Moreover, the large body of conservatives who had, 
both in the revolution of 411 and in that of 404, sought to exclude 
the lowest class from political privileges, feared now more than 
ever to see the Demos brought back to power, embittered as the 
democratic exiles were by their sufferings and flushed with success. 
Who could guarantee the loyalty of the Demos to the terms of the 
amnesty, when once demagogue and sycophant should resume 
their trade ? 

This, too, seemed to be a good opportunity to clear the voting 
lists of many names of men of doubtful descent, who had been 
admitted to citizenship in recent years because of the great losses 

this restriction, and that the assembly for which the speech of Lysias was 
written included only the men of the upper classes. Usener finds support for 
this view in the fact that the appeal in our speech is constantly to the men of 
property, and, by supplying ttoKlv with τ^ν ύμετέραν, § 5, he obtains explicit 
confirmation of the statement that on their return the Demos did not take 
part in the administration (aorbs δέ ταύτη* ούκ 4τό\μησ€ μ£τασχ€ΐν). Wilamo- 
witz (Aristoteles u. Athen, II, p. 225 ff.) finds confirmation of Usener's view 
in the statement of Aristotle (Resp. Ath. 39. 6) that under the amnesty the 
former officials of the city party were to give their accounting before the 
citizens whose names were on the assessors' lists (rots τα τιμήματα τταρςχομέ- 
vots), t.e. the men of the upper classes ; from this he concludes that this body 
formed the citizen body during the interval between the Return and the 
settlement of the permanent form of government. But the very fact that the 
amnesty provides that only property holders shall audit the accounts of offi- 
cers of the city party implies that the government in general is to be in the 
hands of the whole people. Nor does the theory of the exclusion of the 
Thetes from the suffrage accord with the address of Thrasybulus immediately 
after the return, when he reminds the members of the city party that they 
are being handed over like muzzled dogs to the Demos (Xen. Hell. 2. 4. 41). 
In our speech of Lysias the appeal is certainly to the property holders, but 
that is natural in any case, for the result will turn on their action. For the 
position against Usener, see Blass, p. 449 ff. ; Meyer, Forschungen zur alien 
Geschichte y II, p. 177, n. I. 
^p. §6. 


of citizens by war, but who were really ineligible under the con- 
stitution. For, since the amendment of Pericles in 451/0 B.C., 
those who could not show pure Athenian descent through both 
parents had been by law excluded from citizenship. Not only 
was it thought wise now to clear the lists of such names, but it 
was evident that the practically obsolete law must be revived 
to guard against the incoming of many new applicants, sons 
of Athenians who had until recently lived among the tributary 
states of the empire. These citizens had married foreign wiv£s, 
and now many of them with their families were returning to 
Athens, bringing with them the question of admitting their half- 
Athenian sons to citizenship. 1 

The two proposals were formally brought before the people by 
motion of Phormisius. He had been a well-known soldier in the 
war, 2 and was one of the leading supporters of Theramenes. 8 The 
death of his party chief and the suppression of the moderate aris- 
tocrats by Critias drove him over to the democrats, and he shared 
their exile and return. 4 It was natural that upon the reorganiza- 
tion of the democracy he should attempt to embody in the new 
constitution the principle for which Theramenes had always stood, 
a moderate limitation of the franchise. But his well-known record 
as a supporter of one faction of the oligarchs gave point to the 
charge that he was still an oligarch at heart, and had joined the 
democrats at the Piraeus only to secure his own safety (§ 2). e 

1 Schaefer, Demosthenes, I. 2 139. 

2 Aristophanes makes sport of Phormisius's hairy face and military bearing 
{Frogs, 965 f., 405 B.C.) ; he calls him a trumpeting-whiskered-lancer, a gnash- 

8 Arist. Resp. Ath. 34. 3. 4 § 2 of our speech, Dionysius, Lysias, § 32. 

6 Of the later fortunes of Phormisius we know only that he was a promi- 
nent member of an unsuccessful embassy to Susa just before the Peace of 
Antalcidas (the poet Plato, Π^σ /Scts, Fr. 119-121, Kock) , and that he in some 
way escaped the condemnation that befell a part of the embassy on their 
return (Dem. 19. 277), for we hear of him as one of the Athenians who in 
379 gave active support to the Theban exiles in recovering their city from the 
Spartan garrison (Din. 1. 38). 


To his proposal the democratic leaders of the Return were 
opposed. They insisted on the political rights of their poorer 
comrades, and some were ready even to grant citizenship to 
metics and slaves who had shared their dangers. 

The outcome was the defeat of Phormisius's motion, and the 
reenactment of the old Solonian constitution as a temporary form 
of government. To a special commission, acting with the Senate, 
was intrusted the preparation and adoption of such amendments 
as' they might judge to be necessary to adapt it to present con- 
ditions. 1 The conservatives were probably placated by the terms 
of the enactment, which read : 28o£e τω δήμω, Ύεισαμχνος dire, 
7ΓθλιΤ€νεσ0αι ' Αθηναίους κατά. τα πάτρια, νόμοις 8c χρησθαι τοις δόλω- 
νος, και μετροις και σταθμοΐς, χρησθαι 8c και τοις Δράκοντος $€σμοϊς, 
οίσπερ Ιχρωμεθα iv τω πρόσθεν χρόνω (Andoc. ι. 83). This, if taken 
literally, would mean that, while the franchise was to be open to all 
classes, and all would have seats on the juries, the other political 
privileges of the lower classes, which had grown into the constitu- 
tion since Solon's time, would be cut off, and a really conservative 
democracy would result. This may have been the effect during 
the short time occupied by the Constitutional Commission in mak- 
ing the revision, but when their work was completed it was found 
that the Periclean type of democracy, and not the Solonian, was 
the result. 

One part of Phormisius's proposal was, however, renewed in 
the same year, when Aristophon carried a motion that the sons of 
foreign mothers be excluded from the franchise ; but this action 
was too sweeping, and it was soon so modified by the resolution 
of Nicomenes that the exclusion was not retroactive, but applied 
only to sons born after 403. 2 

Not content with defeating the essential provisions of Phor- 
misius's motion, the democrats two years later carried a motion 

1 That our speech was not written for delivery before the commission is 
clear from the fact that the address is not to senators but to citizens (§§ I, 3, 
9, ii), and that the appeal is not to men acting for others, but for themselves. 

2 Schaefer, Demosthenes, I. 2 138 ff. 


of Thrasybulus that the franchise be extended to all who had 
shared in the Return from the Piraeus. But one of their own 
leaders, Archinus, succeeded in annulling it in the courts as un- 
constitutional. 1 But, as a compromise, citizenship was granted to 
the little group of foreigners who had stood with the first small 
band of exiles at Phyle. 2 


This speech of Lysias is of especial interest as being his earliest 
extant speech, and perhaps the first that he wrote for a client. 
It is, moreover, the only extant speech of his composed for de- 
livery before the Ecclesia. We owe its preservation to Dionysius 
of Halicarnassus, who incorporated it in his treatise on Lysias, 8 as 
an example of his style. 

It is generally assumed that the speech as preserved by Dio- 
nysius is only a fragment. While it is complete in thought, and 
while §§ io-n would form a fitting peroration, yet the speech 

1 See Introd. p. 21. 

2 A part of the original record of this act was discovered on the Acropolis 
in 1884. It contains also a mutilated list of the metics who received citizen- 
ship, a group of humble laboring men; among them are "Chaeredemus the 
farmer, Leptines the cook, Demetrius the carpenter, Euphorion the muleteer, 
Hegesias the gardener, Sosias the fuller," and others of like occupation, while 
among these good Greek names stands Bendiphanes, a name to shock the 
blue-blooded Athenian who should find it on the check-list of his tribe. It is 
probable that this decree was moved by Archinus, who was the mover of the 
decree bestowing honors upon the citizens of the Phyle band (Aeschin. 3. 187, 
190), and who would naturally, after defeating the more generous proposal 
of Thrasybulus, be the man to present the alternative proposition. The 
decree for the metics of Phyle was passed in 401/0 (Koerte, MAI. XXV, 
p. 394, against von Prott, ibid. p. 37) and its natural connection with the 
motion of Thrasybulus warrants Meyer ( Gesch. d. Alt, V. 222) in carrying that 
motion over to the same year, against the corrupt account of the biographers 
of Lysias, who place it immediately after the Return (1•κ αναρχίας της rpb 
Εύκλείδου, Ps.-Plut. 835 F). For other considerations in favor of this date see 
Meyer, t.c. 

8 See p. 285, n. 3. 


seems too brief for the occasion. Neither of the two other 
speeches preserved by Dionysius is given in full, and it is probable 
that he took this part from the beginning of a longer speech. 
Appeals to members of the former city party and to the class 
in danger of disfranchisement may have followed. 

The uncertainty as to the relation of the extant fragment to 
the whole speech makes it impossible to determine the relations 
of its subdivisions, or to judge of its effectiveness. The plan of 
this part is simple : to appeal to the great middle class, men who 
have shared in the exile and the Return, and to convince them 
that the loss of the support of the non-landholding citizens will be 
more dangerous to the restored democracy than the chance of 
offending Sparta by failing to meet her wishes as to the revision 
of the constitution. The event proved the soundness of the argu- 
ment. Sparta did not interfere (see on § 6), and the democracy 
was soon called upon to take up arms again against the oligarchs 
at Eleusis. 

In the composition of the speech two facts are significant: 
first, the meaning is not always clear. One must read and reread 
before being sure of the meaning of some sentences, and some 
are capable of widely differing interpretations ; much is left to be 
supplied between the lines. The brevity is like Lysias, but not 
the obscurity. Second, there is a marked rhetorical coloring in 
the whole. The tricks of the current rhetoric are conspicuous — 
repeated antithesis and balance of cola, the rhyming of successive 
cola, and play on the sound of words. We may probably see in 
these features evidence of immaturity in practical oratory. Up to 
this time Lysias had written only for exhibition and for hearers 
who cared more for novelty of expression than clearness of thought 
The language of this first public speech is not clear enough for 
argument in the Ecclesia, and it has too many marks of the rhet- 
orician to be put into the mouth of a client. 

How soon and how thoroughly Lysias corrected both faults, we 
see in the speech against Diogiton (written a year or two later) 
and that for Mantitheus (some ten years later). 


The more noteworthy rhetorical expressions are the following : 

§ 4. ών υμεΐς άντεχόμενοι βέβαιος 8ημοκρατησεσθε 

των 8k έχθρων πλέον επικρατήσετε 
ώφελιμώτεροι 8k τοις συμμάχοις Ισεσθε. 

πολλούς μεν αυτών αποθανόντα*; 
πολλούς 8 εκ της πόλεως εκπεσόντας. 1 

§ 5• ovSk τους λόγους πιστότερους των έργων 

oi8k τα μέλλοντα των γεγενημενων νομιεΐτε. 

(κ τω μεν λόγω τω δήμω πολεμουσι 
τω 8k έργω των υμετέρων επιθυμουσιν. 

§11. οτε μεν εφευγομεν 

εμαχόμεθα ΑακεΒαιμονίοις 
ϊνα κατελθωμεν 

κατελθόντες 8k φευζόμεθα 
ϊνα μη μαχώμεθα . 

The last period is quoted in Aristotle, Rhetoric ; 2. 23, as fol- 
lows : 

εΐ φεύγοντες μλν εμαχόμεθα δπως κατελθωμεν 
κατελθόντες 8k φευζόμεθα δπως μη μαχώμεθα. 

The rhetoricians have evidently worked over the period to 
make it even more formal. See App. § 57. 7. 

1 On the παρομοίωσα and επαναφορά see App. § 57. 3, 5. 



1 *Οτε ενομίζομεν, ω άνδρες Αθηναίοι, τάς γεγενημέ- 
νας συμφοράς Ικανά μνημεία rfj πόλει καταλελεΐφθαι, 
ώστε μηδ' αν τους επιγιγνομενους ετέρας πολιτείας hrir 
θυμειν, τότε δη οΰτοι τους κακώς πεπονθότας καΧ άμφο- 
$τέρων πεπειραμένους εζαπατησαί ζητουσι τοις αυτοίς 
2ψηφίσμασιν, οΐσπερ και πρότερον δϊς ηδη. και τού- 
των μεν ου θαυμάζω, υμών 8ε τών άκροωμένων, δτι 
πάντων έστε επιΚησμονέστατοι η πάσχειν ετοιμότατοι 
κακώς υπο τοιούτων ανδρών, οί τη μεν τυχίβ τών Πει- 

ι. &ν: see on 12. ι. — ιτολι- 2. ύμων : the appeal throughout 

rcCas: polity, form of government; the speech is to the members of 

cp. on § 3. — δή : force, see on 25. the upper classes. They form a 

9 (A). — ούτοι: Phormisius and large majority of a full ecclesia, 

his supporters; see I ntrod. p. 315. and their vote will decide the 

— Αμφοτέρων: both constitutions, question. Some of them have 

democratic and oligarchical. — olc- been supporters of the Thirty, 

ircp: see on ofrives 12. 40. — καΐ others have just returned with 

irpOTcpov : for και in comparisons Thrasybulus from exile. (On the 

see on 19. 2 (C). — 8ls ήδη : one number of the Thetes see on § 4.) 

of the first steps in the institution — Ilcipaioi: locative, HA• 220; 

of the oligarchies of the Four G. 296 ; B. 76 N. ; Gl. 527. Cp. 

Hundred and of the Thirty was on 12. 50. For the connection 

the exclusion of the masses from of Phormisius with the party of 

political rights. the Piraeus see Introd. p. 315. 




ιοραιοΐ πραγμάτων μετέσχον, τη δε γνώμη των εζ 
άστεως, καίτοι τί έδει φεύγοντας κατελθείν 9 ει χειρο- 

3 τονουντες υμάς αυτούς καταδουλώσεσθε ; εγώ μεν ουν 9 
ω άνδρες Αθηναίοι, ούτε ουσία της πολιτείας ούτε γένει 
άπελαυνόμενος, αλλ' αμφότερα των άντιλεγόντων πρότ 

is τερος ων, ηγούμαι ταύτην μόνην σωτηρίαν είναι τη 
πόλει, άπασι^ Άθηναίοις της πολιτείας μετεΐναι, επεϊ 
ore καΐ τα τείχη και τάς ναυς και χρήματα καΐ συμμά- 
χους εκεκτήμεθα, ουχ όπως τινά Άθηναΐον άπώσομεν 
διενοούμεθα, άλλα και Έύβοευσιν επιγαμίαν εποιού- 

&>μεθα- νυν δε και τους υπάρχοντας πολίτας άπελώμεν ; 

4ουκ, εάν εμοιγε πείθησθε, ουδέ μετά των τειχών και 
ταύτα ημών αυτών περιαιρησόμεθα, οπλίτας πολλούς 

— κατ€λθ€Ϊν: force, see on 16. 4• 

— κατα8ουλώσ-€σ-θ€ : future tense 
of an action intended, proposed 
(= μέλλω with infin.). See on 
ei πείσει 24. 13. 

3• iroXiTcCas: citizenship. See 
Crit. Note. — yivti: see Introd. 
p. 3 14 f. — Εύβθ€\κτιν 4ιτιγαμ(αν : as 
a mark of especial gratitude or 
friendship Athens sometimes con- 
ferred upon individual foreigners, 
and even upon cities, the privi- 
leges of intermarriage (αγαμία), 
acquisition of real estate in Attica 
(ίγκτησις -γης και οικίας, cp. p. 10, 
Ν. ι), and exemption from the 
metics' tax (άτέλαα, cp. p. 9). 
Close connection with Euboea was 
always of the utmost importance 
to Athens. The Ιπνγαμία not 
'lysias — 21 

only bound the states together, 
but enabled the Athenian cle- 
ruchs, who were settled there in 
large numbers, to intermarry with 
their neighbors. The sons of 
such marriage had full Athenian 
citizenship. — υπάρχοντα? : force, 
see on νπάρχ€ΐ 12. 23. 

4. μ€τά των τ€ΐχών : the Long 
Walls had been torn down the 
year before under the terms of 
the surrender. For μετά see on 
19. 14. — •τΓ€ριαιρησ-όμ«θα : Lysias 
assumes that if the masses are 
disfranchised they can no longer 
be called out with the citizen 
troops. Deprived of their rights 
in the state, they could not be 
trusted to fight for it. — oirXCras, 
linrfas, Tojjoras: the regular hop- 



καϊ ιππέας και τοζότας • ων ύμέΐς αντεχόμ&οι βεβαίως 
δημοκρατησεσθε, των δέ έχθρων πλέον επικρατήσετε, 
25 ώφελιμωτεροι δέ τοις συμμάχοις eaeaOe- Ιπνστασθζ 
γαρ τα έν ταΐς έφ' ημών ολιγαρχίαις γεγενημένα και 
ου τους γην κεκτημένους έχοντας την πόλιν, άλλα 
πολλού* μ€ν αύτων άποθανόντας, πολλούς δ* έκ της 

lites and horsemen were of the 
higher property classes, and would 
not be affected by this change. 
But under the pressure of the 
long war the state had come to 
make considerable use of the 
Thetes beyond their regular ser- 
vice as rowers of the triremes 
(see on 16. 14). With the anni- 
hilation of the navy the work as 
rowers had ceased, so Lysias natu- 
rally speaks only of their other 
service. Perhaps he has in mind 
also the fact that many members 
of the classes that regularly fur- 
nished hoplites and horsemen are 
now by loss of property reduced 
to the class of Thetes. Dionysius 
says (Lysias, § 32) that about 
5000 men would have been ex- 
cluded from citizenship by this 
motion. The number of Thetes 
at the beginning of the Pelopon- 
nesian War is estimated at about 
20,000 (Meyer, Forschungen zur 
alt en Geschichte II. 168 ff.). The 
greatest losses of life in the war 
fell upon them through their ser- 
vice in the fleet. — δημοκρατήσ -e- 

<rGc: the oligarchy had but just 
been put down ; some of its 
leaders and many of its supporters 
were now settled at Eleusis; the 
future of the democracy was still 
matter of anxiety (cp. 12. 35, 
spoken soon after). — των εχθρών: 
the exiled oligarchs. — τοϊ* «τυμτ 
μάχοΐδ : the Spartans. One of the 
conditions of surrender was alli- 
ance with Sparta (τον αυτόν Ιχθρον 
και φίλον νομίζοντας Λακεδαι/ζονι- 
οις ατεσθαι και κατά γην και κατά 
0άλατταν σποι αν ηγωνται Xen. 
Hell. 2. 2. 20). It had been urged 
that the proposed measure must 
be passed to please the Spartans. 
Lysias says that a united people 
will be a more useful ally. — Uf 
ημών: see on 12. 17. — oi του$ 
γήν κτλ. : 'the advocates of the 
measure urge you to intrust your 
welfare to the holders of real 
estate ; but experience has proved 
that against the oligarchs, your 
past and present enemies, the 
landholders are powerless; it is 
only the strength of the Demos 
that can protect you.' 


3 2 3 

5 πόλεως εκπεσόντας, ους 6 8ημος καταγαγών ύμΐν 
ζομεν την ύμετεραν άπεΰωκεν, αύτος δε ταύτης ουκ ετόλ- 
μησε μετασχεΐν. ωστ% εάν εμοιγε πείθησθε, ου τους 
ευεργέτας, καθο δύνασθε, της πατρίδος αποστερήσετε, 
ούδε τους λόγους πιστότερους των έργων ουδέ τα μέλ- 
λοντα των γεγενημενων νομιεΐτε, άλλως τε και- μεμνη- 
35μενοι των π€ρι της ολιγαρχίας μαχόμενων, οί τω μεν 
λόγω τψ 8η μω πολεμουσι, τω 8ε έργω των υμετέρων 
επιθυμούσαν • άπερ κτησονται, δταν ύμας έρημους συμ- 
μάχων λάβωσιν. 
β Είτα τοιούτων ημΐν υπαρχόντων ερωτωσι τις εσται 
4ο σωτηρία τη πάλει, ει μη ποιησομεν α Αακεδαιμόνιοι 

5• 4κι«σόντο5 : see on €$€π€σον 
12. 57• — καταγαγών: cp. on κατ- 
(Χθίίν 1 6. 4• — τ Ά ν νμττέραν: sc. 
γην. Much property had been 
confiscated by the Thirty, much 
abandoned in the flight of the 
owners. The restored Demos put 
the owners back into possession, 
and made no attempt at a dis- 
tribution of land among them- 
selves. For a different interpre- 
tation, by supplying πάλιν with την 
υμ€Τ€ραν (from Ιχοντας την πάλιν 
above) see Introd. p. 313 ν. 2. — 
avros 8c . . . ονκ Ιτόλμησ -c : while 
themselves not venturing. An 
English speaker would use the 
logical subordination for this 
clause; see on 12. 47. — τά μέλ- 
λοντα : sc. πιστότ€/οα. — επιθυμού- 
σαν : the facts justify this charge. 

The Thirty had not been content 
with robbing metics, but had made 
themselves feared and hated by 
the citizen property owners. — 
vpas : the men of the upper classes, 
the holders of property. 

6. cIto: see on 12. 26(C). — τοι- 
ούτων ήμίν υπαρχόντων : force, see 
on υπάρχει 12. 23. — ποιήσομτν: 
' monitory,' see on άφησονσιν 12. 
35. — KcXevovo-tv: see Introd. p. 
314. The event showed that the 
Spartan insistence upon dictating 
in the internal affairs of Athens 
had been due to the personal in- 
fluence of Lysander. With his 
fall from power this policy was 
abandoned, and the restored Athe- 
nian democracy was left undis- 
turbed. — τοΰτονβ clnttv άξιώ : /call 
upon them to tell* tovtovs, the 

3 2 4 


κελεύουσιν ; εγω Sc τούτους ειπείν άζιω, τις τφ π\ήθει 
περνγενησεται, ει ποιήσομεν α εκείνοι προστάττουσιν ; 
ei δε μη, πολύ κάλλιον μαχομενοις άποθν^σκειν η 
7 φανερώς ημών αυτών θάνατον καταψηφίσασθαι. ηγου- 
4$μαι γάρ 9 εάν μεν πείσω, άμφοτεροις κοινον είναι τον 
κίνδυνον ο ρω δε και Άργείους και Μαντινεας την 
αυτήν έχοντας γνώμην την αυτών οίκουντας, τους μεν 

regular word for the opponents in 
court or debate ; see on τούτον 12. 
8 1 . — t£s : sc. σωτηρία. — τφ ιτλή- 
Oci : force, see on 12. 42. — acctvoi : 
the Spartans. — cl 8c μή κτλ. : 
' but if they cannot tell that, it is 
much better for us to die fighting 
than to condemn ourselves to cer- 
tain death? 

7. ηγούμαι κτλ. : the proposal 
of Phormisius involves extreme 
danger to one part (τω πλήθει) 
of the state; the speaker admits 
that his own policy also involves 
danger, but he holds that it is the 
more honorable course (κάλλιον), 
because both parties in the state 
(άμφοτίροις) will share the danger. 
— ορώ U κτλ. : he has said, "It is 
better to die fighting"; but now 
he shows that, after all, there is 
no likelihood of things coming 
to that pass. The example of the 
Argives and Mantineans shows 
that a people weaker than Sparta 
may venture to administer their 
own affairs, knowing that Sparta 
will not take the risk of losing 
what she has in the hopeless 

attempt to enslave a determined 
people. Argos never followed the 
lead of Sparta except under com- 
pulsion, or by the action of her 
own oligarchical faction, which 
sought supremacy by Spartan sup- 
port. In 418 Argos was forced 
into alliance with Sparta, and an 
oligarchical government was set 
up. But in the next year a suc- 
cessful democratic reaction carried 
the state over to the Athenian 
alliance, and with more or less of 
vigor it supported Athens through- 
out the war. Mantinea, which 
had joined Argos against Sparta, 
was like her forced by the events 
of 418 to return to the Spartan 
alliance, and remained nominally 
under Sparta's lead throughout 
the war. But she maintained her 
democratic constitution, and gave 
only indifferent support to the 
Spartans. — την αΰτην 2χοντα« γνώ- 
μην: 'although maintaining the 
same policy that I advise,' i.e. 
that of refusing to abandon demo- 
cratic government at Spartan dic- 
tation, — την αντδν oUovvTOf ; 


όμορους οντάς Αακεδαιμονίοις 9 τους δε εγγύς οικούντας, 
49 καΧ τους μεν ούδεν ημών πλείους, τους δε ούδε τρισγι- 

8 λίους οντάς. Ισασι γαρ δτι 9 καν πολλάκις είς την τού- 
των εμβάλλωσι, πολλάκις αυτοΐς άπαντησονται δπλα 
λαβόντες, ώστε ου καλός αυτοις ο κίνδυνος δοκεΐ είναι* 
εάν μεν νικήσωσι, τούτους μη καταδουλώσασθαί γε, 
εάν δε ήττηθώσι, σφάς αυτούς των υπαρχόντων άγα#ώι> 

55 άποστερησαι • δσω δ* άν άμεινον πράττωσι, τοσούτω 

9 ήττον επιθυμούσι κινδυνεύειν. εΐχομεν δε 9 ω άνδρες 
Αθηναίοι, και ημείς τ αύτη ν την γνώμην 9 οτε των Έλλτ/- 
νων ήρχομεν 9 καϊ εδοκουμεν καλώς βουλεύεσθαι περί- 
ορώντες μεν την χωράν τεμνομενην, ου νομίζοντες δε 

βοχρηναι περί αυτής δια/ζ,ά^εσ^αι • άξιον γάρ ην ολίγων 
άμελουντας πολλών άγα^ώι/ φείσασθαι. νυν δε 9 επει 
εκείνων μεν απάντων μάχχι εστερημεθα 9 η δε πατρίς 

holding their own territory, i.e. both peoples always rise up again 
against any attempt of Sparta after their defeats, as stubborn as 
to dislodge them as dangerous ever. It is not worth while, then, 
neighbors. for the Spartans to risk serious 
8. fcrcuri : sc. Aa/cc&u/AoVtot, see losses of their own for the slight 
Crit. Note. — καν πολλάκις κτλ. : gain of an incomplete subjugation 
even if they invade them again of their neighbors. — των νιταρχόν- 
and again. In fact, they have των: see on υπάρχιι 12. 23. 
ceased invading. For και ci see 9. την χώραν τ€μνομένην: ae- 
on 1 6. 2. — πολλάκις, ιτολλάκιβ : on cording to the advice of Pericles 
the ίπαναφορά see App. § 57. 5. at the opening of the Peloponne- 
— τούτων : the Argives and Man- sian War, to allow the Spartans 
tineans. — ώστ€ . . . ookcI ctvoi : to ravage Attica rather than risk 
so that the risk seems to them (the defeat on land, where Athens was 
Spartans) to be inglorious. If the weak, and to consider the mainte- 
Spartans conquer, they know that nance of her empire by sea so 
they will not succeed in enslaving great an issue as to make the 
the Argives and Mantineans, for losses of orchards and houses 


ημΐν λέλειπται, ϊσμεν ότι 6 κίνδυνος οϋτος μόνος έχει 

ΙΟτάς ελπίδας της σωτηρίας, άλλα γάρ.χρη άναμνη- 

65 σθ4ντας ότι ηδη και ετεροις αδικούμενοι? βοηθησαντες 

iv rjj αλλότρια πολλά τρόπαια των πολεμίων εστη- 

σαμεν 9 άνδρας αγαθούς περί της πατρίδος καϊ ημών 

αυτών γίγνεσθαι, πιστεύοντας μεν τοις θεοίς ελπίζον 

69 τα? δ* ετι το δίκαιον μετά των αδικούμενων εσεσθαχ. 

11 δεινον γαρ αν εΐη 9 ω άνδρες Αθηναίοι, ει 9 δτε μεν 

εφεύγομεν 9 εμαχόμεθα Αακεδαιμονίοις, ίνα κατελθωμεν 9 

κατελθόντες δε φευξόμεθα 9 ϊνα μη μαχώμεθα. ουκ 

οΖν αίσχρον ει εις τούτο κακίας ήζομεν 9 ώστε οι μεν 

πρόγονοι και υπέρ της των άλλων ελευθερίας διεκινδύ- 

75νευον, ύμεΐς δε ουδέ υπέρ της υμετέρας αυτών τολμάτε 

πολεμενν ; . . . 

trifling in comparison (Thuc. 2. Ύ)σθόμψ 1 6. 2θ. — τδ δίκαιον . . . 
62). — ό κίνδυνοδ ovtos : this lo-ccrOcu: justice will be with the 
risk : < only by taking the risk victims of injustice. But the text 
of ignoring Sparta's dictation, is doubtful, see Crit. Note, 
and keeping a united people, can n. &rrc ol pcv πρόγονοι : thaU 
we hope to maintain ourselves while our fathers. On the Greek 
against the attempts of the exiled preference for coordination of anti- 
oligarchs.' thetic clauses cp. on § 5 and on 
10. αλλά γάρ: force, see on 12.47. For the rhetorical άτανα- 
12. 4θ. — αλλότρια : sc. yrj. — 4στή- στροφή and κύκλος in this section 
σ -aocv: empirical aorist, see on see App. § 57. 7, 8. 



[In this chronological outline the sole purpose is to furnish a table of reference 
for the events involved in the speeches of Lysias that are contained in this volume. 
Some events that are otherwise of little importance are included because necessary 
to an understanding of the speeches. 

For the dating of the speeches, see Blass, p. 647. For Speeches I, IV, V, and 
XXIII not even approximate dates can be given. For the outline of events from 
413 to 404 B.C. I have followed Busolt, III, ii, p. xxxi if. For the period after 404, 
Meyer and Beloch. For 410-403 cp. Boerner, De Rebus a Graecis inde ab Anno 

410 usque ad Annum 403 A. Chr. N.gestis Quaestiones Historical ; Gottingen, 1894. 
For 408-380 cp. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, Marburg, 1892.] 

I. Events before the Revolution of the Four Hundred. 
413 B.C. September. Defeat of the Athenian expedition to Sicily. 

Appointment of ten ΙΙρόβονλοι by the Athenians as an ex- 
traordinary Committee of Safety, taking over a part of the work 
of the democratic Senate. 
412 Rapid defection of Athenian allies. Sparta assured of active sup- 
port of Syracuse and of Persia. Seat of war transferred to 
subject states of the Aegean. 

Lysias and Polemarchus are banished from Thurii. 
November-December. The Athenian Pisander heads a movement 
among trierarchs of the fleet to win the Persian support away 
from Sparta through intercession of Alcibiades . This service of 
Alcibiades is conditioned on a change in Athenian government 
by limiting the democracy. 
December. Pisander is sent to Athens with a committee from the 
leaders of the fleet to propose the change in constitution. 

411 January. The Ecclesia reluctantly approves the plan, and ap- 

points Pisander and ten others to treat with Alcibiades and 

Pisander perfects the organization of the oligarchical clubs in 
the city to prepare for the revolution. 


Pisander and the other commissioners return to the fleet. 
They fail in their negotiations with Alcibiades and Tissapher- 
nes. Unable to retreat safely from the revolutionary movement, 
Pisander with five of the commissioners returns to Athens to 
complete the work. 

May. The oligarchical clubs with Lysander finish their prepa- 

June. The revolution is consummated by the establishment of 
the provisional government of the Four Hundred in place of the 
democratic Senate, the restriction of the franchise to a body 
of not less than five thousand property holders, and the adop- 
tion of temporary and permanent constitutions. The Four 
Hundred are for the time being in absolute control. 
Lysias and Polemarchus return to Athens. 

II. The Rule of the Four Hundred, June to September, 411 B.C. 

The men of the fleet at Samos refuse to submit to the Four 
Hundred, organize themselves as the sovereign democracy, elect 
generals of their own, and call Alcibiades to the chief command. 

The Four Hundred negotiate for peace with Sparta, and plan 
for the complete control of the harbor. 

Growing opposition between the extreme oligarchs, led by 
Antiphon, and the moderate oligarchs, led by Aristocrates and 
Theramenes. The moderates demand that the five thousand 
citizens be designated. They hope for reconciliation with Alci- 
biades and the men of the fleet. 
September. The approach of a Lacedaemonian fleet and the loss 
of Euboea bring the reaction to a head. The people, led by 
Theramenes, depose the Four Hundred and place the govern- 
ment in the hands of ' all citizens who can furnish arms.' This 
moderate restriction of the franchise is known to be acceptable 
to Alcibiades and the fleet. 

III. The Rule of the Moderate Aristocracy, led by Theramenes, 
411-410 B.C. 

The new government carries out the reconciliation with Alci- 
biades and the fleet 

Some of the extreme oligarchs flee to the Spartan camp. Anti- 
phon and two others are executed as traitors, Theramenes taking 
an active part in their prosecution. 


Many less prominent oligarchs are punished with fine or 

The new administration is strengthened by a naval victory 
off Cynossema on the Hellespont {Sept.) and another at Aby- 
dus {Nov.). 
410 Early Spring. Alcibiades wins the great victory of Cyzicus, cap- 
turing the whole Peloponnesian fleet. Regains control of the 
grain route. 
May-June. Thrasyllus sails from Athens with reinforcements of 
ships and men for Alcibiades ; he suffers a severe defeat in an 
attack on Ephesus. 1 

The moderate restrictions of the compromise constitution are 
removed, and democracy is fully restored without violence (be- 
fore the beginning of the new civil year, July 13). 

IV. The Rule of the Radical Democracy after the First Restoration, 
410-404 B.C. 

Cleophon, the popular leader, provides for the masses by daily 
donations and by employment on public works. 

The "sycophants" resume their trade, and vigorous attacks 
are made in the courts against the lesser supporters of the Four 
409 Beginning of friendly relations with Evagoras, tyrant of Salamis in 
Winter (409/8). Alcibiades takes Byzantium. 
408 June. Alcibiades returns to Athens. He is received with extraor- 
dinary honors, and is given practical control of the adminis- 
407 The Athenian defeat at Notium leads to the deposition of Alcibia- 
des. Conon succeeds him in chief command. 
406 June. Great efforts to equip a fleet to rescue Conon, blockaded 
in the harbor of Mytilene. 
July-August. Athens wins a victory at Arginusae, but loses some 

four thousand men by the storm. 
Autumn. Condemnation and execution of the generals of Argi- 

1 Grote and Beloch place the expedition of Thrasyllus in 409 and the 
return of Alcibiades in 407. Beloch places the battle of Notium in 406. For 
a summary of this much-disputed question, see Busolt, III. ii. 1529. 


Peace proposals of the Spartans are rejected under influence 
of Cleophon. 
405 September. Lysander seizes the Athenian fleet at Aegospotami. 
Conon takes refuge with Evagoras. 
Late Autumn. Beginning of the siege of Athens. 

Ambassadors sent to Agis to treat for peace. Then, by his 
direction, sent to Lacedaemonia. Their proposals refused, and 
other conditions laid down. 
404 January. Theramenes sent to Lysander to learn the real purpose 
of Sparta. He uses the opportunity to mature plans for Lysan- 
der's help in overthrowing the democracy and restoring the ban- 
ished oligarchs. He stays with Lysander three months. 

The aristocrats come into control, and secure the death of 
April. Theramenes, at the head of an embassy of ten, is sent to 

Sparta with full powers to negotiate peace. 
Lysancter takes possession of Athens, and begins the demolition 
of the walls (about April 25). 
Lysander besieges Samos. 

The two aristocratic factions, led respectively by Critias and 
Theramenes, together mature plans for the overthrow of the 
Early Summer (f). The oligaichy of the Thirty is set up by the 
help of Lysander. 1 

V. The Rule of the Thirty and their Successors, 404-403 B.C. 

1. Administration of the Thirty. 

The Thirty receive a Spartan garrison under Callibius. 3 

Execution of prominent democratic leaders. 

Death of Polemarchus and flight of Lysias. 

Three thousand admitted to nominal political rights. All 
others are disarmed. 

Growing disagreement between the extreme and moderate 
factions of the Thirty. Theramenes is put to death by influence 
of Critias. 

All men outside the three thousand are forced to leave the city. 

1 For the month, see Meyer, V. 19 Anm. So Beloch, II. 109 Anm. ; Boerner 
(p. 71), Sept.; Judeich (p. 28 Anm.), late summer. 

2 On the order of events, see Meyer, V. 23 Anm. 


Early Winter. Thrasybulus with about seventy exiles seizes 
403 The Thirty provide a place of ultimate refuge for themselves by 
seizing Eleusis. They put to death three hundred citizens of 
Eleusis and Salamis. 
Early Spring. Thrasybulus with his force, now increased to one 
thousand, moves down to Munychia. He repels the attack of the 
• Thirty. Critias is killed in battle. 

The three thousand depose the Thirty, nearly all of whom 
retire to Eleusis. A Board of Ten succeeds them. 
2. Administration of the Ten. 

The Ten prosecute the war against the exiled democrats, 
instead of seeking reconciliation. They cooperate with the 
Thirty at Eleusis in securing help from Sparta. Sparta grants 
a loan of 100 t., with which Lysander raises a mercenary force 
at Eleusis. A Spartan fleet blockades the Piraeus. 

Pausanias follows with Spartan troops, and effects a reconcilia- 
tion between the oligarchs and the exiles. 1 
October 4. Formal entry of the democratic exiles into the city. 
Lysias returns with the exiles. 

VI. The Rule of the Democracy after the Second Restoration, 403-. 

1. Temporary Administration by a Commission of Twenty. 

Rejection of motion of Phormisius to limit the franchise to 
holders of real estate. 

Lysias, Speech XXXIV, On the Constitution. 

Reestablish ment of Senate and courts. Arrangements for 
the revision of the Solonian Constitution. 

Lysias, Speech XII, Against Eratosthenes (possibly a little 
later than this). 

2. Administration by the Regular Officers of the De- 

402 ( ?) Lysias, Speech XXIV, For the Cripple (some time after 403) . 
Lysias, Speech XXXII, Against Diogiton, and XXI, Defense 
on Charge of Bribery (402/1). 

1 Aristotle (Resp. Ath. 38. 3) says that this reconciliation took place under 
a second Board of Ten. Xenophon says nothing of a second Board. For the 
argument in favor of Xenophon's account, see Meyer, V. 39 Anm. 


401 Expedition of Cyrus. 

The exiled oligarchs at Eleusis surrender. 
Failure of Thrasybulus's proposal to extend the franchise to 
all who helped in the Return. Lysias thus fails to secure Athe- 
nian citizenship. (See p. 317.) 
400 Sparta enters upon war with Persia for control of the Greek cities 
of the eastern Aegean. 

Lysias, Speech XXV, Defense of a Supporter of the Thirty 
(c. 400). 
399 Trial and execution of Socrates. 

Lysias, Speech XXX, Against Nicomachus (399/8) . 
398 Lysias, Speech XXXI, • Against Philon (c. 398). Speech XIII; 

Against Agoratus (398 or later) . 
397 Conon appointed admiral of a Persian fleet. 

Lysias, Speech XVII, On the Property of Eraton. 
396 Lysias, Speech XVIII. On the Confiscation of the Property of 

Eucrates (c. 396). 
395 Beginning of war between Sparta and Thebes. Athenian troops 
help win Theban victory at Haliartus. Euboea, Corinth, and 
Argos join the anti-Spartan alliance. This begins the Corin- 
thian War (395-386) . 

Lysias, Speech VII, On the Sacred Olive (395 or later). Speech 
XIV, Against Alcibiades (395/4). 
394 Beginning of rebuilding of the Piraeus walls. 
July. Athenians and allies defeated at Nemea. 

Conon and Pharnabazus win decisive naval victory for Persia 
against Sparta at Cnidus. Greeks of the eastern Aegean revolt 
from Sparta. 
Agesilaus wins indecisive victory at Coronea. 
393 Conon and Pharnabazus cruise along the coast of Peloponnesus; 
join delegates of the Athenian alliance at Corinth. 

Conon comes to Athens with his fleet, and helps complete the 
walls. Great honors to Conon and his patron, Evagoras. 

Conon tries through Aristophanes and Eunomus to turn Dio- 
nysius from support of Sparta by proposing a marriage connection 
with Evagoras. 

Sparta tries through Antalcidas to turn Persia from the support 
of Athens. 

Lysias, Speech XVI, For Mantitheus (394-388). 


392 Conon arrested at Sardis by the Persian satrap. Escapes to 
Cyprus, where he dies not long after. 

Lysias, Speech III, Against Simon (c. 392). 
390 Evagoras appeals to Athens for help against Persia. Aristophanes 
is sent to complete negotiations. Philocrates sails for Cyprus 
with ten ships ; fleet is captured by the Spartans. 
389 Thrasybulus regains control of Thracian coast and the Hellespont, 
and of many coast and island cities. 

Lysias, Speech XXVII, Against Epicrates (c. 389). 
388 Popular feeling turns against Thrasybulus and his colleagues. Sus- 
picion that they are enriching themselves. Recall is ordered, but 
Thrasybulus dies before it can be executed. 1 

Spartan Antalcidas wins active support of Dionysius, and goes 
to Persia to negotiate for withdrawal of Persian support from 

Lysias, Speech XXXIII, The Olympic Speech. Speeches 
XXVIII 2 and XXIX, Against Ergocles, Against Philocrates 
(comrades of Thrasybulus). 
387 111 success of Athenian fleets on the Hellespont and on the home 

High price of grain at Athens because of uncertainty of control 
of Hellespont. 

Second expedition to help Evagoras ; Chabrias in command. 
Spartans gain control of the Hellespont, and are even raiding 
the Attic coast. 

Lysias, Speech XIX, On the Property of Aristophanes (387 
or early in 386). 
386 Lysias, Speech XXII, Against the Grain Dealers. 

Winter or Spring. Final ratification of the Peace of Antalcidas by 
the Greek States. 8 
384/3 Lysias, Speech X, Against Theomnestus. 
382 Outbreak of War between Sparta and Thebes. 
Lysias, Speech XXVI, Against Evander. 
380 The last known speech of Lysias, For Pherenicus. 

The death of Lysias is probably to be placed soon after this. 

1 Beloch, Attische Politik, 355. 

2 Blass, 389 B.C. The date depends on that of the recall of Thrasybulus. 
8 On the date, see Swoboda, MAI, VII. 180 ff. 



[The following account is in general based on Lipsius's revision of Meier and 
Schomann, Der Attische Process, and his revision of Schomann, GrUchische Alter- 
thiimer. The conditions described are those of the early part of the fourth cen- 
tury B.c, the time of Lysias's professional activity.] 

Constitution of the Courts 

1. Athenian legal practice divided cases into three classes : (i) cases 
of homicide, (2) public cases other than those of homicide, (3) private 
cases. The separation of homicide from other cases was a survival of 
the ancient view of bloodshed as primarily a sin against the gods, to be 
atoned for both by criminal penalties and ceremonial cleansing. % 

2. The ancient court of Areopagus, composed of the ex-archons, 
sitting under the presidency of the ""Αρχων βασιλεύς, the religious head 
of the state, had sole jurisdiction in cases of premeditated homicide. 1 
The other forms of homicide were tried by the Ephetae, a special court 
of fifty-one members selected by lot from the noblest families, sitting 
under the same presidency. 

3. Public cases (δικαι δημ,όσίΛΐ), other than those of homicide, in- 
cluded all cases in which the issue directly concerned the state, either 
alone or in common with an individual. Here belonged prosecutions 
for such offenses against the state as treason, bribery, desertion, im- 
piety, and suits involving claims to public property ; here, too, fell the 
numerous suits to test the legality of acts of the Ecclesia (γραφαι παρα- 
νόμων), the examination before a jury required of every public officer 
before taking up his office (δο/α/Αασία), and his examination at the close 
of his term of office (ευθνναι). Public cases were tried before the 
heliastic courts. 

4. Private cases were those in which the issue directly concerned 
individuals only, the state having no other interest than the preserva- 
tion of the general order and the protection of individual rights. 
Here belonged suits concerning contracts and property; all cases 
concerning wills and inheritances, prosecution for damage in case of 
assault or slander, and for restitution in case of theft or fraud. Private 
cases came before the same courts as public cases, but the preliminary 
steps were different. 2 

1 Arson also fell under their jurisdiction, 2 See §§ 27-29. 


5. The presidency of the various courts involved the reception of 
the complaints and documents necessary to the institution of a suit, the 
conduct of preliminary hearings, the presidency over the court at 
the time of the jury trial, and provision for the execution of the penalty 
in case of conviction. This presidency was assigned upon the principle 
that every official of the state should hold the presidency of the court 
in any case arising within the domain of his own office. Thus a case 
involving the claims of the state against a trierarch would be tried under 
the presidency of the Naval Board ; cases arising from family relations 
were tried under the presidency of the First Archon ; the "Αρχων πολέ- 
μαρχος presided in cases concerning foreigners ; the six lower archons, 
the 0€σμο0€ται, presided in a large body of cases which did not fall 
within the field of other magistrates or boards. 

6. All cases except those of homicide were tried before large juries, 
made up from a body of citizens drawn by lot from voluntary candidates 
for jury service for the year. The total number of these annual jurymen 
was, in theory, 6000, enough to provide ten sections of 500 men each, 
and to leave 1000 men to fill vacancies. But with the loss of popu- 
lation caused by the Peloponnesian War it became impossible to keep 
the number full. Under these conditions any citizen who chose to 
offer his name was sure of a place ; he might even be enrolled as a 
regular member of one section and a substitute member of one or more 
sections besides, thus helping to fill out the scant number of jurymen, 
and earning his juror's wages on days when his service was not required 
in his own section. 

7. Any citizen over thirty years of age, who was possessed of full 
civic rights, was eligible for jury service. The jurymen all took a sol- 
emn oath at the beginning of their year of office, and were then liable 
to be called on at any time for service in court. In the time of Lysias 
there was not such a pressure of legal business as in the Periclean 
period, when the Athenian courts were crowded with cases from the 
league cities, but a juror was probably in actual service more than half 
of the time. He might serve on year after year, and thus the service 
might become the regular employment of men who were quite content 
with small pay for light work, and of old men whose days of physical 
labor were over. From the time of Pericles the pay of the juryman 
was an obol for each day of actual service, until Cleon raised it to three 
obols, about the wages of an unskilled laborer. 

8. The whole body of jurymen was divided into ten sections, and 


on the morning of each court day the Thesmothetae drew lots to deter- 
mine what sections, or parts of sections, should sit for that day in the 
court rooms in different parts of the city. The number of men assigned 
to any case was determined by the nature of the case. A less important 
private suit had the smallest jury, 200 men ; other private suits required 
400 ; the ordinary number for public suits was 500, but in more impor- 
tant cases two or more sections were united, so that we read of juries of 
1000, 1500, 2000, 2500, 1 and even of a case where the whole panel of 
6000 sat as one jury. 2 

Procedure in Public Suits 

9. The institution of a private suit depended, of course, upon the 
initiative of one of the parties directly concerned. In public cases suit 
might be instituted in two ways. First, it was the duty of any public 
officer who became cognizant of a violation of law in the department 
under his control to prosecute the offender. 8 Secondly, any private 
citizen holding full civil rights was equally at liberty to bring any public 
case before the courts and to prosecute it to the end. To guard against 
malicious or hasty prosecution, however, it was provided that one who 
brought such a suit and then presented so weak a case that he foiled to 
receive one fifth of the votes of the jury, must pay a fine of 1000 dr., and 
was thereafter disqualified from bringing a similar suit (partial artfua). 4 

10. As the first step in the introduction of a public suit, the plain- 
tiff had to summon the defendant to appear at a stated time before the 
magistrate under whose jurisdiction the trial would fell. This sum- 
mons was served in person and before witnesses (κλητήρες). 6 

1 To the round numbers given one man was added in each case to avoid a 
tie, making juries of 201, 501, etc. 2 Andoc. 1. 17. 

8 When a notorious crime had been committed, the Ecclesia sometimes ap- 
pointed a special commission to investigate the case and prosecute the offender 
in the courts. There were no standing prosecuting attorneys as in our system. 

4 In many private suits the plaintiff who did not win one fifth of the votes 
had to pay to the defendant one sixth of the sum for which he sued (άτωββλία, 
i.e. one obol in every drachma). 

5 It was not customary to arrest the accused and confine him while await- 
ing trial, except in a special class of crimes, prosecuted by special and more 
summary procedures, called dirayctyJj, έφή*γησι$, and Met^ts; even then the 
defendant was released if he could furnish sufficient security for bis appear- 
ance in court. 


11. The second step was the appearance of the two parties before 
the magistrate on the day designated in the summons. If the magis- 
trate accepted the case as falling within his jurisdiction, he received 
from the plaintiff a written statement of the charge, and from the 
defendant his written denial, and then appointed a day for a prelimi- 
nary hearing of the case. He then published the accusation by posting 
it in a public place. 

12. The third step was the preliminary hearing (άνάκρισις) before 
the same magistrate. The defendant might now take exception to the 
jurisdiction of the magistrate or to the technical form of the accusation, 
and in some cases this exception had to be tried as a separate case in 
court before the original case could proceed. If the defendant accepted 
the jurisdiction of the magistrate and the form of the charge, each 
party was required to take oath, the plaintiff to the truth of his accusa- 
tion, the defendant to the truth of his denial. Each was also required 
to produce all the evidence which he wished to use at the coming jury 
trial. This evidence might include copies of the laws involved, docu- 
ments of all kinds, such as contracts, wills, letters, and the testimony 
of witnesses. This testimony might consist of attested affidavits of 
witnesses necessarily absent, or of the statements of witnesses present 
at the hearing ; but in the latter case the testimony was usually written 
down before the hearing, so that at the time of the hearing the wit- 
nesses had only to assent to the record of their testimony as correct. 
Usually each party administered an oath to the witnesses of the other 

13. Many cases involved the testimony of slaves. This evidence 
was held valid only when given under torture, on the supposition that 
the desire for release from the torture on the one side would counter- 
balance the natural desire of the slave to testify according to his mas- 
ter's orders on the other. A party to a suit either challenged his 
opponent to submit his slaves or offered his own slaves. This testi- 
mony was taken in the presence of witnesses, usually previous to the 
άνάκρίσις, and presented to the magistrate in writing with the other 
documents. The torture was conducted by the litigants themselves or 
by men agreed upon by them, or in some cases by public slaves. The 
point to which the torture should be carried was previously agreed 
upon by the litigants. 

14. At the conclusion of the ανάκρισις the magistrate sealed up all 
documents, including all the testimony, in two urns, one for each side, 

lysias — 22 


and kept them in his custody until the trial. No other testimony could . 
be presented at the coming trial. 1 

15. The fourth step in the case was the trial before a jury, under 
the presidency of the magistrate before whom the preliminary hearing 
had been held. On the morning of the appointed day the Thesmo- 
thetae, meeting at the central court house, assigned by lot to this mag- 
istrate a court house, and a section of jurymen sufficient for the hearing 
of the appointed case. 

16. The court room had wooden seats for the jurors, provision for 
listeners outside the railing which shut in the jurors' seats, and four 
platforms. The presiding magistrate occupied one platform, a second 
served as speaker's platform, while plaintiff and defendant had each a 
platform for his own seat and those of his immediate friends. 

17. Proceedings opened with libation and prayer by the herald 
of the court. The clerk then read the charge as sworn to by the plain- 
tiff at the ανάκριση, and the corresponding answer of the defendant. 
The plaintiff then took the speaker's platform and proceeded to argue 
his case. The law required every man to deliver his plea in person. 
If he had not the ability to compose a speech for himself, he could 
employ a professional speech writer (λογογράφος) to write it for him ; 
he then committed the speech to memory and delivered it as his own. 
By the time of Lysias's professional activity such employment of a 
λογογράφος had become the common custom. Further, if no objection 
was raised by the jurors, the speaker might, at the conclusion of his 
own speech, call upon one or more of his friends to address the jury in 
his behalf. These συνήγοροι might present aspects of the case not 
taken up by the first speaker, and might be men of greater ability as 
speakers ; but they made it clear to the jury that they were impelled 
entirely by personal friendship to the one party, or personal hostility to 
the other ; a speech by a hired advocate was not tolerated. But very 
often these speeches of the συνήγοροι were also written by professional 
speech writers and delivered from memory. 

18. At the conclusion of the speech or speeches for the prosecution 
the defendant followed under the same conditions. No opportunity for 
speeches in rebuttal was given except in the case of certain private 

1 A rare exception was where at the trial one party challenged the other, 
in the presence of the jury, to present some piece of evidence, and the chal- 
lenge was accepted. 


19. The whole trial was concluded in one day, and in certain 
classes of important cases a fixed time, measured by the clepsydra, 
was at the beginning of the trial assigned to each side. 

20. As a plea proceeded, the speaker called upon the clerk of the 
court from time to time to read the documents filed at the ανάκριση. 1 
When testimony was read, the witness mounted the speaker's βήμα and 
assented to the testimony as correct, — in some cases he read it aloud 
himself, — but he was not allowed to give new testimony, nor might he 
be cross-questioned. Each litigant might, however, call his opponent 
to the platform and cross-question him in the presence of the jury, and 
the law required him to answer. In the hands of a trained speaker 
this became a powerful weapon. 2 

21. It was customary for the defendant to make an earnest appeal, 
in the last part of his speech, to the emotions of the jurors, by reciting 
the sufferings that threatened him, and by presenting in court depen- 
dent relatives, — wife, children, aged parents, — who would suffer with 
him. Another form of supplication was the appeal to the presence in 
court of prominent and popular public men, as indorsing the speaker's 

22. At the close of the speeches there was no exposition of the 
law by the presiding magistrate, nor was there any opportunity for the 
jurymen to consult one with another, but the herald of the court called 
upon them to come forward to the platform immediately and deposit 
their votes. 

23. On the platform stood two urns, one of bronze, the other of 
wood. Each juryman received two small bronze disks (ψήφοι), one 
pierced by a solid axis, the other by a hollow one. The disk with solid 
axis was a vote for the defendant, the other for the plaintiff. As each 
juryman passed before the two urns, he threw into the bronze urn the 
disk which represented his vote, and threw the discarded vote into the 
wooden urn. As one held the disks with the ends of the axis between 
thumb and finger, it -was impossible for even the nearest bystander to 
see which vote he put into the bronze urn ; the secrecy of the vote was 
thus fully protected. The voting finished, the bronze urn was emptied 

1 When \oyoypd</>oi published their speeches as literary productions they 
usually omitted these documents, merely indicating the points at which they 
were presented. 

2 So Lysias, 12. 25, 22. 5. Cp. Socrates's cross-questioning of Meletus in 
Plato's Apology, 24 c ff. 


upon a stone table, the solid and perforated votes sorted and counted, 
and the result announced by the presiding magistrate, and recorded by 
the clerk. 

24. In many cases the penalty to follow conviction was prescribed 
by law (ay&vcs ατίμητοι.) ; but in other cases (άγων€ς τι/ιι/τοί), if the 
jury voted for conviction, they then listened to a further argument from 
the prosecution, proposing a certain penalty, and then to one from the 
defense, proposing a milder one. They then had to vote again to 
determine which of the two penalties proposed should be inflicted. 

25. From a verdict once rendered by a heliastic court there was no 
appeal ; there was no provision for arguing " exceptions " taken during 
the trial, and usually no possibility of securing a second trial. 1 

26. The penalty was immediately executed : if death, by the Eleven 
(the chief constables) ; if loss of property, by the civil officers of the 
deme or by the Eleven ; if a fine, by the collectors of the treasury to 
which the fine would be paid. Imprisonment was not used as a pen- 
alty, but only as a means for securing the presence of a criminal in 
court in certain cases (see § io, n. 5), or as temporary confinement until the 
payment of a fine, or until the execution of a man condemned to death. 

Procedure in Private Suits 

27. The early stages of a private suit differed in important particu- 
lars from those just described as belonging to public suits. Private 
suits as a whole fell under the jurisdiction of a board of forty justices, 
selected by lot and serving in groups of four, one group for each tribe. 2 

28. The first step in a private suit was, like that in a public suit, 
the formal summons of the defendant; but the second step carried the 
case, not to a civil magistrate, but to the group of four justices who 
represented the tribe of the defendant. In petty cases, involving not 

1 A defeated litigant might, however, bring suit on the ground that false 
testimony had been given against him. 

2 Several large classes of private cases, in which it was necessary to expe- 
dite proceedings, were grouped as " month cases" (δίκαι Έμμηνοι), under the 
jurisdiction of a separate board of five elaayujyeU, who carried them through 
the jury courts to a decision within a period of one month. In cases involv- 
ing not more than ten drachmas the elaayuiyeU themselves gave final decision, 
without a jury trial. These cases were for the most part concerned with 
business and banking. 


more than ten drachmas, the decision of the four justices was final. 
If the sum was greater, they turned the case over to a public arbitrator 
(διαιτητής) . 

29. The justices selected this arbitrator by lot from a large board 
of public arbitrators, who were liable to service for the year. This 
board consisted of all citizens who were in their sixtieth year, and who 
had thus just completed the forty-one years in which a citizen was liable 
to military service. 1 To one of these elderly men the four justices 
turned over the private case, and after one or more formal hearings, at 
which testimony for both sides was produced, he gave his decision. 
If both parties accepted this decision, the case was ended. But either 
party had the right of appeal to a jury court. In case of such appeal 
the arbitrator sealed up all documents, including copies of all the evi- 
dence, in two urns, and handed them over to the board of four justices 
from whom he had received the case. 2 This board now resumed charge 
of the case, received from the Thesmothetae a jury for its hearing, and 
presided at the trial, taking in every respect the place held by the 
magistrate in a public suit. 

30. In comparing the Athenian legal system with our own, we are 
first of all impressed with the absence of a trained judiciary, standing 
between the executive officers and the citizen. The men who con- 
ducted all hearings and presided at all jury trials were ordinary citizens, 
selected usually by lot, and having no professional knowledge of the 
law. Their short term of office precluded the practical knowledge that 
might have come by experience. The control exercised by our judges 
— men of thorough legal learning and years of experience in the courts, 
and holding their office for a long term — was entirely unknown to the 

1 The names of these men for any year were readily obtainable from the 
citizen rolls. The young men who reached their majority in any year were 
enrolled as one group, forming a standing group for military purposes. The 
men of such a group all completed their last year of liability to military ser- 
vice together, and together passed on as the board of public arbitrators for 
the ensuing year. The total number, as well as the proportion from any one 
tribe, would, of course, vary from year to year. For the year 325/4 B.C. we 
have a list of one hundred and three names of arbitrators, " crowned " by the 
people. See Sandys on Aristotle, Resp. Ath. 53. 4. 

2 The hearing before the arbitrator in a private suit thus became in case 
of appeal what the ανάκριση was in a public suit. 


Athenian system. There was no impartial presiding judge to expound 
the law and to explain to the jury the bearing of facts on technical 
points. The jury were at the mercy of the shrewd pleas of the speech 

31. Nor was there, as in our system, the possibility of appeal in the 
larger cases from the verdict of the jury court to the decision of a 
body of expert and impartial judges. At no stage could the honest 
litigant depend upon the protection given by legal knowledge. 

32. Nor was the composition of the jury itself such as to inspire 
great respect for its decisions. Its large size did guard against the 
danger of individual bribery, but it gave to the body the faults and 
dangers inherent in any large assembly. This was especially true in 
public cases, where not less than five hundred men sat as one jury. 
In such a body the feeling of individual responsibility is weakened, and 
the contagious emotions of the crowd have full sway. But this was not 
the worst. The Athenian jury was far from being representative of the 
best intelligence and character of the city. Service was voluntary, and 
the pay was that of ordinary unskilled labor. The inevitable result was 
that the annual jury panel was filled up with men to whom the day 
offered no more rewarding occupation — the small politicians, the idle, 
the poor and enfeebled old men. The sturdy farmers from the country 
could not afford to take up such service, still less the successful men 
of the city demes. And there was no possibility of bettering this in 
any individual case. The more critical the suit, the larger the crowd 
that was called in to decide it. In our own system a great constitu- 
tional case comes before a board of expert justices, qualified by the 
ripest legal experience and the highest character. In Athens such a 
case would have been judged by increasing an incompetent jury of five 
hundred by a thousand or two thousand men of no greater wisdom or 
experience. To appreciate conditions in Athens we have only to imag- 
ine all the legal business of Boston or Chicago settled by jury courts 
made up by lot from native-born citizens, offering themselves for service 
at a dollar and a half a day. and presided over by men from the various 
executive boards of the city. 

33. The lack of judicial control and the low type of jury service 
had its inevitable effect on the style of pleading followed by the λογο- 
•γράφοι. It was useless to attempt any argument that involved long 
and close reasoning, or minute and careful attention to legal provisions. 
The argument that served best with such a court was the one that most 


flattered their self-esteem, most shrewdly appealed to their prejudices, 
and most vigorously stirred their sympathies and passions. The pro- 
fession of law was, in the time of Lysias, gradually developing out of 
that of the rhetorician ; even in the next generation rhetorical skill 
formed a larger part of the equipment of the legal speech writer than 
knowledge of the law. Some men there were who were learned in 
the law, but the mass of the λοτγογράφοι were rather rhetoricians than 

34. Such a system of courts furnished a rich field for the " syco- 
phants." When one of these professional haranguers, trained in the 
plausible rhetorical art, popular with the masses, and skilled in moving 
their emotions, threatened a quiet, law-abiding, wealthy citizen with a 
lawsuit, the citizen might well think twice before deciding to trust to 
the protection of the courts ; to buy off the prosecutor was the simpler 
and safer way. 

35. We must remember also that the Athenian jury courts had the 
widest possible jurisdiction. Through a γραφή παρανόμων the validity 
of every resolution of Senate and Ecclesia might be submitted to a 
jury. Every official had to pass his approval (δοκιμασία) in a jury 
court before entering upon office, and his record as an official was 
reviewed by another jury at the close of the year (cvflwai). The jury 
system was rightly looked upon as the very heart of the democratic 
constitution. Here the sovereign people exercised their real power, 
and here they displayed their real weakness. 

36. The Athenian legal system shows endless ingenuity in all the 
petty details, — the complicated allotment of jurors to their sections 
and court rooms, the orderly and secret ballots, the distribution of cases 
among magistrates, — but its fundamental principle, that voluntary, 
underpaid, and unskilled courts could safely be intrusted with the 
greatest public and private interests, was a mistake. It is not strange 
that from such an Athenian system the Roman and the modern world, 
while inheriting magnificent specimens of legal rhetoric, received no 
speeches which are of permanent value as legal arguments, and no 
commanding legal precedents. 



A. The Three Types of Prose Composition 

37. I. 6 αέρος γαρακτηρ, genus grande at que robust um. The 
Grand Style. Thucydides. 

II. 6 ισχνός χαφακτηρ, genus subtile, The Plain Style. Lysias. 

III. ό μέσος χαρακτηρ, genus medium. The INTERMEDIATE Style 
(Mixed Style). Thrasymachus, Isocrates, Plato. 

The Greek rhetoricians, beginning probably with Antisthenes, a con- 
temporary of Lysias, 1 distinguished three great types, χαρακτήρες* 
of prose composition. 2 

38. They found in Thucydides the perfection of the grand style. 
Dionysius thus sums up his characteristics : * "In fine, there are four 
i instruments,' so to say. of the style of Thucydides — the artificial 
character of the vocabulary, the variety of the constructions, the 
roughness of the harmony, the speed of the narrative. Its * colours * 
are solidity, pungency, condensation, austerity, gravity, terrible vehe- 
mence, and. above alL. his power of stirring the emotions." 

39. Lysias was the representative of the plain style. Its basis was 
the adaptation of the language of daily life to literary effects. The 
master of this style depends upon common words, avoiding archaic 
and poetic diction : he refrains from the formation of new compounds 

1 Volkmann (Rhetorik der Griechen und Romer, 532 ft) traces the devel- 
opment of the theories and classification of "Styles" in the Greek and 
Roman schools. He shows that the division into three styles was the original 
one, and that other divisions were modifications of it 

2 Dionysius uses χαράκτη pes as bis precise technical term; bat in discussing 
each χαραχτήρ, style, he often uses for it the more general term Xl£ts, lan- 
guage. Jebb's note, Attic Orators, I. 21, which says that the three Xl£e<$ 
distinguished in Dionysius's essay on Demosthenes, cc. 1-3, refer "to the 
choice of words " is not justified. In those chapters Xe£e«s is used for the more 
precise χαρακτήρες ; that it is not limited to the " choice of words " appears 
in the subsequent chapters ; eg. of the Xl£cs of Isocrates it is said (Demos- 
thenes, c. 4) that it borrows Gorgias's antitheses and pairs of equal cola, gives 
excessive attention to rhythm and the avoidance of hiatus, and strives at 
unbroken periodic flow. All of these things are beyond the mere choice of 
words. For the relation of the three αρμοψίαι of Jebb's note to the χαρακτηρ**, 
see Volkmann, 545-7. 

* Dionysius, Second Letter to Ammaeus, 793, Roberts's translation. 


and from the use of metaphor and simile ; he perfects a simple and yet 
strong and rounded sentence structure, and his language flows on 
smoothly and rapidly, without appearance of effort for rhythmical effect. 

40. Isocrates was the representative of the third style, the inter- 
mediate type. His style showed a union of the best qualities of the 
other two. 1 He has the purity and precision of diction of the plain 
style, and for the most part he avoids metaphorical language. But 
with the simplicity and persuasiveness of the plain style he combines 
the dignity and grandeur and eloquence of the grand style. 

41. So long as Thucydides, Lysias, and Isocrates were the greatest 
of prose writers these three α styles " served the purpose of classifica- 
tion ; but when the critics were confronted with the problem of defining 
and classifying the oratory of Demosthenes, they saw the inadequacy 
of the old formulae. Demosthenes could be classed neither with Thu- 
cydides nor Lysias nor Isocrates. If he were placed with Isocrates as 
a representative of the intermediate style, the term would become so 
inclusive as to break down by its vagueness, and he could certainly 
be placed with neither of the extremes. The critics solved this problem 
of classification in two ways : some, like Demetrius, 2 added a fourth 
style, χαρακτηρ δεινός, the powerful style. This new "style" was a 
recognition of the fact that the real characteristic of Demosthenes^ 
oratory was not any mingling of grand and simple language, but a great 
power which moved men. Other critics, like Dionysius, made no 
attempt to remodel the old system of classification, or to find a place 
for Demosthenes within it. They preferred rather to treat the style 
of Demosthenes as something outside and above the three older types ; 
a style which gathered up into itself the virtues of all, and so was 
superior to all, a δεινστης, power, of which the three χαρακτήρες became 
the instruments. 8 

B. Running Style and Periodic Style 

42. Ι. ή είρομενη λε&ς. 

Π. ή κατεστραμμένη λέ£& = η εν περίόδοις. 

Thrasymachus, a contemporary of Lysias, 4 was the first to teach 

1 Dionysius, Demosthenes, c. 4. 2 Uepl ερμηνεία*, §§ 36, 240 ff. 

8 Dionysius's whole essay on Demosthenes is founded on this idea. For 
the whole discussion as outlined above, see Volkmann, 537 ff. 
4 See Introd. p. 16 f. 


the distinction between the loose, running form of speech, and the 
compact, periodic form, and he first developed the periodic form as a 
distinct artistic type. 1 None of the definitions of Thrasymachus have 
come down to us, but Aristotle in the next generation gives in his 
Rhetoric (3. 9) a discussion of the periodic style, which probably 
represents the developed theory of Thrasymachus, and which has 
remained the fundamental exposition of periodic theory for both 
ancient and modern times. 2 Aristotle calls the running style η άρομενη 
λέ£ις, the strung style. The separate thoughts are strung along one 
after another like beads ; the first gives no suggestion that the second 
is coming, nor the second that a third is to follow; the series may 
stop at any point, or it may go on indefinitely. 

43. Good examples of the running style, Xc&s άρομένη, are the 
following : 
12. 9 ό δ' ίφασκεν 

d πολλά είη. 

cwrov ουν οτι τάλαντον αργυρίου έτοιμος άην δούναι • 
ό δ' ωμολόγησε ταύτα ποίησαν. 
He said yes, 

if it was a large sum. 
I said therefore that I was ready to give a talent of silver. 
And he agreed to do it. 

12. 14 6 δ' νπ€σχ<ετο ταύτα ποίησαν. 

iboKCL δ' αύτω βάλτων €?ναι προς ®€ογνιν μνησθηναι • 
ηγ€Ϊτο yap άπαν ποίησαν αυτόν 
ct tis αργύρων Βι&οίη. 

1 Writers before Thrasymachus had used periodic structure freely, but 
Thrasymachus was the first to make it a matter of conscious study. Here, as 
in almost all matters of rhetoric, we must distinguish between the forms 
which the practical speakers instinctively shaped for themselves, and the 
names and theories which the rhetoricians afterward applied to them. The 
testimony as to Thrasymachus is that of Suidas, s.v. θρασιίμαχοί, and of 
Theophrastus, cited by Dionysius, Lysias, c. 6. 

2 The rhetorical treatise Ilepi Ερμηνείας, which bears the name of Deme- 
trius, but is of unknown authorship, presents the Aristotelian theory as still 
further developed by the later rhetoricians. Roberts's edition (Demetrius on 
Style, Cambridge, 1902), with its admirable translation, commentary, and 
glossary of technical terms, makes this treatise available as the best starting 
point for the study of the theory of Greek prose style. 


And he promised to do this. 

β td it seemed to him to be better to speak to Theognis, 
for he thought he would do anything, 
if one should give him money. 

In these passages we have a complete thought at the end of each 
clause, and nothing suggests that another clause is to follow, nor when 
we reach the end of the passage is there anything to give the feeling 
that the separate thoughts have now rounded out one larger, compre- 
hensive idea. It is to be noted that the running style is not made up 
simply of a succession of •' and " clauses ; the second passage above 
shows how subordinate clauses, like those of cause or condition, may 
fit into the running style by being placed after the principal clause of 
the sentence. 

44. In the periodic style, \έ£ις κατεστραμμένη, the separate thoughts 
are so drawn together and compacted that they form parts of larger 
expressions, each group gathering the separate parts into a rounded, 
definite whole. As we hear the first thought, we anticipate another to 
correspond to it, or to complete its meaning ; we cannot dismiss the 
first until the second and all that follow have been taken up with it ; 
and when we hear the last, we have the feeling that the whole thought 
is now rounded out and complete. Such an expression the rhetoricians 
call a period, and its constituent parts — often, but not always, identical 
with the clauses of a sentence — they call cola. 

45. Typical periods are the following : 

12. 7 άποκτινννναι μεν yap ανθρώπους περί ουΒενος ηγονντο 
λαμβάνειν οε χρήματα περί πολλσυ εποιονντο. 
To kill men they regarded as naught, 
but to get money they held as of great importance. 

The μεν in the first colon (with the emphatic άποκτινννναι) leads us to 
expect a colon to balance it ; x we foresee the antithesis, and only when 
we have heard the corresponding member do we feel that the thought 
is rounded out. The first colon is like one arc of a circle, which 
implies one or more other arcs ; or, to use the simile that underlies 
the Greek names, the first member is like the section of the race course 
out to the turning post ; this section implies and demands the corre- 

1 Like the periodic effect of μέν . . . δέ is that of ούτε . . . ούτε, and the 
other correlative particles. Cp. 12. 4 μήτε els κτλ. 


sponding section (κωλον), from the post back to the starting point, to 
complete the full circuit (xc /κ-οδος). 1 

Antithesis of cola is the foundation of a large proportion of the more 
studied periods in Lysias. The earliest writers, especially Antiphon. 
had reveled in antitheses ; the other school, the Gorgian, unlike them 
in many respects, had carried antithetic structure even further. Lysias. 
even in his plainest style, followed the custom of his time, and made 
frequent use of antithetic periods. His more elevated passages are 
full of them. 

46. But a second type of period rests upon mere parallelism of 
cola. When successive cola are parallel both in form and thought, we 
feel, as the series proceeds, that each is part of a larger unity, and so 
receive, at least in some degree, the effect of a period. Such a period 
is less perfect, for often we do not at the end of each colon feel that 
the thought is incomplete and so demand another colon to round it 
out ; but the group as a whole does give the impression of periodic 
unity. Such a period we have in 12. 21 : 

ούτοι yap 

πολλούς μεν των πολιτών εις τους πολεμίους εζηλασαν 
πολλούς ο* αδίκως άποκτείναντες άταφους εποίησαν 
πολλούς ο* επίτιμους οντάς άτιμους κατέστησαν 
ιτολλών 8ε θυγατέρας μέλλουσας εκ&ί8οσθαι i κώλυσαν. 
For they drove many of the citizens into hostile lands, 
and nta7iy they unjustly killed and robbed of funeral rites , 
and many who had been citizens they deprived of citizenships 
and the daughters of many they prevented as they were on the point 
of fnarriage. 

In the English we lose much of the periodic effect in losing the simi- 
larity of sound at the beginning and end of the cola, which in the 
Greek added to the unity produced by the parallelism of thought and 
construction, and by the uniform length of the cola. 

47. A third basis of periodic structure is the impression of unity 
produced by expressing the subordinate thoughts first, in subordinate 
construction, and holding back the main thought till the last. The 
mind is thus held intent ; the subordinate thought cannot be dismissed 
till one hears the main thought which puts it in its right relation. 

1 Cp. Demetrius, c. 1 1, 


When the main thought does come, it gives an impression of comple- 
tion and a feeling of satisfaction ; the circle is complete, the runner 
has rounded his course and is back at the goal. 1 For this principle we 
may conveniently use the term sensus suspension 

48. We have an example of sensus suspensio in the following 
period (25. 18) : 

£t 3c οίεσθε χρηνοα. 

ους εκείνοι παρελιπον ά$ικονντ€ς 

νμεΐς άπολέσαι. 
ον&εις των πολιτών νπολειφθησ€ται. 

But if you think it right 

that those whom they forebore to wrong 

be destroyed at your hands 
no citizen will be left. 

The first three cola prepare the way for the fourth, and have value only 
as they contribute to its force. 

49. This form of sentence structure is, of course, common in all 
writers. Wherever the protasis stands first, or subordinate acts are 
expressed by participles before the main verb, or by preliminary subor- 
dinate constructions of any form, we have sensus suspensio. 

50. But often such expressions are periodic in form only. The 
real test of periodic structure in this type lies in the degree to which 
the preliminary cola contribute to the effect of the final one, and so 

1 Herbert Spencer, in his essay on the Philosophy of Style, gives a dis- 
criminating discussion of the relation of such structure to lucidity. But 
lucidity is only one of several aims in periodic structure. 

2 Aristotle holds that there are periods composed of a single colon 
(Rhetoric, 3. 9. 5). Such a period he calls αφελής. He probably had in mind 
the case of a single colon of considerable length, based on sensus suspensio 
of words. Aristotle does not recognize the type of period that is based on 
sensus suspensio of cola, for he divides all periods of more than one colon 
into λέξι* διηρημένη and \4l-is αντικείμενη, that is, periods based on parallelism 
and those based on antithesis. We do not know whether any rhetorician in 
the time of Lysias had recognized the fact of sensus suspensio as a basis of 
periodic structure. In the matured rhetoric of Demetrius it is fully recog- 
nized (Περί ερμηνείας, c. ίο). In antithetic structure the basis of periodic 
effect is really a sensus suspensio, but it is convenient to distinguish it from 
that which comes from placing subordinate cola before principal ones. 


unite with it in one larger thought. A sentence like the following has 
periodic form, but is not in the full sense a period : 

12. 97 όσοι 8c τον θάνατον διέφυγαν 
πολλαχον /avSwcixravrcs 
και cis πολλας πόλας πλανηθ€ντ€ς 
καϊ πανταχόθεν εκκηρνττόμενοι 
cvSccis ovtcs των επιτηδείων 
οι μλν Ιν πολέμια τβ ττατριδι τους παΐδας καταλιπόντα 
όί δ* iv $€vrj yrj 

πολλών Ιναντνον μίνων 
ηλθετ€ είς τον Ilctpcua. 

And so many of you as escaped death 
after+manifold dangers 
and after wanderings to many cities 
and rejection from all 
in want of food 
some leaving your children in your own land turned hostile 
others in a foreign land 

against the opposition of many 
came to the Piraeus. 
So far as the effect of the final colon is concerned, the long sentence 
might equally well have been broken up into several short sentences. 
Moreover, the final colon is not strong or emphatic enough to carry the 
weight of the long-suspended thought. 

51. Yet even this purely formal type of period has value, particu- 
larly in narrative. Instead of stringing along one detail after another, 
it gathers them into groups, giving compactness and rounded form. 
Admirable periods of this type are found in XVI. 13-16. 

52. The length of a period was closely limited by the Greek rheto- 
ricians. Aristotle did not recognize a period as of more than two cola. 1 
Demetrius limited the cola to four. 2 The Roman theorists enlarged 
the number. Quintilian says (9. 4. 125) : Habet periodus membra 
minimum duo. Medius numerus videntur quattuor, sed recipit fre- 
quenter et plura. The Greek orators seem not to have troubled them- 
selves with any of these limitations as to number of cola in a period. 
They wrote as freely as do modern authors, and produced large, strong 

1 κώλον δ' εστί τό trepov μόριο? ταύτη* (sc. ttjs irepioSov) Rhet. 3. 9. 5. 

2 Uepl έρμην€ία*, c. 1 6. 


units by the combination of many cola. Neither they nor their critics 
would have named these ' periods,' but such sentences have the unity 
of thought and the rounded form that are the essentials of periodic 
structure. Modern students of their works may wisely ignore the arbi- 
trary limitation of number of cola, and treat these larger combinations 
as true periods. 1 

53. Modern rhetoricians assume that a * period ' will make a com- 
plete sentence. No such idea prevailed with the Greeks ; they saw a 
period wherever there was unity of thought and form in a group of 
cola ; the group might be a pair of cola in the midst of a long sen- 
tence ; again, a sentence might contain several periods together with 
non-periodic clauses, or be made up of a group of periods. 

54. The following examples show how the true period may lie 
within the longer sentence : 

12. 7 c3o£ev ow αΰτοϊς δ«κα συλλαβεΓν 
τούτων δε δυο πάστας 

ίνα αΰτοΐς η προς τους άλλους απολογία 

ώς ου χρημάτων fvcica ταΰτα πεττρακταΐ Ι 

άλλα συμφέροντα τη πολιτεία ytyevrjrai \ 
ωσπερ τι των άλλων ευλόγως πεποίηκότες. 
The sentence as a whole is of the running type, but a clear, true period 
is embedded in it : 

12. 33 Nov γαρ μόνον ήμΐν παράναχ ουκ i&jv\\ 
ΙΙάλλ' οΰδε παρ* αντοΐς είναι || 

ώστ έπι τούτοις εστί 
πάντα τα κακά αργασμένοι* την πάλιν 
πάντα τάγαθα περί αυτών λεγ€ΐν. 

1 The reason for the refusal of the Greek rhetoricians to use the term 
'period* of a large group of cola lay in the feeling that the unity which 
is the foundation of the period was marred when too much was demanded 
either of the breath of the speaker or the attention of the hearer. The 
feeling was a true one. Gildersleeve (A. J. P. 24. 102) quotes the following 
from James Russell Lowell : " If I have attained to any clearness of style, I 
think it is partly due to my having had to lecture twenty years as a professor 
at Harvard. It was always present to my consciousness that whatever I said 
must be understood at once by my hearers or never. Out of this, I, almost 
without knowing it, formulated the rule that every sentence must be clear in 
itself and never too long to be carried, without risk of losing its balance, on a 
single breath of the speaker." 


Here two antithetic periods are linked by a single clause in one gram- 
matical sentence. 1 

C. Rhetorical Figures 

55. The Greek rhetoricians from Theophrastus on 2 distinguished 
two groups of rhetorical " figures," σχημχιτα λί&ως and σχήματα διάνοιας. 

56. Ι. Ί,χηματα Xc'&ws, figures of speech, modifications of speech 
for-rhetorical effect. 

57. (a) Figures connected with balance of cola. 

ι. άντ£θ€<τι$ antithesis? The fondness for antithesis, already 
marked in the earlier literature, reached its height in the rhetorical work 
of Gorgias and his pupils. As compared with them, Lysias is moderate 
in its use. Yet we find it everywhere in his works, and often manifestly 
the result of studied art. He sometimes uses it with great effect, as in 
12. 39 (see p. 53). Cp. 12. 32 f. ; 12. 93; 24. 16-18; 25. 18. 

2. ΐΓαρίσ-ωσ -is, precise or approximate equality of cola as measured 
by number of syllables. 4 

1 Aristotle's theory of the 'period' was faulty in that it restricted it to 
the two types of the antithetic and the parallel structure. But the modern 
rhetoricians have gone to the other extreme in making the sensus suspensio 
the only basis of the period. From that error it has resulted that they speak 
of a period as being always a full sentence. They have lost sight of the fact 
that the unity of form and thought that makes a period may be quite inde- 
pendent of the unity of thought that makes a sentence. The error is 
already embodied in Whately's definition {Elements of Rhetoric^ 3. 2. 12), 
although in his examples he gives due attention to periods based on antithesis. 
We should obtain a better theory of the rhetorical period by returning to the 
sound doctrine of Demetrius, modifying it only by removing the restriction of 
four cola. We should then treat the period as something quite independent 
of the sentence (though often coinciding with it), and should recognize as 
the three fundamental types those based on antithesis, parallelism, and sensus 

2 Theophrastus (372-287 B.C.) was Aristotle's successor in the Peripatetic 

8 Aristotle, Rhetoric, 3. 9. 7-9. 

4 Aristotle, Rhetoric, 3. 9. 9 παρίσωσι* 5' iav (σα τά κώ\α. Cp. Anaxi- 
menes, c. 27. Demetrius (Ilepi έρμην€ΐα*, c. 25) calls this Ισβκώλον. Some 
rhetoricians used ίσόκωλον of precise equality, and παρίσωσι* of approximate 
equality. See Volkmann, p. 482. 


Cp. 12. 4 ώστε \μητε είς τους άλλους εξαμαρτάνειν 

{ μητε υπο των άλλων άδικεΐσθαι. 
12. J ως ου χρημάτων ένεκα ταύτα πεπρακται 

άλλα συμφέροντα τη πολιτεία -γε-γενηται. 
So 12. 6 (twice) ; 25. 18, three pairs of approximately equal cola; 25. 
32; 34- 5• 

3. παρομοίωση equality of cola, heightened by the use of the same 
or similar words at corresponding points, particularly at beginning or 
end. 1 So μήτε — μήτε — in the first example above; — πεπρακται — 
-γενενηται in the second. 

τοιαύτα — T o »? ) — ny* ουδενος ηγουντο 

- περί πολλού εποιουντο 

~ ί τοιαύτα — 

Cp. 12. Ι \ Λ 12. 7 
[ τοσαυτα — 

Γ η τον κατηγορον άπειπείν Γ — άφίκοντο 

12. Ι < * χ / , χ Λ 12. IQ -! > / 

[ η τον χρονον επιΛιπειν [ — επονησαντο 
, Γ άντελεγες μεν Ινα σώσενας 

{ συνελάμβανες $ε ίνα άποκτείνειας 

12. 3 2 ί ° ύχ , & 1 *?**?" ΐ2. 47 ί ~~ Μμ ^Γ 

{ άλλ ώς ηόομενου { — παρεβαινον 

Γ πάντα τά κακά — ι — μχσεΐσθαι 

12. 33^ / » Λ / 12. 54 Τ\ ~ Α 

{ πάντα ταγασα — [ — φιλεισυαι 

Γ — δικαίως εφευ-γον \ υμεΐς αδίκως 

Ι — υμεΐς δικαίως | οι τριάκοντα αδίκως 


, Γ δια τήν προς €κανους — ί — άναγκαζόμενος 

Ι δια δε την προς υμάς — 'ι — ^ταγγελλό/ΑΟΌς 

R Γ των μλν παρόντων καταφρονων 
\ των δέ απόντων επιθυμων 


«ν Γ μαχόμενους μεν κρείττους €ΐναι των πολεμίων 
' ι ψηφιζομενους δε ηττους των έχθρων 

8ο j ^ ρ ων ^ €is ~" 2ς. ι6 ί ~~ °py% €(re€ 

\ υπέρ ων ούτοι — ^ — νομίζεσθαι 

Γ άλλα την αυτήν κατελθόντες περί ημών γνωμην Ζχετε 
\ ηνπερ φεύγοντες περί υμών αυτών ειχετε 

— σωτηοίαν , \ — άφιεναι Γ — πεποιηκασιν 

,r , 25.26 { , χχ , 2ζ. 3°i 'χ 

— τιμωρναν \ — απολλυναι [ — κατηγγελκασι 

So 19. 54; 25. 13; 25. 22; 32. 28; 34-2; 34. 4; 34• 5; 34- 6. 

1 Aristotle, 3• 9• 95 Anaximenes, c. 28; Demetrius, c. 25. 
lysias — 23 


4. όμοιοτ&αη-ον, rhymed cola. 1 This becomes especially marked 

in παρομοίωσα, as in most of the examples cited above. 3 

~ Γ — αποδείξει Γ — δεδωκώς f — |£ ω 

Cp. 32-25 {_ ^, ^ 12. 77{_ ί1ληφ<!κ ^ _ I _ ^ ω 

J — εγγράψει ) — διοίσω 

[ — πλουτι^ΤΈΐ ^ — ειρήσθω 

5. Ξαναφορά, the repetition of the same word at the beginning of 
successive cola. 8 A fine example is that in 12. 21, πολλούς μεν — , πολ- 
λούς 8c — , πολλούς 8c — , πολλών 8c — (see p. 348, § 46). Beside the 
examples under παρομοίωση, cp. the following: 12. ηη ονειδίζων. — , 
όνειδίζων — . 12. 78 δικαίως μεν — , δικαίως 8c — . 12. 94 ενθνμηθεντες 
μεν — , ενθνμηβεντες 8c — . 16. 8 πολλούς μεν — , πολλούς 8c — . 
19. 9 εστερημενοι μεν — , εστερημενοι 8c — . 3 2 • ι &> the striking and 
effective repetition of ov μετά — at the climax of the mother's com- 
plaint. Cp. 12. 68; 34. 4; 34. 8. 

Isocrates avoids this figure ; Demosthenes is very fond of it ; Lysias 
stands between the two. 

6. αντιστροφή, the repetition of the same word at the close of suc- 
cessive cola. 4 So 12. 57 — αδίκως, — αδίκως. 25. 20 — έχετε, — εΐχετε. 
But neither is an effective case of αντιστροφή, or to be compared with 
the famous example from Aeschines : — 

ί δστις δ' εν τω πρώτω λόγω την ψηφον αιτεί 
δρκον αϊτεΐ 
: νομον αιτεί 
[ δημοκρατών αιτεί. 

7• ίπονοστοοφή, the final word of one colon becomes the initial 
word of the next. 5 

So 25. 31 εκείνοι μεν ολιγαρχίας ούσης 
επεθνμουν ωνπερ οντοι 
οντοι δε και δημοκρατίας 
των αυτών ωνπερ εκείνοι. 

1 Aristotle, 3• 9• 9 ϊ Demetrius, c. 26. 

2 As rhyme was not an ordinary feature of Greek poetry, its use in prose 
did not seem to the Greek hearer as incongruous as it does to us. 

8 Demetrius, c. 268, where αναφορά and επαναφορά are used as synonyms. 
Cp. c. 141. 

4 Hermogenes, Ilepi Ιδεών (Spengel, II. 335). 
6 Hermogenes, Ilepi Ιδεών (Spengel, II. 336), 


34. 1 1 εμαχόμεθα Λακεδαιμονίοις ίνα κατελθωμεν 
κατελθόντες 8ε φευ£όμεθα ίνα μη μαχωμεθα. 

8. kvkXos, a sentence or period begins and ends with the same word. 1 
The first period cited under επαναστροφη (j) shows perfect κύκλος also. 

9. σ-υμιτλοκή, the first and last words of one colon become the first 
and last words of the next. 2 

Aeschin. 3. 202 iirl σαυτον icaActs 

€7Ti τους νόμους καλείς 
επί την 8ημοκρατίαν καλείς. 
58. (b) Figures not connected with balance of cola. 
A second group of figures of speech is independent of balance of 
cola, and so is less frequently found in Lysias. 

ι. άνα8£ιτλωσι$, the repetition of one or more words for rhetorical 
effect. 8 This is too passionate a figure for Lysias's restrained style. 
Cp. Aeschin. 3. 133 Θί}/?αι Sc, Θί}/?αι, πόλις άστυγείτων, με& ημεραν μίαν 
εκ μέσης της 'Ελλάδος άνηρπασται. 

2. συνωνυμία, amplification by the use of synonyms. A favorite 
figure with Demosthenes ; used sparingly by Lysias 4 
Cp. 22. 21 cotv άντιβολωσιν υμάς και ικετεύωσι. 
32. II ήντεβόλει με και ικέτευε. 
21. 21 €γώ δ' υμών δέομαι και ικετεύω και άντφολω. 
12. 19 είς τοσαύτην αιτληστίαν και αίσχροκερδειαν άφίκοντο. 
12. 24 οσιον και ευσεβές. 

12.3 \*fT ' 2 • 68 {Τλ-/ 

[ αουνατως [ πολλού άξιον 

π.π{*°?™ , 22 .,6ΐ ,Γανουρ Γ ϊ 

\ αχσγρον [ κακονοιας 

ι Ζλεγχον Γ τούτο ζητεΐν 

12. 31 i Λ / /Λ 24- ΐο^ Λ γ 

{ ρασανον { τούτο φιλοσοφείν 

Γ στάσιν Γ καλλίστων 

Ι2 • 55 /χ 24- η\ 

[ ττολεμον { μέγιστων 

1 Hermogenes, Ilcpi €ύρέσεως (Spengel, II. 252). 

3 Alexander, Uepl σχημάτων (Spengel, III. 30) : τούτο τό σχήμα μικτόν 
έστιν έκ τη* αναφορά* καΐ τη$ αντίστροφη*, διό καΐ ούτω κέκΚηται. 

8 Demetrius, c. 140. 

4 Alexander, Περί σχημάτων (Spengel, III. 30). Demetrius (c. 280) calls 
it επιμονή ondwelling, a happy term to bring out the real force of the figure. 


3. άσύνδττον, the omission of the conjunction in a series of coordi- 
nate words or phrases. 1 A remarkable example is in the closing sen- 
tence of XII : άκηκόατ€, ίωράκατε, πατόνθατε, — €χ€Τ€' δικάζετε. Cp. 
the impassioned words of the mother in 32. 16. 

4. itoXixHivSctov, the repetition of the conjunction in a series of 
coordinate words or phrases. 2 Cp. 12. 78 και τοσούτων και έτερων 
κακών και αισχρών και πάλαι και veaxrri και μικρών και μεγάλων αιτίου 
Ύ€γ€νημ€νον. Cp. 12. 19; 12. 99» 22 • ! 4• 

5• ιταρονοαασ-ία, play on the sound and meaning of words. 8 The 
Gorgian school delighted in this artificial word play. Lysias did not 
entirely escape their influence. Cp. 12. 32 άνιωμένον, ήδομένον. 
12-33 παρεΐναι, παρ* αυτοί? cfvai. 12. 59 εννονστατον, κακονονστατον. 
24. 3 δυστυχήματα, επιτηδεύμασιν. 24• 7 δικαίως, αδίκως, άδικησαι, 
άθυμήσαι. 2$. 2$ σωτηρίαν, τιμωρίαν. 2$. 24 πονηρίαν, σωτηρίαν. 
32. 22 y ράμματα, χρημάτων. 

59. II. Σχήματα διανοίας, figures of thought. 

Lysias does not make frequent use of the so-called figures of 
thought. Some of these figures appear, of course, in the unstudied 
speech of any man. In Lysias the following only demand especial 

1. th πνσ-μαηκάν σχήμα, 4 the rhetorical question. A question is 
asked, not for information or advice, but only for rhetorical effect. 
Sometimes the speaker answers his own question. The rhetorical 
question sometimes stirs the emotions of the hearers, sometimes con- 
founds the opponent, sometimes gives an air of candor to the claims 
of the speaker, and always quickens the attention of the hearers. The 
ordinarily quiet style of Lysias has little place for such questions, but 
they are occasionally used with great effect. They are oftenest used in 
appealing to the good sense of the jury as the speaker draws his con- 

1 Aristotle, 3. 12. 2 and 4; Demetrius, c. 268; Hermogenes, Tlepl 
μεθόδου δεινού (Spengel, II. 435). 

3 Demetrius (c. 63) calls this συνάφεια. 

8 Alexander (Spengel, III. 36) limits the term to the particular case 
where the play is upon slight changes in the form of the word. For play on 
several meanings of the same word he has the terms αντιμετάθεσε, or σ0γ- 
κρισπ, or πλοκή {Ibid. p. 37). 

4 Tiberius, Περί σχημάτων (Spengel, III. 64), 


elusions on the particular point under discussion. Cp. 12. 26-29; I2 • 
34, 36, 49» 5 2 > 89 ; 16. 21 ; 19. 17, 23, 33, 34, 38 ; 22. 10, 16, 17, 18, 21 r 
24. 2,3,9, I2 > 13,21,23; 32. 15,27; 34. 2,3, 11. 

2. νττοφορά, 1 the speaker raises objections, often in the form of 
questions, which the hearers or the opponents may be supposed to 
make. He answers the objections, sometimes putting the answer also 
in the form of a question. Lysias sometimes has an effective series of 
such questions and answers. Cp. 12. 39; 12. 82-4; 19. 29; 24. 23-5 ; 


60. The pre-Solonian system of weights, measures, and coinage of 
Athens was essentially that of Aegina and the Peloponnesus. 2 Solon 
introduced the Euboean system, based on a foot 297 mm. long; the 
square of this foot gave the surface unit ; its cube, the unit of capacity ; 
and the weight of this cubic foot of water (or wine), the unit of weight. 
After the time of Pisistratus these units seem to have been slightly 
reduced, and made to correspond to a linear foot of 296 mm. While 
Solon's other units of measure came into universal use in Athens, his 
linear foot failed to displace, for common purposes, the old Aeginetan 
foot of 330 mm. ; but this old foot was reduced, probably to correspond 
to the reduction in the Solonian foot, giving the common working foot 
of about 328 mm. 8 

61. Attic coinage was based on the talent, the weight of a cubic 
foot of water (or wine). 4 The unit of coinage was the drachma, a coin 
of pure silver, weighing one six-thousandth of a talent, and equal to 

1 Tiberius, Uepi σχημάτων (Spengel, III. 77). 

2 Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, II. 2 262 f. 

8 Nissen, Mullens Handbuch, I. 2 876 ff. Nissen bases his computation 
of the reduced Solonian foot upon the diminished weight of our specimens 
of Attic drachmas after the early period ; then, assuming that the common 
(Aeginetan) foot was reduced in the same ratio, he computes its length as 
328.89 mm. Dorpfeld concludes by comparison of the description of dimen- 
sions of parts of the Erechtheum ( C.f.A. I. 322) with the measurements of 
such of these parts as survive, that the common Attic foot was one of 328 mm. 
(Ath. Mittheil XV. 167 ff.). 

4 This cubic foot being based on the reduced Solonian linear foot of 
296 mm. 


4.32 grams, 1 or 66.667 + grains Troy. The modern bullion value of the 
drachma would be, for the period 1 899-1 903, 2 $0.08+, and its value in 
U.S. coined silver 8 would be $0.1795+. The following table gives the 
Attic system with approximate equivalents in U.S. silver dollars : 

1 obol = $0.03 

6 obols = 1 drachma = $0.18 

100 drachmas = 1 mina = $18.00 

60 minae = 1 talent = $1080.00 

62. The Persian daric and the Cyzicene stater were the chief gold 
coins of the ancient world until the Macedonian supremacy. The daric, 
a coin of pure gold, passed in Athens as equal to 20 drachmas. The 
Cyzicene stater was a coin of electrum (gold and silver) ; its current 
value in the time of Lysias was above that of the daric, 4 but the exact 
value in drachmas is not known. We learn that about 328/7 it passed 
at Bosporus in the Crimea as equal to 28 Attic drachmas. 6 

63. The real value of the drachma must be measured by its pur- 
chasing power. 6 In the time of Lysias a drachma would pay a day's 
wages of a carpenter, or stone cutter, or superintendent of building 
operations. 7 It was the daily pay of a senator. 8 A half-drachma a 

1 Here, as in all computations in this chapter, the modern equivalents are 
based on Nissen's tables, Mailer's Handbuck, I. 2 835 ff. 

- The average bullion value of silver in London for the period 1899-1903 
was $0.5776+ per ounce, U.S. Treasury Report, 1904, p. 405. 

51 The standard silver dollar contains 371.25 grains of fine silver. Our silver 
" quarter " (our coin nearest to the drachma) contains only 347.22 grains of 
fine silver per dollar, but as our concern is chiefly with considerable sums 
of drachmas, the value is better taken on the dollar standard. 

4 Xen. A nab. 1. 3. 21 compared with 5. 6. 23, 7. 3. 10. δ [Demos.] 34. 23. 

6 There was a continuous rise in nominal prices from the time of Solon to that 
of Demosthenes, caused in part by the increasing supply of silver. The period 
of Lysias includes a few years of abnormal conditions in the closing years of the 
Peloponnesian War. Cp. Speck, Handelsgeschichte des Aliertums, II. 388 f. 

7 Workmen on the Erechtheum, 408/7 B.C., C.I-A. I. 324, cp. C.f~4. IV. 
i. 321., That the Erechtheum wages were normal, although the work was 
perhaps a relief measure, appears from the fact that they bear about the same 
proportion to the cost of living at the close of the fifth century as do the higher 
wages of the Eleusinian inscription (C./..4. II. ii. 834, b, c) to food prices in 
the later period to which it belongs (329/8 B.c and the years following). 

8 Hesychius, s.vz: βον\ψ λαχέι*. 


day was the pay of an unskilled laborer, 1 of a rower in the fleet, 2 a juror's 
pay for a sitting, 8 and the voter's pay for attendance on a session of the 
Ecclesia. 4 Four obols (f dr.) was the minimum pay of a hoplite in 
the field. 5 The Attic drachma therefore bought labor that would with 
us cost from $2.50 to $375 ; that is, a given amount of silver coined in 
Attic drachmas would purchase from fourteen to twenty times as much 
Athenian skilled labor as the same silver coined in our money would 
purchase in our labor market. 6 

64. We have some data for determining the real value of the 
drachma as measured by its purchasing power in the food market. 
A drachma would buy i to J medimnus of barley meal ( = 1 \ to 3 
pecks), 7 the common food of the people. 8 We have the following quo- 

1 Aristoph. Eccles. 310. Jevons argues for a drachma as the pay of an 
unskilled laborer at the close of the fourth century, Jour, Hellenic Studies, 
XV. 239 if.; but cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, I. 415. 

2 Thucyd. 8. 45. 2, Xen. Hell. 1. 5. 7. Thucydides (6.31. 3) notes the pay 
of a drachma a day to rowers in the fleet on the Sicilian expedition as 

8 Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 88, 300. 

* Arist. Resp. Ath. 41. 3. 

6 Busolt, Griechische Altertumer? p. 305. 

6 The average day's wages in the United States in 1900 for men corre- 
sponding to the Athenian one-drachma workmen were : for carpenters, $2.63; 
stone cutters, $3.45 ; brick layers, $3.84 ; stone setters, $3.82. U.S. Bureau 
of Labor, Bulletin No. 33, July, 1904. 

7 The medimnus = 51.84 li. = 5.88 pk. 

8 A sacrificial calendar from the Attic Tetrapolis, of the early part of the 
fourth century (the period of most of Lysias's speeches), published in the 
Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. VI. 
374 ff•» gives numerous quotations of prices. So far as we can test these 
by other evidence, they seem to be higher than the average. This table 
gives a έκτ€ύ$ of barley meal at 4 obols (=4 dr. per medimnus). But from 
Aristoph. Eccles. 547 (392 B.C.) we infer that wheat was 3 dr. per medimnus 
at this period. We find later in the century the price of wheat to that of 
barley as 2: 1 (C./.A. IV. ii. 834 b) or 9: 5 (C.I.A. IV. ii. 196, Beloch, II. 
356 Anm. 4) ; assuming this ratio for the time when wheat was 3 dr., we have 
1 J to 1 1 dr. for unground barley. This agrees with the 2 dr. for barley meal 
mentioned in an anecdote of Socrates preserved by later writers (see Beloch, 
I. 411 Anm. 1). 


tation of prices for live animals for sacrifice (naturally choice animals 
at a maximum price) in the Tetrapolis inscription: a cow (or ox?), 
90 dr. = $16.16; a sheep, n to 17 dr. = $1.97 to $3.05 ; a goat, 12 dr. 
= $2.15 ; a sow, 20 dr. = $3.59; a pig, 3 dr. = 54 cts. 1 The cattle 
for a hecatomb in Athens in 410 B.C. cost on the average about 
51 dr. (=$9.15) a 'head; 2 for the Delian festival of 374 B.C. 
about 77 dr. ( = $Ι3•82). 8 Oil and wine were cheap. An early fourth- 
century inscription 4 has oil at \ obol a κοτνλη = about 20 cts. a gallon. 
At a later period, when all prices were higher, wine was 8 dr. a μετρη- 
τής — about 14 cts. a gallon. 6 It is in accord with these prices that we 
find in a decree of thanks to a Delian who has rendered service to 
Athens, and is temporarily residing there, an appropriation of one 
drachma a day for his support (τροφή).* 

65. These prices show that in reckoning the real value of any sum 
of Attic drachmas for the time of Lysias we must make large allowance 
for the high purchasing pOwer of silver. Its value was greatest in the 
labor market, where slave labor kept wages at a minimum, while in the 
food market it was in all departments greater than with us, — in some, 
much greater. 

66. But it must be remembered that a small fortune made a man 
rich in the Athens of the fourth century B.C., not only because the 
necessaries of life were cheap, but still more because the simplicity 
of life was such that even the rich demanded few luxuries. 7 

1 We find the same price for a pig in Aristoph. Peace, 374. 

2 CJ.A. I. 188. This is upon the assumption that a full hundred cattle 
were bought for the 5 114 dr. recorded. Possibly this was not done. It is 
difficult to understand how cattle could have been so cheap at this period 
of the war. 

8 C.I.A. II. 814. 
* C.I.A. II. 631. 

6 CJ.A. II. ii. 834 b (329/8 B.C.). 

β CJ.A. II. i. 115 b (p. 408), to be dated not long after the middle of the 
fourth century. 

7 We have most interesting details as to the increased prices of labor and 
of many commodities later in the fourth century, in the accounts preserved 
from building operations at Eleusis, 329 B.C. and after, CJ.A, II. ii. 834 b, 
IV. ii. 834 b, II. ii. 834 c. Cp. Speck, ibid. II. 532 ff. 



67. Thirty-one speeches ascribed to Lysias have come down to us 
in the Codex Palatinus X (Heidelbergensis 88). All our other Mss. 
of Lysias were copied from this. Two of these speeches, however, 
numbered I and II, have also been preserved in another group of Mss*. 
as a part of a collection of speeches by several authors. 1 We have also 
parts of three more speeches (in modern editions numbered XXXII, 
XXXIII, and XXXIV) in the Mss. of the treatise of Dionysius on 
Lysias, where they were transcribed as specimens of Lysias's style. 2 The 
Ms. X was written in the twelfth century. From an entry in a four- 
teenth-century hand on a blank leaf it appears that the Ms. was 
originally at Nicaea. 8 It was taken to Italy, thence to Heidelberg; in 
1622 it was taken to Rome, thence to Paris by command of Napoleon 
in 1797; in 1815 it was taken back to Heidelberg. 4 The Ms. con- 
sists of one hundred and forty-two leaves of parchment. Before it 
reached Italy it had lost one whole quaternion, 6 two leaves in another 
place, and a single leaf in still another. 6 The fact that all the other 
Mss. have lacunae at the places where X is mutilated is the conclu- 
sive proof that they were copied from it. The archetype of X had 
a considerable number of variant readings, which are preserved in X. 
The readings of the other Mss., where they differ from those of 
X, are conjectures of critics or copyists. Readings of C (Laurenti- 
anus plut. 57, 4) are occasionally cited in the following notes, not as 
ancient testimony, but as giving the origin of current corrections of X. 

1 Erdmann has shown that Speeches I and II in the Ms. X came to it from 
a different archetype from that which furnished the others. This other arche- 
type was the common source of I and II of Ms. X and I and II of the other 
group. Erdmann, De Pseudolysiae epitaphii codicibus, Lipsiae, 188 1 ; Lysi- 
aca, Strassburg, 1 891. 

2 On the Mss. of Dionysius see Appendix, XXXII, introductory note. 

3 Scholl, Hermes, XI. 203. 

4 For the history of the Ms. see Sauppe, Epistola Critica ad Godofredum 
Hermannum scripta, Lipsiae, 1 84 1. 

6 This contained the close of Speech XXV, the whole speech entered in 
the index of the Ms. as Κατά ΊΧικίδον apyLas, and the beginning of XXVI. 

6 These two leaves contained the close of Speech V and the beginning 
of VI. The single leaf was between §§ 49 and 50 of VI. 


There are many impossible readings in X, which must be corrected by 
pure conjecture. Of the speeches printed in this volume, the nineteenth 
has the greatest number of corruptions of text. 


1513. Aldus, Venice. In the Rhetores Graeci, I. 86-197. 

1575. Stephanus, Geneva. In the Orator urn Veterum Orationes. 

1739. Taylor, London. Lysiae Orationes et Fragmenta. 

1772. Reiske, Leipzig. Vols. V and VI of Reiske's Oratores Graeci. 
Containing with his own notes those of Taylor and Markland. 
With scholia, variant readings, and indices. 

1823. Bekker, Berlin and Oxford. Vol. I of Bekker's Oratores Attici; 
Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias. 

1828. Dobson, London. Vol. II of Dobson's Oratores Attici. " Con- 
taining notes of Stephanus, Taylor, Markland, Reiske, and 
others, and Dobree's Adversaria ad Lysiam. 

1838. Baiter and Sauppe, Zurich. Oratores Attici, Fasc. I, Antiphon, 
Andocides, Lysias. Also the Lysias alone in a small text 
edition of the same date. 

1852. Scheibe, Leipzig. Lysiae Orationes. 1855, Editio altera. Text 
edition (Teubner text) with critical apparatus. 

1854. Westermann, Leipzig. Lysiae Orationes. 

1863. Cobet, Amsterdam. Lysiae Orationes. Revised by Hartman, 
Leyden, 1890. 

1863. Van Herwerden, Groningen. Lysiae Orationes Select ae. 
Speeches I, XII, XIII, XVI, XXV, XXXII. 

1888. Weidner, Leipzig. Lysiae Orationes Selectae. Speeches I, VII, 

1899. Van Herwerden, Groningen. Lysiae Orationes in quibus etiam 
Aviatoria a Platone servata, cum Fragmentis. 

1 901. Thalheim, Leipzig. Lysiae Orationes. Editio Maior. Con- 
taining full critical apparatus. 

Standard Editions of Selected Speeches with Commentary 

1848. Rauchenstein, Berlin. Ausgewahlte Reden des Lysias. Revised 
by the author in 1853-59-64-69-72-75. Divided into two 
parts and revised by Fuhr, 1880, Part I is now in the eleventh 


edition (1899), and Part II in the tenth edition (1897), revised 
repeatedly by Fuhr. Part I, Speeches XII, XIII, XVI, XXV, 


1 865-1 870. Frohberger, Leipzig. Ausgewahlte Reden des Lysias. 
Vol. I, Speeches XII, XIII, XXV, 1865. Vol. II, Speeches I, 
X, XIV, XV, XXXII, 1868. Vol. Ill, Speeches XVI, XIX, 

XXIV, XXX, XXXI, 1870. Each volume has commentary 
and a critical appendix, and Vol. Ill has full indices for the 
three volumes. 

Vol. I is in a second edition, revised by Gebauer, 1880. 
Gebauer has enlarged the critical appendix from 46 pages to 
310, making it a great storehouse of information on both 
grammatical and rhetorical usage. 
1873. Frohberger, Leipzig. Ausgewahlte Reden des Lysias, Kleiner e 
Ausgabe. Speeches VII, X, XI1-XVI, XIX, XXII, XXIV, 


Speeches XII, XIII, XVI, XXV, XXXI, revised by Gebauer, 
1882. Revised by Thalheim, 1895. 
Speeches VII, X, XIV, XV, XIX, XXII, XXIV, XXX, 

XXXII, revised by Thalheim, 1892. 

1882. Shuckburgh, London. Lysiae Orationes XVI, with analysis, 
notes, appendices, and indices. Speeches V, VII, IX, Χ, Χ1Γ, 
XXX, XXXII. Now in the fifth edition, 1892. 

1885-1887. Kocks, Gotha. Ausgewahlte Reden des Lysias. Vol. I, 
Speeches VII, XII, XIII, XVI, XIX, 1885. Revised by Schnee, 
1898: Vol. II, Speeches XXI-XXV, XXVIII, XXX-XXXIII, 

1895. Morgan, Boston. Eight Orations of Lysias, with introduction, 
notes, and appendices. Speeches VII, XII, XVI, XXII, 


In the following critical notes the statements of Ms. readings are taken from the 
notes of Thalheim's critical edition of 1901. Minor orthographical errors of X in 
which Ms. authority is not significant are corrected in the printed text without com- 
ment; otherwise all variations of the printed text from the readings of X are 


recorded, as are all rariatiocs (except in punctuation) from the text of Thalhrhn's 
critical cditkm (1901). 

The following abbreviations are nsed in die critical notes : 

Bekk.. Bekker. Rn., Raachenstem. 

Cob., Cobet. Rs., Reiske. 

Coot., Conter. Sch., Scfaeibe. 

Dobr., Dobree. Steph., Stephanas. 

F., Fahr. TayL, Taylor. 

Frb., Frohberger. Th.. Thalheim. 

Geo., Gebaner. Turr., Baiter and Sanppe, 

Hew., Van Herwerden. Us.R.. Useiier-Radermachex: 

Markl.. Markland. Wdn^ Weidner. 

Mor., Morgan. WesL, Westennann. 


1. ctpHfoe-rmi. • Th. Clauses introduced by τοιούτος. στη*ς. and the 
like, following the main statement without other connective, fall into 
two classes : (a) exclamatory clauses, often expressing indignation or 
surprise (so Lys. 12. 84. 13. 31. 12. 17. 12. 44. 13. 60. 28. 6) ? sometimes 
giving the general feet or principle of which the preceding statement 
is an illustration (so Lys. 1. 2, 1. 32. 32. 21). sometimes expressing the 
writer's final reflection called out by a series of statements (so Thuc 
2. 65. 13; : ib) clauses which, like the one under discussion• give the 
ground for the preceding statement (so Herod. 3. 85 : Dem. 20. 141. 
22. 68: Eurip. Media 71S. 7S9). In class b the preceding statement 
is in effect a «rrc clause, so that the connection is much doser than in 
class a ; οτκ αρζασϋαι Soxeu toumxtol άμγασται = τοιαντα εψγασται 
«ore owe αρξασΰαλ oojccl. When two such clauses are followed by a «ore 
clause, the last clause tends to draw the middle (τοιούτος) clause toward 
itself, giving the effect of a harsh asyndeton after the first clause. 
Thalheim's punctuation helps to resist this. 

2. νολλ%* i ^ tor C n s «Sv^S «v^p rmv Sqp otrf mw opf($wtai Herw.. 
Rn.-F. : χολλής αφθονίας ονστ/ς vxcp τνψ totW η vxcp twt δημοστντ 
όρ-γίζατθαι X. Th. Even if we accept the single η where we should 
expect η ... ψ the statement as it stands in X is not true. It is not 
a fact that all citizens have either public or private grounds of anger ; 
all have public grounds, and many have private grounds in addition. 
Th. interprets ή as than through the comparative force of αφθονία? 
citing ο^ξαίμψ ay rj 10. 21 . 

3. «οιήο^|Μΐ Ycig.. Sch. ; ττοιψτομαι X, Th. The probability of 
the contamination of τοιήσωμαι bj the following -κτιράσομαι seems 


greater than that Lysias used so rare a construction, found nowhere 
else in the orators. Weber, Entwickelungsgesch. der Absichtssatze, II. 
94; GMT. 367. 

5. ττονηροί Rs., Th. ; πονηροί μεν Χ. — ιτροτρέψαι Wdn. ; τραπε- 
σθαι Χ, Th., a reading which requires an awkward change of subject. 

— τοιαύτα Markl. ; και τοιαντα Χ. 

6. ir^vc<r0<u Markl.; γενέσθαι Χ. — την 8* αρχήν Scaliger; την αρ- 
χήν Χ ; την άρχην Βε Rs., Th. 

7. ίν€κα C ; οννεκα (for οννεκα) X (Lampros, Hermes, X. 264) . 

11. έιταδη Sc F. ; επει & X, Th. I have accepted Fuhr's conclusion 
that Lysias did not use επεί temporal (Rn.-F. on 32. 2, An Α.), and that 
€7Γ€ΐδ?7 must be substituted wherever επεί temporal has been handed 
down. In all of these cases επεί is followed by δ£ Of Fuhr 1 s cases 
only three are attested by the Mss. of Lysias (12. 11, 13. 43, 23. 14). 
In Fr. 88 επεί is clearly causal ; in 32. 2 it is more causal than temporal. 

— ώμολογησ -cv : ώ/χολ° X (Scholl, Hermes , 11. 215). Pison had agreed 
to accept a talent ; he now broke his agreement. I have written ωμο- 
λόγησ€ν (repeated from § 9) as preferable to ώμολόγησα C, ωμολόγονν 
Sch. (conj.), ώμολόγητο Fritzsche, Th. - δανικούς : Maussac ; καρι- 
κονς Χ. 

12. fciroi Codex Vindob. ; οπη Χ. — els τάδ€λφοΟ Cob. ; εις τα τον 
αδελφοί Χ, Th. 

15. ηδη: βδειν Χ, Th. I have followed Morgan in restoring the 
older form here and elsewhere. Kiihn. § 213. 5. 

17. τοΰιτ IkcCvwv Fritzsche ; το νπ ε. X ; το Ιπ ε. Aldus. 

18. 4ξ o48c|uas Cob. ; ουδέ /aias X. — kXcutCov Sauppe (Meisterhans 8 
51) ; κλίσιον X. 

ig. κτήσ-€<τθαι Dobr. ; κτησασθαι X. See GMT. 127, Kiihn. 389, 
Anm. 7. — 8τ€ ιτρωτον Hertlein (Hermes, 13. 10), Rn.-F.; otc το πρώ- 
τον X, Frb.-Geb., Th. ore το πρώτον can mean only when . . . the first 
time, or when once. — tjXOcv X ; ηλθον Th., with the comma after οίκίαν 
instead of after Μηλόβιος. 

20. dJCovs γ€ £ντα$ : άζίους έχοντας Χ. — ιτάσα$ μ«ν Rs. ; πάσας Χ. 

— cfrcvcyKOvTas Markl. ; €ν€γκόντας Χ. 

ai. &τ(μου9 Markl. ; άτιμους της πόλεως Χ. 
22. τοσ-οΰτον : τονοντον Χ. 
24. δσιον : όσον Χ. — 8 τι Brunck ; ει τι Χ. 

25- *Η : ην Χ, Th. I have followed Morgan in restoring the older 
Attic form (Kiihn. §298. 4). — 'AvWXc-yov, ϊνα μή άιτοθάνητ< Usener 


(Rhein. Mus. 25. 590) ; dvr&eyov. ίνα άποθάνωμεν ; Ινα μη άποθάνητε Χ. 
The reading of Χ can stand only as a sarcastic question, ill fitted to 
the direct, rapid series of questions, and weakening the force of the 
outburst ΕΓτ, ω σχετλιώτατε κτλ. 'AvrcXcyov. "Ινα άποθάνωμεν η μη 
άποθάνωμεν; "Ινα μη άποθάνητε. Rs., Th. 

26. diroKTcCvcias Kayser ; άποκτείνης X, Th. ; άττοκτανοις Author 
ΊΙερι ερωτήσεως Spengel, I. 166. The change of mood within the 
sentence would not in general be surprising, but where the two verbs 
are in antithesis the change is less likely, and for this speech very 
unlikely, when it carries with it the destruction of the rhymed ending. 
— otci Sctv ΙμοΙ F. ; 6Ul εμώ X ; δεΐν before δούναι Th. after Madvig. 

27. ιτρο<Γ€τάχθη Rs. ; ετάχθη X. — ήττ° ν Canter; πίστιν X. 

2g. avrfjs X ; om. Dobr., Th. For examples of the intensive stand- 
ing alone in oblique case, see KUhn. 468, Anm. 1 . — iropd toS Canter ; 
παρ αυτόν Χ. 

3θ. μεν δη C; μηδέν δη Χ. — <ro»£civ tc . . . ναρόν Sauppe; σώ- 
ζοντα . . . ον Χ. — irewnv Rs. ; πάντες Χ. 

3ΐ. τοίδ Rs. ; τούτοις Χ. 

34• *©τ 4ΐΓο(ησ•οβ Dobr. ; πάτε ποιήσαις Χ. Gildersleeve defends 
ποιήσαις, " as the question may safely be taken as a generic question " 
(GS. 439). But the parallelism with άπεκτανας makes the distinctively 
past form more probable. — 4τυγχάν€Τ€ . . . ά^ψηφίσασ^* : ετνχετε . . . 
άπεψηφίσασθε Χ ; ετνγχάνετ€ . . . απεψηφίζεσθ* Kayser ; ετνχετε . . . 
άποψηφίσαισθε Th. (opt. after Markl.). The aor. indie, with αν, to 
express an unreal conclusion belonging to time immediately future, is 
rare, but this passage is perhaps supported by άν χαρίσασθαι 19. 26 ; 
see GMT. 414 (to the examples there add Eur. Medea, 426) and cp. 
Haley on Eur. Alcestis, 125. The unusual aor. of the apodosis proba- 
bly led to the corruption of the protasis in the Mss. — Ul& F. ; νίεΐς X. 

35. v|i£rcpoi Rs. ; ημίτιροι X. — irorcpov Hamaker; δτι η X, Th. ; 
η οτι Fritzsche. The reading of X gives the absurd statement that 
.' the citizens will learn to-day that wrong-doers will either be punished 
or go free. 1 Fritzsche's remedy is simple, but we feel the lack of οτι 
with the second η (cp. η ως . . . η ως, § 34)• — σ-φάβ γ F. ; σφας Χ ; 
σφόδρα σφας Wdn. Lysias says either η που . . . yc or rj που σφό- 
δρα] see 7. 8, 13. 69, 25. 17, 27. 15, 30. 17; cp. Dem. 55. 18; Thuc. 
5. ΙΟΟ, 6. 37. 2; Andoc I. 24, 90. — υμών: ημών Χ. — τηρούμενοι* Χ, 
Th. ; τειρομενους Canter; κηδομένους Rn. ; τιμωρούμενους Markl.; δια- 
τεινομενους Frb. The middle τηρούμενους is appropriate here ; the allies 


are ' on their guard ' against the exiles in the interest of the Athenians ; 
cp. Thuc. 4. 108. 1 ; Ar. Wasps, 372, 1386. 

36. τιθνιώτων : τεθνειότων Χ. — άκρ£του« : άκρίτως Χ. — νφ* C ; αφ' Χ. 

37. ού8* αν . . . δίκην δούναι αξία ν Svvcuvro : οΰδ' . . . δίκην δούναι 
δι/ναιντ' αν Χ. In favor of the position of αν after ούδ' (Herw.) is the 
fact that the four passages in Lysias similar to this have αν with the intro- 
ductory word. These passages also have ά£ίαν either immediately after 
δίκην or separated by a single word. The position of ά£ίαν after δούναι 
(Markl.) breaks up the unpleasant succession of similar initial sounds 
in δίκην δούναι δΰναιντ' αν. To write ά£ίαν after δνναιντ' αν (Fr., Th.) 
is to add to this unpleasant sound the awkward confusion of sound 
between αν άζίαν and άνα£ιαν. 

38. κατηγορημένα C ; κατηγορούμενα (sic) Χ. — ηώ* «όλ«« Meutz- 
ner ; 7ΓΟλ«9 Χ ; η πόλεις Markl., Th. 

39• tycWpav Rs. ; ημντίραν Χ. 

4θ. τοσ-αντα k<TKv\twrav Rs. ; εσκνλενσαν τοσαντα Sch., Th. ; om. 
τοσαυτα Χ. — άφιίλοντο, . . . κατάτκαψαν • Wdn., Th. ; άφύλοντο ; 
. . . κατάσκαψαν; Vulg. — οτι lavrots Sluiter after Tayl. and Rs. ; 01s 
αυτόίς X. 

4i. αύτοδ Dobree ; αυτών Χ. 

42. brpa{cv Aid. ; έπραξαν Χ. 

43• ύμιτέρφ Steph. ; ημετερω Χ. 

44- ψυλά$ Tayl.; φύλακας Χ. — χ|κ(η Bekk. ; χμη Χ. — ψηφκίσ*0« 
Cob. ; ψηφίσησθε Χ. 

45• καλώ* Frb. ; και Χ. — vpas Markl. ; ημάς Χ. 

47• καίτοι κάκ€ϊνοι Hertlein (Hermes, 13. 10) ; καίτοι Χ, Th. 

48. *χρήν αυτόν Bekk. ; εχρην άν Χ. αυτόν (intensive) adds greatly 
to the force and displaces a troublesome αν. Goodwin's defense of this 
αν (GMT. p. 410) rests upon the translation "have to" for εχρην: "if 
he had been an honest man, he would have had, first, to abstain from 
lawlessness in office" " not being an honest man, he did not have to 
abstain from lawlessness in office." But "have to" is just ambiguous 
enough to be misleading ; it covers both external and moral necessity. 
If in Goodwin's phrase we substitute the strict translation of χρην, 
obligation, we have, " not being an honest man, he was not under obli- 
gation to abstain from lawlessness in office," the fatal absurdity which 
La Roche pointed out. The apodosis of eiircp ην άνηρ αγαθός is in μη 
παρανόμως άρχειν and μηνντην γίγνεσθαι ; both are contrary to feet, 
εχρην is not. — άλλα τά C ; άλλα τάληθη Χ. 


50. αντω Cont. ; αυτά ω Χ. 

5i. τά πράγματα Geb. (cp. 13. 60) ; μχκ ταύτα Χ. 
52. d γαρ Schott; και γαρ Χ. — ην C; αν ην Χ. — κατηληφότοβ : 
κατειληφότες Χ. — cuvoiav Markl., cp. § 49? σννουσίαν Χ. 
53• (Ο irpfe άλλήλον* διαλλαγήστσθαι (Hamaker) 

ώ$ αμφό^ροι «Scifav (Canter) ; 

(2) προς αλλήλους εσεσθαι, ως άμφ&Γ€ροι εοοξαν Χ ; 

(3) προς αλλήλους εσεσθαι, ως αμφότεροι εοαξαν (Canter) Th. ; 

(4) προς αλλήλους εσεσθαι, ως αμφότεροι εΰείζαμεν, Geel, Rn.-F. ; 

(5) τα προς άλλ. εσεσθαι, ως άμφοτεροις εΒο£εν Frb. 

With (3) Th. supplies τας οΊαλλαγάς from των οΊαλλαγων above as 
subject of εσεσθαι, but the hearer almost inevitably takes εσεσθαι with 
the subject of εΐχομεν ; Fuhr so interprets it, and translates (4) Wir 
wurden beiderseits gegeneinander sein y wie wir beiderseits zeigten, a 
translation that leaves the thought vague and incomplete. The same 
objection holds against (5). For (1) is the feet that the desire for 
reconciliation and its defeat by Eratosthenes's friends is the central 
thought of the passage, and ought to be definitely expressed. — av- 
tovs X. We might expect a more definite word, yet the very vagueness 
of avroiis fits the delicacy with which Lysias is speaking to a part of the 
jury of their own defeat, and the restrained expression κρείττονς δντες. 

55. *y€v<5fuvos Frb.; 6 των τριάκοντα γενόμενος Χ. — καΐ (after Κρι- 
τία) om. Χ. — αυτοί Markl. ; αυτ°£ Χ. — to«s Rs. ; η τοις Χ. 

56. ω καΐ Rn. ; οι και Χ. 

57• d $* "pcfe 8ικα(ω$, οι τριάκοντα αδίκως Rs. ; εΐ δ* νμεΐς αδίκως, οι 
τριάκοντα δικαίως Χ. — δη Steph. ; St Χ. 

58. αυτών : αυτών Χ. — στρατ€ύ€σ6αι Χ ; στρατενσασθαι C, defended 
by F. as perhaps correct, on the ground that πείθειν usually takes the 
aor. F.'s many Lysian examples owe the use of the aor. to the nature 
of the verb itself, rather than to the connection with πείθειν. For pres. 
of an action similar to στρατ€ν«Γ0αι cf. Aes. 2. 63 πείθων νμας μη προσε- 
χειν . . . μηοε . . . βοηθεΐν; Dem. 5• 5 V™* επεώόν τίνες νμας • • . 
βοηθεΐν Πλουτάρχω. Other instances of πείθειν with pres. infin. are 
Xen. Anab. 5. 1. 14; Demos. 32. 7; Aeschin. 1. 48, 2. 154; Thuc. 2. 
33. 1, 2. 67. I. 

59. &avcC<raTO : εοανείσαντο X. 

60. «oAcis SXas Cob. ; πόλεις X, Th. — ofe Tayl. ; ους X. 

6ι. ούκ οΐδ* 8 τι F., who cites 7. 42, 10. 31, 12. 37, 16. 9, 22. 22, 
24. 21 ; oSf ότι Χ; ουκ οΓδ* ότι Th. — «λιίστων Cont.; πλείστον X. 


62. αν om. X. — irapcurrg, as X. The thought is clear as it stands ; 
the supposed objection that may arise in the mind of some juror is pre- 
cisely the objection that Demosthenes raises in 18. 15 «Γτα κατηγορά 
μλν εμον, κρίνα δέ τουτονί, and it is presented in the same terse antithesis. 
For παραστηναι ως cp. Plat. Phaedrus 233 c; Thuc. 4. 61. 2, 4. 95. 2 ; 
Andoc. 1. 54; Demos. Epis. 3. 36 (otherwise παραστηναι is followed 
by infin., Thuc. 6. 34. 9, 6. 68. 3, 6. 78. 1). — αιτολογήσισθαι Markl. ; 
άπολογησασθαι X. — 4kc(vo> Tayl. ; Ικύνοις X. 

64. γαρ ήν Rs. ; γαρ Χ. — tovs ΘηραμΙνοι* Franz; τον Θ. Χ. — 
alrCov . . . <y?ycwf)pivov Bekk. ; αιτίου? . . . -γεγενημίνονς Χ. 

65. ταυτ* Classen; ταυτ' Χ. — αυτών Sauppe, followed by later edi- 
tors generally ; αυτοί) X, Wdn. 

66. τη iroXircCa Dobr. ; τη iroku X ; om. Th. — Καλλακτχρον : κά- 
λαισχρον Χ. — irporlpovs Canter ; πραότερους Χ. 

6y. 'ApxcirroXcpov : άρχιπτόλεμον Χ. 

6g. σωτήρια Markl.; σωτηρίαν Χ. — frcica West. ; οννεκεν X. Cp. 
on 32. 10. — ταΰθ* a irpos Vulg. ; ταύτα προς Χ. — brtrptyaTC Cont. ; 
€7Γ€/χψατ£ Χ. — γυναίκας : γυναίκα Χ. 

70. avros Canter; αύτοΐ? Χ. — ircpicXctv: ττ€ρι α β *" Γ * Χ. — άιτοο-τ€ρή- 
σ€<τθ* Cob. ; άποστίρηθήσεσθε Χ, Th. See Kiihn. I. ii. p. 541. 

71. ομολογημένο? West. ; λεγόμενος X. — IkcCvwv Markl. ; εκείνου X. 

72. irapoVros: 7ταρόντ°^ X. — μηο€ Emperius ; μητ€ Χ. — διαικι- 
λοϊτο Cob. ; άπειλοΊτο Χ. — ψηφίσ-ακτθι : ψηφίσοισθε Χ. 

73• 1>γ&8 Cont. ; ή μας Χ. — ήκκλη<τιάζ€Τ€ Frb. ; €κκ\ησωζ€Τ€ Χ. The 
other form of augment, which X gives in Lys. 13. 73 and 76, c£ck- 
κλησίαζε } was also certainly current (Kiihn. I. ii. p. 415). 

74. μ&οι: μίλλοι Χ. — ιτοιήο-€θ . . . kcXcvu Cob.; ποιησαι& . . . 
κελευοι Χ. With the reading of X we have after c?7rc the change from 
opt. of ind. disc, to indie, then back to opt. The reason for shifting 
to the vivid «τται is clear, but it is surprising if the speaker shifts back 
to the opt. as he comes to the culminating and emphatic clause of the 
period. Moreover ποιήσαιθ* of X must stand for aor. subj. with αν; 
but the clause is emphatically minatory, so that we should expect fiit. 
indie, or fut. opt. These considerations make probable (not necessary) 
the emendation ποιήσεθ' . . . kcAc&i. 

76. ιταρήγγ€λτο Cob. ; παρηγγίλλετοΧ, Th. — δέκα 8' Aid. ; δέκα X. 

77. 8«ϊ C ; δοκα Χ. — o*8cv φροντιζόντων Δακ. Dobr. (See on 
Βοιωτού? 1 6. 13); ovSlv φροντίζων 8k των Λακ. Χ. — avros αϊτνο« Χ; 
αύτοΐς aiTtos Kayser, Th. — αυτοί* 2ργφ C ; αύτώ Ιργω Χ. 

LYSIAS — 24 


78. αΐτίον γιγινημίνον Rs. ; αίτιο* γεγενημίνοι Χ. — ήδη Χ: &ς 
Sauppe. — γαρ Χ ; γαρ πρότερον Frb. ; yap ποτέ Geb. Additions like 
πρότερον, νοτί, are not needed with ηοη and the aor., however tempt- 
ing to readers whose language requires a plup. to represent one past 
act as clearly preliminary to another. 

79. τούτον Rn. ; rourovt X. — μαχόμενοι* μ<ν Cont. ; μαχόμενους X. 

80. μέλλην : μίλειν Χ. — «|icis ύμϊν ovroSs F. : υμιν αντοΐς X, Th. ; 
υμΐν v/xcts αυτοί Funkhanel. The clauses /1.170c . . . πόλο. and κάκιον . • . 
βοη&ησητί form the culmination of a series of antitheses; it is, 
therefore, almost necessary to have a word (υμεΐς or avrot) ex- 
pressed in antithesis to τύχης. Thalheim's citation (Fr.-Th. p. 187) 
of 21. 14 for the omission of υμάς is not to the point for there the 
antithesis is not between έμί and the subject of dounprerc, but be- 
tween €ftc and υμάς αυτούς. His objection to the disturbing effect 
of the insertion of v/xct? after the long series of verbs where it has 
not been expressed is met by the closely parallel construction of 
18. 15. 

81. κ α τηγόρητ α ι Bake ; jcanr/opci-rc X. — per F. ; oc X. Th. κατψ 
γόρηται marks the transition from the attack on the career of Eratos- 
thenes and the other moderates. The substitution of μεν for the 
meaningless ok is therefore justified by 27. 1. — 6 dvTOs Markl. ; αύτος 
X. — κρινομέναν Rs. ; γινομένων Χ. 

82. καλ ovTOi Dobr. ; καίτοι ούτοι Χ. — άκριτοι* : άκρίτως Χ. 

83. dvoKTcivaiTc Bekk. ; axojrravoirc Χ. — ακρίτονδ C; άκρίτως Χ. 

— 8ημτ»σ-αιτ€ Rs. ; δημεύσ£Τ£ Χ. — τάβ olicias Sch. ; οικίας Χ. — 
t£c*op0i|ow : Th. follows Frb.-Geb. in writing εκπόρθησαν. Without 
the interrogation η . . . ή is less fitting than και . . . και. 

84. αντών την άξίαν Auger ; αυτών Χ : αυτών Ικανην Sintenis. — 
SvvourOc Bekk. ; ουνησθε Χ. — SokcC: 00107 Χ. — τοσοντον η Rs. : τόσον- 
τον δ* Χ. 

85. «ίναντο Mark!.; δνναιντο Χ.— &Ac£v C; cXciv Χ.— «σ#α* 
καλ Cob. : Ισζσθαι των "πεπραγμένων και Χ ; εσ. των re πεπ. και Rs.. Th. 
Cp. 22. 19. 3°• 34• 

86. σ -wcpovrrvv Rs. ; (υνεργούντων Χ. — καγαοοΐ Canter ; η άγαΒοι 
Χ. — τή« TovTwv Markl.; της Χ. — άνολλνναι Markl.: άχοοουναι Χ; 
προΒονναι Cont. — o«Sc Rs. ; ovrc Χ. 

88. τών ίχβρΑν Geb. ; χαρά των έχθρων Χ. — Scivov tl : δανον ol Χ. 

— Ιπ' added by Rs. ; άχολάτασιν ψτον X, with mark in the margin sig- 
nifying corruption. — βοηβά* Vulg. ; βσηθεΐέν X. 

CRITICAL NOTES XII 78-100, XVI 1-6 371 

89. Ίτολύ Vulg. ; πολλοί Χ ; πολλώ Rs., Th. Lysias has πολλω with 
πλείων in 17. 6, 24. 16, 29. 8 ; otherwise with the comparative he always 
uses πολύ. — f $ov Steph. ; ρα'διον X. 

90. ScCJctc Markl. ; δα'&ζτε X. 

91. ψηφίζεσθαι Bekk. ; άποψηφίζεσθαι X. — κρύβ&ην clvcu Sch. ; 
κρνβ&ην X. 

92. δια τούτων C ; δια τούτον Χ. 

93. μεν Baiter ; μεν αν Χ. 

94• ιτονηροτάτων Rs. ; πονηρότερων Χ. — σ-φετέρας Markl. ; υμετέ- 
ρας Χ. 

95• ε|ητοΰντο Cont. ; εζητουντο Χ. 

96. άιτεκτειναν Rs. ; άπίκτενον Χ. — άφελκοντε* Rs. ; άφελόντες Χ. 

99• «ιτροθυμία* ονδεν Canter ; προθυμίας Χ. — νιτερ tc των Ιερ&ν Sauppe ; 
υπέρ των Ιερών Χ. 

ιοο. ημών: Auger; υμών Χ. — ε&τεσ-θαι Χ; οψεσθαι or είσοψεσθαι 
Hamaker. See Commentary. — κατεψηφισ-μενονβ Ισ-εσθαι Kayser ; κατά- 
ψηφιεΐσθαι Χ. — τάβ τιμωρία* Franz ; τιμωρίας Χ. 


ι. σ*υνη8η: συη/δειν Χ, Th. I have followed Morgan in restoring 
the older form here and elsewhere ; cp. 12. 15 ; Kiihn. § 213. 5. 

2. &ηδω$ Rs. ; αφως η κακώς Χ. 

3• καΙ iwpl Rs., Fr.-Geb.-Th.; περί Χ; και (without περί) Herw., 
Th. — ΐιτιτευον Rn. ; ΐππευον ουτ επεΰημουν Χ. 

4• Ιιτεδημοΰμεν added after πολιτείας by Markl., after καθαιρουμένων 
by Kayser. — μεθισ-ταμένης τή$ πολιτεία* Aid. ; μεθισταμεντ) τ -rj πο- 
λιτεία Χ. 

5• μηδέν Francken; τοις μηδέν Χ, Th. There is no separation of 
two classes, but close connection of two characteristics of one class, 
the second, indeed, growing out of the first. 

6. cyyey ραμμένοι Markl. ; επιγεγραμμίνοι X. — άναιτράξητε Harp. 
s.v. κατάστασις ; άναπράττηται Χ ; άναπράττητε Vulg. before Sch. ; 
άναπράξαιτε Sauppe. Mor. defends άναπράττητε as referring to " the 
repeated number of cases " ; but Lysias is quite as likely to have 
thought of the summary result (" upshot aorist ") as of the detailed 
process, so that it becomes purely a question of the weight to be given 
to the quotation as independent textual evidence. 


7. £t κατάσταβην ναραλαβοντα F. ; ούτε κατάστασιν ιταραΧαβόντα 
Χ ; ουτ€ κατάστασιν καταβαλόντα Bake, Th. The reading of X breaks 
the connection of thought ; the whole argument turns on the absence 
of the name from the phylarchs 1 list. — οτι Kayser; διότι X. — ά*ο- 
SeCftiav Rs. ; άποοείζαιεν X. 

8. ή : ην X, Th. I have followed Morgan in restoring the older 
Attic form. Kuhn. § 298. 4. Cp. on § 1 and on 12. 25. — δση μηδέν 
St' &λλο μ* Tayl. ; ώστ ei μηοεν οιαβάλλομαι X. 

9. avrfjs Frb. ; ταύτης X ; cp. 19. 55. — μόνον : μον™ Χ. 

1 1 . δ^κηκα Sauppe ; οΊ,ωκησα Χ ; ή t4s F. ; η περί τάς Χ. 

ΐ3• ΒθΜ»τονβ Pertz ; τους Βοιωτού? Χ. In nominibus gentium usur- 
Pandis Lysias const ant em usum sequitur : nomina ubivis sine articulo 
poniiy Pertz, Quaest. Lys. 1. 6. — &ο-φάλιιαν ctvoi Sctv νομίζοντας X. 
Sciv has caused much question, but Geb. has successfully defended jt 
by comparison with Thuc. 4. 10. 4 άπο νέων, αις τολλα τα καίρια δα 
cv Trj θαλάττη ζνμβηνα». Here δα has clearly the force of " may be 
expected." Geb.'s comparison of Aeschin. 3. 170 is less convincing, 
for there σεΐν refers to what ought to be found to meet a definition, as 
well as to what one expects to find. — ηγουμένους: the synonym to 
νομίζοντας in a parallel clause is quite in Lysias's style, but it is strange 
that a new infinitive does not come with it. Perhaps Weidner's con- 
jecture is right, klvovvov εφεστάναι ηγουμένους. Kayser would erase 
ηγουμένους. — ctirov Dobr., cp. 1 . 23 ; en X ; εφην C, Th. (but only one 
prose instance of φημί = κελεύω is cited, Xen. Cyrop. 4. 6. 11). — *ap«- 
ο-κτν&ταντα marg. Aid. ; παρασκεύασαν™ X. 

15. *να*ο$ανοντ•#ν Markl. ; ενθανόντωνΧ. — υστ * ρο $ Cont. ; νστεραν 
X. — Σπ ipiAs Cob. : Σταρκ'ως X. See Meisterhans, 8 § 57. 10. — τ©« 
«ασιν Bekk. ; τοις νασιν Χ. 

ι6. wpoo-Uvcu Χ ; xoptcmi Herbst, on the ground that the post was 
seized to prevent the victorious Spartans from 4 passing on * to the north : 
but the point here is rather that Mantitheus would voluntarily leave a 
post which was so strong that the enemy could not approach (προσιεναι) 
for a place of great danger. — αΐΓοχ«•ρύται Χ; άποκληρωσαι Μ. The 
emphasis is upon the fact that a division was to be removed from their 
position of safety. — σ^ σ- μ ί νο ν* Wdn. ; σεσωσμετονς X, Th. Kuhn. 
I. ii. p. 544. 

18. κομφ Hamaker ; τολμά X. 

19. &μ*τχομτνοι Dobr. : απερχόμενοι Χ, 
«ο. τα τ%$ R. : των της Χ. 

CRITICAL NOTES XVI 7-21, XIX 2-15 373 

ax. τούβ τοιούτου* Francken ; τούτους Χ. — «ιτολλοΰ &(£ovs Cob. ; cp. 
I0 • 3> 33• 3? αίνους Χ.; άζίους τίνος P. R. Muller, Th. Lysias is 
speaking of leadership in public affairs ; he would hardly say that the 
people considered political leaders as the only people worth anything ;~ 
this would reflect on too many of his auditors. 


Title, ΥΠΕΡ: ΥΠΟ Χ. 

2. την ιτοοθυμ£αν F., after Frag, 70 ; om. την X. — δσικρ καΐ West. ; 
om. και Χ. 

3. τοΰ μτγίοτου Francken after Andoc. 1. 1 ; om. τον X. 

4. ύιτδ πάντων των ιταραγ€νομένων Dobr. ; νπ\ρ πάντων των πεπρα- 
y μένων Χ ; υπο πάντων υπέρ των πεπραγμένων Sauppe, Th. 

6. I8c£v Cont. ; δανότατον Χ. — 40&ovtcs Pertz (Meisterhans, 8 
p. 178) ; θίλοντες X. 

η. ού8€ γάρ Dobr. ; ου yap Χ. — άιτέδοσ-αν : άπεδωκαν Χ. See Meis- 
terhans, 8 p. 188. Cp. Fuhr, Rhein. Afus. 57. 425 if. — ή συμφορά Rs. ; 
συμφορά Χ. 

8. άιτο των τοΰ Halbertsma, after €#c των του of Francken; wro 
του Χ. — οΰτωβ 4ν Sciv$ Rn. Cp. Dem. 18. 33 ούτω δ* ην 6 Φίλιππος 
εν φόβω. εν ούτω δεινω Χ, Th. (F. cites των οϋτω δεινών Lucian 
Άποκηρυττόμενος 14)• 

g. άνήλωσ*€ν Tayl. ; ανάλωσε ν Χ. 

ίο. ύμίν : the dative with δαπανώντος is not impossible, though not 
used elsewhere by Lysias, but the change from efe αυτόν to the dat. 
gives reason for the suspicion that a word is lost in the second clause 
(δόντος, Sluiter ; χορτηγοΰντος Markl. ; άναλώσαντος Francken ; λητουρ- 
γουντος P. Muller; €πιδιδό*ντο$, Wdn.). — aXXoOcv £χωσιν F. (άλλοθεν 
after West., εχωσιν after Sch.) ; μη δωσιν X. The correction of the 
impossible reading of X is pure conjecture ; κερδάνωσιν Th. after 
Cont. ; λάβωσιν C ; λαβείν δυνηθωσι Rs. ; κτήσωνται Dobr. 

11. τοΰ αγώνος Halbertsma; και του ay. X, Th. — άκροασαμένου$ 
ημών : άκροασομίνων υμών Χ. — νομ^ητ€ Rs. ; νομίζεται Χ. 

12. Ιμήν ά8€λφην Tayl. ; άδελφην Χ. 

13 • τ ί τ « ιτόλ€ΐ Rs. ; τη πόλει Χ. — Ιν γ€ Rs. ; εν τεΧ. — βίου ιταν- 
tos καΐ : βίου παν και Χ. 

15 . 40€λόντων: θελόντων Χ; see on § 6. — ούκ cSo>kcv Bekk. ; ου 
δέδωκεν Χ. — όντι Φαίδρω Tayl.; φαίδρω (sic) δντι Χ. — τφ after Φα/- 


ορω add. Rs. — κ£τ Sauppe; και X. There were only two daughters 

(§ 17). 

16. ή i* Έλλησνύντφ : η add. P. Miiller. 

17. rot*: ταΓν X. — »fi Th. ; υίωΧ. 

ι8. αν Χ: οη Sauppe. — άρκονν tpr P. Miiller; ην X. 

ΐ9• Διοηχτίον Sauppe: και Avcrtou X. Against the Ms. reading 
three objections have been raised: (1) It makes Lysias a ξένος of the 
Athenian Aristophanes. Now while Lysias was not an Athenian citi- 
zen, he had lived at Athens as boy and youth, and he had now been 
back in the city some twenty-five years ; it is hard to believe that he 
would think of his relation to Aristophanes as ξενία. (2) If Lysias was 
looked upon as a suitable man to help win Dionysiuss friendship in 
393, it is surprising to find him in 388, in the Olympic speech, 
urging the Greeks to unite against him. (3) It would certainly not be 
in good taste for Lysias to dismiss the general Eunomus without a word 
of appreciation, while calling attention to his own services to the de- 
mocracy. Sauppe's conjecture restores to ξενίου its normal force, and 
gives to the participial clauses following του Έννομου a real meaning, 
for they bring out the fitness of Eunomus for the embassy by showing 
his cordial relations to Dionysius on the one side and the democracy 
on the other. With the Ms. reading there would be a departure from 
the real point, in order to throw around the memory of Aristophanes 
something of the popularity that Lysias enjoys. 

20. ταβ τριήρϋ* Frb. ; τριήρεις X. — ναρΜΊκναα-το Bekk. ; παρε- 
σκενάσατο X, Th. The context demands either plupf. or impf. 

21. δέκα add. West. In § 43 the article (τας οεκα vaxs) implies 
that the number was given here. — rem add. Frb. 

22. ο&ψ Frb.; ο*ουν X. — άτοράν Kayser; άπωνΧ. — η Steph. ; 
ij X, Rn.-F. 

23. |ii|8cvfc Markl. : μηοεν X. — fee Ktrpov Th. follows Rn. in 
omitting these words, and their origin as a gloss is so easily explained 
that they cannot be defended with any certainty. Yet the expression 
is a possible one with απόρησαν, as we see when we use the positive 
form, πάντων ευπορησειν εκ Κύπρου (see Rn.-F. ad loc.). — innXvmi- 
σβαι Lipsius ; νπολύπζσϋαι X. — owe ct ην : ουκ αην (sic) Χ ; ουχ α ην 
Bekk.. Th. The Ms. reading presents no difficulty if we understand 
-πάντα to mean all the money required for the expedition, not all of 
Aristophanes's property (των όντων). — 4ψ* $ -re : Rn. ; tc X, Th. To 
the strangeness of the coordination of χαρίσασϋαι and κομίσασθαι in 


the Ms. reading is added the difficulty of explaining μη for ου (μη 
ελάττω).— Κάλ« . . . ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕΣ supplied by West, to fill the 
lacuna involved in των μεν μαρτύρων immediately following ΜΑΡ- 
ΤΥΡΙΑ in X. 

24. 2χρησ*αν τό αργύριο ν Rs. ; εχρήσαντο Χ. 

25• |wv . . . φιάλην χρυσή ν: φιάλης μεν χρυσής Χ ; Sauppe trans- 
posed μλν to its place after ίλαβε. — ύποθήσ» 6c Άριο-τοφάν» λαβών 
F. after Rn. (who wrote 8c ευθέως Άριστ.) ; ως αρυστοφάνην λαβείν 
Χ ; Th. omits ως Άριστ. (after Dobr.), and writes βονλεται δέ λαβείν 
(after Frb.). While ως Άρίοτοφάνην is easily explained as a gloss on 
αντω, yet the meaning is not quite clear if the name does not appear 
before § 26. — tv Sauppe ; αν X ; as Aid. — την τριηραρχίαν : X com- 
bines τας τριηραρχίας and την τριηραρχίαν (see Lampros, Hermes^ Χ. 
269). — λνσισθαι Steph. ; λνσασ0αι Χ. 

26. τό add. Sauppe. — αν add, Markl. 

27. ο-νμ|«ικτα: Meisterhans, 8 p. 188 ; σημμικταΧ. — ΑΠΟΓΡΑΦΗ 
ΧΑΑΚΩΜΑΤΩΝ wanting in Χ. 

28. irplv Sluiter ; πρϊν νικοφήμω η και άριστοφανει πρϊν Χ. — Κό- 
νωνα add. Bekk. — Άριστοφαν» add. West. — γή μιν Aid. ; -γε μην Χ. 

— άλλ* ή: άλλ' α Χ. — ή add. Rs. — ΕύβονλΙδου Meursius; ενβου- 
λου Χ. 

29. ουσία? Cont. ; αίτιας Χ. — 8Vs χορηγήσαι Rs. ; διαχορηγησαι. Χ. 

— οΐ€σ0€ Rs. ; οίεσθαι Χ. 

3θ. άξια λόγου έχοκν C ; αξιόλογου Ιχοι Χ. — α add. Tayl. 

31. τά add, Sauppe. — 4ν add. Emperius. — έρημη Ρ• Muller ; εμη Χ. 

— άττ€φα(ν€το Pertz; αττεφαίνοντο Χ. — νΚεΙν ή: πλείω η Χ. See on 
32. 20. 

32. μηδ€ν West. ; μη Χ. — cvo^tXcoStat Bekk. ; οφείλεσθαι Χ. — τά* 
add. West. 

34• &v8pcs add. F. — ήξιοΰτ€ αν C ; ήζίονν Χ. — του* ct|8co-t&s του« 
IkcCvov Sluiter, Rn.-F. ; τους . . . εκείνον (lacuna of four letters) X ; 
εκείνον Th. 

35. τοΰτο' γ€ Cob. ; τούτον Χ. — αν add. Emperius. — irXciv : πλείονα 
X. See on §3ΐ • 

36. ομοίως Rs. ; όμως Χ. — o*& Cob. ; ισα Χ. 

37- 8iivci|«v Χ ; ο\ενεμεν Steph., Fr., F., Th. The supposition is 
particular, i.e. that of a single action of an indefinite subject (tis), with 
the potential aorist in the apodosis. 

38. 8ημ€υο-αιτ€ Rs. ; ο\\μενσετε X. — αγαθόν Χ ; κακόν Sauppe, who 


holds that the suggestion that the confiscation of the property of Timo- 
theus might be justified by the prospect of a great gain to the city, is 
strange and especially ill-fitted to the character of the speaker. But 
the " good " (αγαθόν) to the city in the supposed case would be, not 
the gain of so many talents of property, but the " good " sought in 
every righteous confiscation, the protection of the city by the punish- 
ment of crime. — 8e C ; cav X ; δ' el Rn., Th. — λάβοιτ ή α X, corrected 
by the first hand from λάβοι τήν; λάβοιτ η Steph., Th. — τούτου: 
τοντοΧ. — αν ήξιοντ€ Cob.; ήζνοντε Χ. 

4θ. γ£γν€ται Rs. ; τι γίγνεται Χ. 

4ΐ. 8U0€to Tayl. ; ήσθετο Χ. — MAPTYPES om. Χ. 

4 2 • ψή^η άν Steph.; ώηθησαν Χ. — οΐκίαν Markl. ; ονσίαν Χ. — 
«irXetv: πλέον Χ. Cp. on § 31. — κατ€χορήγησι Rs. ; και εχορήγησε Χ. 

43• tori Σικλίας Hertlein ; iv StKcXta Χ. — ναββ Tayl. ; μ,νας Χ. 

44* αΙτιάσαιο-0€ Dobr. ; αιτνασθε Χ. — torcV Rs. ; επί Χ. — irXclv: 
πλέον Χ. Cp. on § 31 • 

45• μ«ν οΰν Markl. ; μεν Χ. — ot Tayl. ; και Χ. 

46. irXcCv : πλάον Χ. Cp. on § 31 • — έν«μάο•0ην 8c τώ vet : ενειμάσθη 
ο€ τω met Χ. On νεΐ see Meisterhans, 8 § 17. 4 and § 55. 4. — Ικάκρο? 
Rs. ; €κατ€ρω Χ. — irXctv: πλίον X. Cp. πλάον (Χ) above. — τάλαντα 
Rs. ; ταλάντων Χ. 

47• ϊνδον Sch. ; ένδον ην Χ. — καταλ€ίιπιν Kayser ; καταλιπεϊν Χ. 

52. I have followed Th. in inserting this paragraph after § 47. The 
instance of the mistaken assumption as to the property of Alcibiades 
is fitting as one of the series introduced by ot ζώντες μεν πλοντείν €*δο- 
kow (§45)> an( * closed with the comment φαινόμεθα ovv κτλ. (§49) ; 
the point in all of these cases is that after the death of the man, his 
property was found to be far below popular expectation, or wasted 
away rapidly in the hands of his heirs. With the close of § 49 a new 
and more surprising instance of misconception is introduced, — that 
concerning the property of a living man, who himself proved its falsity. 
From this the speaker draws the telling inference that it is dangerous 
to act under such rumors. This is followed in the most logical man- 
ner by § 53. The insertion here of the instance of Alcibiades would 
betray not merely looseness of structure, but inability to remember the 
point of the argument. Cp. Westermann, Quaestionum Lysiacarum, 
II. 17 if. The position of the paragraph in the Mss. would give a 
strong presumption against its genuineness were not the text of the 
whole speech in so poor condition. — irXctv : ιτλβον X. 

CRITICAL NOTES XIX 40-63, XXII 1, 2 377 

48. irXifcrra Baiter and Sauppe ; 8s πλ€?στα X. — φασι Cont 5 φησι 
Χ. — τ4 αυτού Sch. ; αυτού Χ. το δέ τούτον νυν West. ; το*, tc τούτον 
τοίννν Χ. — κατ&Μπν αν Rn. ; κατελιπεν Χ. 

49* οΰν add. Rs. — Ιψινσμένοι : εψηφισμενοι Χ. — τ€0ν€ώτων Markl. ; 
τεθνεωτος Χ. — 4ξ€λ€γχ0€Ϊ€ν : εξενεχθεΐεν Χ. 

5ο. ταλάντου Francken ; τάλαντα Χ, Th. — ή add. C; όσων Rs. 
— απογραφοντος Rs. ; απογραφέντος Χ. 

5ΐ. αιτάντων Rs. ; απόντων Χ. — «Νταθι C ; €ΐ έπαθε Χ. — irpVv Steph. ; 
πλην Χ. — €ΐ8οταβ Steph. ; cioores Χ. — καΐ ήδη Dobr. ; και ίδια Χ. — 
γί* Ttvas Markl. ; tc τινας Χ. — αιτολάτθαι οί faSCus Kayser ; ρα&ίως απ. 

54• μάλλον ή : η μάλλον Χ. — άίΓολ&ται Rs. ; άπολεσθαι Χ. 

55• καΐ φ τρόιτφ . . . irpoo-cSavcbraiO : Th. follows West. (Quaest. 
Lys. II. 20) in treating this recapitulation as interpolated. But West.'s 
argument from its incompleteness is not conclusive. The speaker 
recapitulates the two great facts upon which he bases his argument ; 
all that has followed the testimony to the impoverishment of Aris- 
tophanes by his Cyprian expedition has been to show the reason- 
ableness of that testimony and the danger of rejecting it because of a 
different preconception. — ουτ€ τφ Rs. ; ουδέ τω Χ. — ovrt irpos . . . ου>€ 
irpos C, Rs. ; ουδέ προς . . . ουδέ προς Χ. 

57• μόνου τούτου fvcica ϊνα Hertlein ; ού μόνον τούτον ένεκεν, άλλ' 
ίνα Χ. Th. suggests ούδενός άλλου ένεκα αλλ* ίνα. — άναγνώ<Γ€ται : 
αναγνώσετε Χ 1 . — ΔΗΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑΙ C ; om. Χ. 

58. καΐ toIs Sluiter ; αΰτοις Χ. — δοκουντά Markl. ; 8οκουντάς Χ. 

59• παο4σχεν F. ; παρείχεν Χ, Th. — cfcrco4at : εσεσθαι Χ. 

6ο. μεν χρόνον Aid. ; μεν ουν χρόνον Χ. — λάθοι : λάθη Χ. 

6ι. δν ύμ€ί$ Rs. ; ο νυν εις Χ. — δτ^ύσαΑθ' C ; δήμευση ff Χ. 

62. wrircp καΐ Sch. ; ωσπερ εί Χ. — τφ τ 2ργφ τή ifoAct ταΟτ «τται 
I have written for τω τ* έργω πάλαι ταυτ εστί Χ ; ώστε τω γ' έργω πάλαι 
της 7τόλ€ως ταυτ* εστί Th. — ουτ' Ιγώ Χ ; ουκ εγω Th. — ύμ£ν tc Steph. ; 
νμΐν δέ Χ, Th. 

63. άθληταΐ* Tayl. ; άθλητας Χ. 


ι. ποιούμενου? τουβ λόγου$ Hirschig; ποιούμενους λόγους Χ ; λόγους 
ποιούμενους Frb., Th. 

2. ώ$άκρ(του$: ως άκρίτως Χ. — γνώσισθαι : γνώσεσθεΧ. 


3. σ-ωτηρ£αβ fvcica: σωτηρίας οννεκα Χ ; cp. on 32. 10. 

4. 8c8iebs toIs αίτιας • aUr\pov 8' ηγούμαι Dobr. ; δέδιως 8c τας αιτίας 
αίσχρον ήγονμαι Χ. 

5. άνάβητ€. chrf Frb. ; άνάβηθι cittc Χ. — ή άξιοΐ 5 Rs. ; ά£ιοις η Χ. 

6. irXcCw : add. Markl. 

7• ΧΡή* Rs. ; χρη Χ. — 8ιά μακροτέρων P. Miiller ; και μακρότερον Χ. 

8. T^TTapts Bergk ; δυο Χ ; νυν Th. δύο of Χ is probably from a mis- 
understanding of & = τέτταρες. — φιλονικοΰσιν : φιΧονεικονσιν Χ. 

ο. Ίταρέξομαι. ΜΑΡΤΥΡΙΑ, καΐ us ovtos • . . φαίνονται. ΜΑΡ- 
ΤΥΡΙΑ. Χ has a lacuna after τταρεζομαι with space for about eight 
letters, and it has μρα in the margin. Elsewhere Lysias always intro- 
duces his testimony immediately after παρεξομαι (F. ad loc.) . With the 
reading that I propose the speaker calls Anytus to testify to what 
his advice really was; he then produces other testimony ', probably 
copies of official records, to show that Anytus's term of office fell the 
year before. With και a>s οντος . . . είπε the governing verb is readily 
understood from the context. Th. transposes ΜΑΡΤΥΡΙΑ from the 
position after φαίνονται (MAPTY2 vulg.) to the lacuna after παρέχο- 
μαι, and reads και οντος . . . (after Pluygers). — 8c rfJTcs Emperius; 
δ' «rinses X. 

10. αίΓολογήσισθαι : άπολογησασθαι Χ. 

ιι. αλλά γάρ Rs. ; άλλα μεν yap Χ. — τοΟτον τόν λόγον . . . ού 
rp6|rc<r6at Cob. ; . . . ελεύσεσθαι Χ ; τοντω τω λόγω . . . ελεήσεσθαι 
Wdn., Th. — ύμίν C; ήμΐν Χ, and Suid. s.v. άξιον, Th. ; cp. νμων 
ένεκα § 12. 

12. ύαων Χ; ημών Th. — frcica: οννεκα X. — vflv Hofmeister; 
wvi X. 

14. αυτοί Markl. ; ούτοι X. — κ€κλη<τθαι : κεκλεΐσθαι Χ. 

Ι5• τοΐ$ αυτοί? καιροΐς . . . 4ν oto*ircp Cob. ; τούτοις τοις καιροΐς . . . 
εν οκπτερ Χ; τοις καιροΐς . . . ωσπερ Th. — ήμϊν Χ ; νμΐν Bekk., Th., 
because of τνγχάνητε following. But τνγχάνητε is itself joined with 
διαφερώμεθα and άγαπωμεν. 

18. αμφισβητούντων Th. after άλλ' άμφισ. of Frb.; λαμβάνειν X ; 
και αρνουμένων Dobr. ; Wilamowitz, Arist. u. Athen. II. 379, suggests 
that the language follows the wording of the law as to the Eleven : 
αν μεν [ομ~\ο\ογωσι, θανάτω ζημιωσοντας, αν δ* άμφισβητωσιν, εισάγον- 
τας cis το δικαστή ριον Arist. Res p. Ath. 52. ι. 

ίο. τούτων Kayser ; αυτών Χ. 

2θ. αίροννται Tayl. ; αιτούνται Χ. — ιταΰσ-ασθαι Vulg. before Sch. 


-παυσισθαι Χ; πανεσθαι, Sch.. Th. ; cp. §8. Lysias repeatedly uses 
V πανσασθαι, never παν^χτθαι. 

2i. 4φ* ovs Tayl. ; i<j>* 01s X. — «ιταρα τούτων Tayl. ; παρ αυτών X. — 
rlv avrovs C ; την αυτήν Χ. — eUnrX&nxriv Rs. ; Ικπλίουσιν Χ. 

22. δτου Sauppe ; ore Χ. 


The superscription in X is ΠΡ02 ΤΗΝ ΕΙ2ΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΝ ΠΕΡΙ 
clear from § 26, compared with Arist. Resp. Ath. 49. 4, that this is 
not a case of είσαγγ€λια. See Introd. p. 232. 

ι. ού ιτολλον Markl., cp. Xen. Anab. 5. 4. 32; ολλου X. — γαρ 
add. Rs. — 4φ* tjs X ; i<f> rj Dobr. See commentary. — άξιον X ; άξίως 
or α£ια Rs. ; αίιον οντ F. The force of βφιωκότα so nearly ap- 
proaches that of yeyovora that the pred. adj. seems possible; yet no 
other instance is cited, and βεβιωκώς with adv. is very common. 
Lysias uses it even in 14. 41, where the parallelism of cola would tempt 
to the use of the adjective: άλλως 8c κόσμιοι eiai και σωφρόνως βε- 

3. Ιαο-θαι* καλώ*: ίάσθαι καλώς Χ; Ιάσθαι, εΐκότως P. Muller, Th. 
κ ιλώς is precisely fitted to the sportive tone. 

4. olos τ ώ P. Muller ; οίον X ; οίον re Aid., Th. ; οίον τ $ Schulze. 
Lysias elsewhere uses the formula ως αν δϋνωραι δια ... (ι 2. 3, 1 2. 62, 

ι6. 9 )• 

5• την |icv οΰν : της μεν ουν Χ. — cfaropfav καΐ τδν άλλον : ςυπορίας 
και των άλλων Χ. 

6. ην αν Cont. ; ης αν Χ. 

η. του« καΐ Rs. ; και τους Χ. 

8. tiropcva C ; ίχόμενα Χ. 

g. ιτροκαλισαίμην Rs. ; προσκαλεσαίμην Χ. — καίτοι ir»s Cob., Rn.- 
F. ; και πως Χ, Th. Cp. καίτοι πως ουκ άτοπον κτλ., § 12. — τύχοι τι 
Emperius; τυχοι tis Χ. — όμολογ€Ϊν &ν pc : ομολογεΐν αν inserted by 
Kayser, μ* by Th. after F. (e/xe). Λ 

ίο. 4γώ γάρ, . . . tout' οΐμαι Wdn. ; €γώ γαρ, . . . τοιοντο Χ ; εικός 
γαρ, . . . τούτο Kayser, Th. 

11. αναβαίνω: after αναβαίνω Χ adds ραδιόν €στι μαθεΐν, omitted 
by most editors after Sch. 

12. τοντον αν αυτόν Kayser ; τούτον αυτόν Χ ; τούτον αν (omitting 
αυτόν) Wdn., Th. — dpi Kayser; είην Χ. 


13. Oco-jLoMrai add Frb. 

14. ούθ' ovtos ύμίν • cS ποιων Cont., Rs., Th. (without interpunctua- 
tion). Mss. omit υμΧν. ουθ* ουδας ευ φρονων Reuss; ουθ* ούτος «αυτω 

15. Xtyci C; λέγω Χ. — όνομασ»€ Rn. ; ονόμασα* Χ. — ιτραόνω*, 
ταύτα Kayser ; πραον ως μη8ε ψενδηται ταύτα Χ ; πραόνως ψενδηται, 
πιστά ποιησων Wdn. 

16. τονβ irfvo|Uvovs Rs. ; πενομένους Χ. 

17. ιτρ€σβντ^ροΐ5 Frb. ; ετεροις Χ. 

ι8. ου$ αν : ους εαν Χ. — ύττάρξαντας Steph. ; σννάρξαντας Χ. 

2θ. 6 8c (after μνροπώλων) : ol δέ Χ. — friroi &ν τύχη : oViy Αν 
τΰχοι Χ. — τουβ 4γγυτάτω Steph. ; εγγυτάτω Χ. — τουβ irXf&rrov Steph. ; 
ου πλ. Χ. — άμονγ£ιτου Mor. (Kiihn. I. ι. 614) ; άλλου γε που Χ. 

2ΐ. ircpl των φαύλων ομοίως τούτω Dobr., Rn.-F., Th. ; π. τ. ομοίως 
τούτω φαύλων Χ, Fr., Blass (Att. Bered. I. 639). The Ms. reading 
gives a fine, keen thrust, quite in keeping with the tone of the speech, 
but it breaks the connection of the yap clause with the preceding, προς 
εν εκαστον . . . των είρημενων. 

22. καΐ μη : μηο* Χ ; μη ουν F. ; μη τοίνυν Wdn. ; μη δη Herw. ; 
μη Th. F. suggests that μηο" is right and that the necessary preceding 
negative clause has dropped out. I propose και as giving the close 
connection needed with the preceding; this is not an inference (ουν, 
τοίνυν) from that, but a continuation of it. — μόνου Markl. ; μόνον X. 

— άρχων X, Rn.-F.; del. Frb., Th. άρχων fits the reference in § 13 
and κάλλιστων of § 23 ; its erasure destroys a fine bit of humor. 

23. δαλαιότατος Markl. ; δικαιότατος X. — 0ήσ0€ Bekk. ; θεσθε Χ. — 
την ψήφον Cont. ; τη ψηφώ Χ. 

24. βίου : Francken ; βίου προς τα. τοιαύτα Χ. 

25. άλλ* ού8' C ; οΰδ* Χ. — Χαλκίοα Frb. ; Χ adds την επ Εΰριττω. 

— αποδήμων Reuss ; απάντων Χ, F. ; άπελθών Baker, Th. ; απάντων 
of Χ, an exaggeration at best, is strangely put in so emphatic a position. 

26. ομοίων Cont. ; ομοίως X. 


On the title see Introd. p. 253. 

ι. καΐ σαφώ9 Dobr. ; οι σαφώς Χ ; el σαφώς Rs., Th. — μηδίν Rs. ; 
μεν Χ. — κ€ρ8αίν€ΐν ή X, Rn.-F.; omit Dobr., Th., Fr.-Geb. He is 
speaking of sycophants, who meddle with things that do not concern 

CRITICAL NOTES XXIV 13-26, XXV 1-16 381 

them, hoping to be bought off (κερδαίνειν) by the men whom they 
threaten, or else (η) to carry the case against them through the courts 
(πείθειν). Francken proposes κερδαίνειν νμας πείθοντες, and Reuss 
κέρδους ένεκα ; but the gain of the sycophant comes not by his persuad- 
ing the court, but by being bought off from the attempt. 

2. ©σα Herw. ; α X ; airavff a Bartelt, Rn.-F. ; Th. (after Rs.) 
retains α and inserts πάντ before εμον. — γ€γ*νηται Dobr. ; ycyeviyvTcu 
X. — άιτο8<ίξω Steph. ; άποδείζαι X. — άπαντα Steph. ; απαντάς Χ. — 6 
βέλτιστος Rs. ; βέλτιστος Χ. 

3• καθιστάναι : καθιστάνειν Χ . — χρηματζοιντο Coraes. ; χρηματίζει* 
το Χ. 

4• άιτοφήνω Van den £s ; άποφανω Χ. 

5• jm>i add. Frb. 

7. ovs add. Cont. 

8. καθιστάναι F. ; καθιστάναι X. 

g. των ιπ>λιτ€ΐών Rs. ; πολιτειών Χ. — αΰθιβ Brulart; αντοΐς Χ.— 
Πολιορκούν του« μ€0* Sch. ; επολιορκονντο μεθ* Χ. 

ίο. ct Tts : Χ has ήτις with ci written above. — την κρίσ -tv Rn. ; 
κρίσιν Χ. 

ιι. ήσαν Francken; ήσαν ενθυνας δεδωκότες Χ, Fr.-Geb. ενθννας 
δεδωκάτες gives an unnecessary limitation to the class of άτιμοι, and 
breaks the symmetry of the three parallel cola, thrusting δεδωκότες into 
apparent coordination with άπεστερημενοι and κεχρημένοι. The origin 
of the words as a gloss is easy to conjecture. — υμών Steph. ; νμίίν X. — 
Tds vipl τούτων Auger; τάς τούτων Χ. — αΐΓθ8έχ€σθαι Tayl. ; νποδεχε- 
σθαι Χ. 

12. τ€τριηραρχηκα Sch.; ετριηράρχησα Χ. — \uv γαρ Χ; τε yap 
Geb., Th. — τ€τράκι$ 8c : I have written & for και of X (Th.) . This makes 
the five trierarchies, four of which included naval battles, the first of 
the forms of liturgy, the είσφοραί, the second form. It avoids treating 
νενανμάχηκα as a form of liturgy, as is done with the reading τε. 
Weidner's substitution of εισφοράς δ* for και εισφοράς accomplishes 
the same thing, but less clearly. 

13. ιτροσταττομένων 4$αιτανώμην Steph. ; πραττομένων εδαπανωμεν Χ. 
— άλλα Emperius ; άλλα και Χ. 

ΐ4• ovrc των Markl. ; οντε επι των Χ. — ol τριάκοντα Markl. ; 

15 • χρήσασΟαι Frb. ; χρησθαι Χ. 

ι6. ovSc δίαιταν : ovrc δίαιταν Χ. — όργ(|€σ0€ Aid. ; όργίζοίσθε Χ. 


18. *χθρού$ C; εκ του Χ. — Ικβαλόνταβ : εκβάλλοντας Χ. — νιτο- 
λαφθήσ€ται Dobr. ; άπολειφθησεται Χ. 
ig. otc (before νπερ) Geb. ; οτιΧ. 

2θ. ήγ€ΐσθαι C ; ήγεΐσθε Χ. — ήμων Francken ; αυτών Χ. 
2ΐ. κακόν C ; άγαθον Χ. 

22. ΐΓυνθάνοισ-0€ Χ ; επυνθάνεσθε Francken, Th. With the opt. the 
following μη έχοντας is regular ; with the indie, it would be very excep- 
tional. — Ik tov acrrews X has after στασιάζοντας] F. placed before 
εκκεκηρυγ μένους. — irXcCovs δ£ Cont. ; πλείονς X. — ταύτα Th. ; 
ταύτα Χ. 

23. τούτων χαλ€ΐτώτ€ρον Geb. ; χαλ. τούτων Χ ; see commentary. 

24. δέξαιντ : 8e£at τ Χ. 

25. μνησθήναι καΐ: και add. Baiter. — 'ΕιτιγΙνην καΙ Δημοφάνην καΙ 
Κλασ&νηνΧ. Beloch {Att. Politik, p. 78, Anm. 1) restores Έπιγίνην 
in Arist. EccL 167 for Έπιγονον of the Mss. Schwartz {Rhein. Museum 
44, 121 Anm. 1), followed by Busolt {Griech. Gesch. III. ii. 1542 Anm. 
1), writes Δημόφαντον and Κλειγένην, probably correctly. Both men 
were active at the time mentioned. In 410 Demophantus moved the 
decree of Andoc. 1 . 96 if. Cligenes was clerk of the Senate in the first 
prytany of 410/9 {C.I. A. I, 188, Andoc. 1. 96); he is reviled by 
Aristophanes {Frogs, 707 ff.) as δ πίθηκος and 6 μικρός (cp. v. 1085). 

27. wore tovs : ώστε add. C. 

28. SuKcXc^avro Tayl. ; διεΚύσαντο X. — ταντην . . . φυλακή ν: 
Rs. would add μ,όνην, μεγίστην, or βεβανοτάτην ; so ικανωτάτην Herw. ; 
άσφαλεστάτην F. — αν add, Geb. 

31. δμω$ Rs. ; ομοίως Χ. 

32. 84ξαιντ: 8e£(U τ Χ. 

33• του $ Ι* Ilcipaitts κινδύνου? Χ ; τους των εκ Πα. κινδύνους Sauppe. 
Sch. would drop κίνδυνους or read κινδυνεύσαντας ; ακινδύνως P. Miiller. 
34. 2 has των εξ άστεως {πραγμάτων), an expression parallel with τους 
εκ ΊΙειραιως κινδύνους. The expressions εκ ΊΙειραιως and εξ άστεως 
were becoming fixed formulas. Against the insertion of των or its 
equivalent (making the prosecutors enjoy freedom to act as they will 
because of the dangers of other men) is the mention of the safety that 
may afterward come through others ; this implies that the former safety 
came through them {τούτους). — 8ι' Mpovs Tayl.; δι έτερου X. — σω- 
τήρια Frb. ; σωτηρία Χ. — τΓ€ΐταύσ€σθαι Geb.; επιΧύσασθαι Χ. — ol 
τοιούτοι ιτάντ€9: I have written this for τό αυτό πάντες of Χ. Th. 
retains τό αυτό πάντες, translating alle wie em Mann* τω αΰτω πάντες 


Baiter ; &α τούτο πάντως Frb. ; τόντ αυτό oaaavrcs Sch., Fr.-Geb. ; 
τοιούτοι γ' δντες West. ; αντό ταυτο πάντςς F. 

34• κατανοήσ -cu C; κατηγορησαι Χ. — tyets tc Rs. ; ν/χεΐς δέ Χ. 

35- irfpV ΰμα$ C ; 7Γ€ρί ή μας Χ. — νιτο(ψ(αν καταστήσ€Τ€) Francken's 


For the text of speeches XXXII, XXXIII (the Olympic speech), 
and XXXIV we depend upon the Mss. of Dionysius Περί των αρχαίων 
ρητόρων. For a summary description of the Mss. and for bibliography 
see the preface of the text edition of Usener-Radermacher, Dionysii 
Halicarnasei 0#uscula, Vol. I, Leipzig, 1899. 

The Mss. are of the following families : 

I. Mss. of a collection of selected works of Dionysius, Philostratus, 
Callistratus, Aristides. 

II. Mss. of a collection of rhetorical works of Dionysius with a 
Compendium of Rhetoric by Josephus Rhacendytes. 

III. Mss. of a collection of speeches and declamations by various 
orators and sophists, in which is included the treatise of Dionysius on 
Lysias. This text has been emended by an editor who has often 
made corrections according to his own judgment, not on authority of 
other Mss. ; but the source of the text of the treatise on Lysias seems 
to have been a good Ms. of Family I. 

In addition we have for §§ 1-3 as far as χείρσυς civai, and § 4 as far 
as θυγατέρα, independent testimony in a citation by Syrianus, which 
has been transmitted also in the anonymous treatise Walz. VII. 1084, 
and in Maximus Planudes, Walz. V. 546. 

In the following notes only the more important variant readings are 
recorded. Note is made wherever the text adopted differs from that 
of Thalheim or that of Usener-Radermacher. Mss. are cited as fol- 
lows (see Usener-Radermacher, p. 2, Thalheim, p. vii.) : 
I. F Florentinus, bybl. Laurent. LIX. 15. 
Π. Μ Ambrosianus, D. 1 1 9, sup. 
Ρ Vaticanus Palatinus gr. 58. 
Β Parisinus, bybl. 1742. 
III. C Par/sinus, bybl. nat. gr. 1800. 
G Guelferbytanus n. 806. 
Τ Partsinus bybl. nat. 2944. 


ι. ώ &v8pcs δικασταί after διαφέροντα, Mss. ; ω δικασταί after ην, 
Syr. — €ΐδώ« re on Syr.; ειδως οτι Mss., Us.R. (cp. 13. n). See 
commentary. — π*πονθότκ F, G, T, Syr. ; παθόντες Μ, Ρ, Β. 

2. Ιπησα τοίβ φίλοι* G, Th. ; έπεισα τους φίλους F, Μ, Ρ, Β, Τ ; 
έπεισα αυτούς τοις φίλοις Syr., Us.R. — δίαιταν Syr.; οΊαιταν Mss. 
Cp. Isae. 2. 29 επιτρεψαι . . . τοις φίλοις οΊαιτησαι. But for δίαιτα? 
cp. [Dem.] 59• 45 συνηγον αυτούς ol επιτήδειοι και έπεισαν δίαιτα? 
επιτρεψαι αΰτοΐς; cp. [Dem.] 34• 44> 4°• 43> 59• 6$> l soc • χ 8. Ι4• — 
τά τούτων F, Ρ, G, Τ, Syr. ; τα τούτου Μ, Β. — 4π«δί| 8c Syr. ; cWi δε 
Mss. See 12. 11 Crit. N. — Ιξηλέγχ*™ Syr.; εξηλεγκτο Mss. — avrov 
Syr. ; αυτοί) Mss. — faropcCvai Mss. (F x has ει and at in rasurd) ; καθυ- 
πομενειν Syr. — irpos τοντουβ Mss. except F ; προς τούτοις V of Syr., F. 

3. |M|8cv Syr. ; oiSev Mss, Us.R. 

4. ώ avSpcs δικασταί Mss. ; ω δικασταί Syr. — vcC δυο Morgan (cp. 
on 12. 34) ; υιοί δύο F, Μ, Us.R. ; δυο υιοί G, Τ. 

5• των οπλιτών: του cVl των οπλιτών G, Τ. — αλλφόν Herw. ; 
άδελφον ομοπάτρνον Mss., probably from § 4• — αναγκαιότητα* : άνάγκας 
Τ. — οικαίω vcpV tovs αυτού παΐδαβ Sauppe ; και ωσπερ του αυτού παιδας 
F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; ετερω εις τους αυτού παΐδας επιτραπώ G. 

6. ναυτικά Markl. ; αντίκα Mss. — μνάβ . . . : Sauppe pointed out 
the loss of an item in the reckoning. — 8c (after κατελιπε) add. Rs. 

7. dvSpos . . . : Fuhr pointed out the lacuna, which is seen in the 
absence of a correlative to την μεν θυγατέρα. Wilamowitz (Hermes, 
36. 536) would, instead of assuming the lacuna, read τέως μεν την 
θυγατέρα. Without lacuna Us.R. 

8. £irci8f| Fuhr; «rci Mss. ; cp. §§ 2 and 25. See 12. 11 Crit. N. 

— χρονω F, M; cp. 1. 8, 13. 83; τω χρόνω G, Τ; cp. 1. 20. — έπιλκ- 
πόντων Rs. ; υ7Γθλ€ΐπόντων (-λιπ- G) Mss. 

9. καταλ£ποι Steph. ; κατάλοιποι Mss., Us.R. — fcitycpcv: διέφερε 
Aid. ; διίφερον Mss. 

10. kXoovtcs Cob. (cp. KUhn. I. i. p. 134) ; κλαίοντ€ς Mss., Us.R. 

— tvcKa Dobson (cp. Kiihn. I. ii. p. 251) ; ουνεκα Mss. 

11. TJvrc0oAci Cob. (cp. Kiihn. I. ii. p. 35) ; ηντιβόλει Mss., Us. R. — 
Ikctcvc G, Τ ; Ικετευσε F, Μ. — ct καΐ μή πρότιρον F ; α μη και πρότερον 
Μ, Ρ, Β ; ci και πρότερον μη G, Τ. 

12. πραγμάτων Mss., Us.R. (cp. τα τούτων πράγματα, § 2) ; 
χρημάτων Th. and most editors, after Halbertsma. 

13. 3Μλω Rn. (cp. Kiihn. I. ii. p. 408) ; 0έλω Mss. Us.R. — ovros 
λ*νη F, Μ; αυτό* λεγης G, Τ. — καταβολών : καταλιπ€ΐν Mss. ; €κλι- 


7rctv Sch. ; Xiirctv Dobr. ; απόλυαν West. ; καταβυουν Fuhr ; κατανά- 
λισκαν Us.R. ; κατάλυαν Th. The Ms. reading and the conjectures 
cited all rest upon the assumption that τον βίον is the mother's life ; but 
her life is not involved in perjury over her children's heads more than 
in any perjury. The point of the argument is that the mother is willing 
to stake her children upon the truth of her oath ; τον βίον is then the 
life of the children, which will be the penalty if her oath is false. I 
have therefore written καταβολών, the precise word for the payment 
of a price or penalty. 

14. αύτη F 2 , Μ; αυτή F 1 ; αντόν G, Tb. — ναυτικά Markl. ; αντίκα 
Mss. — 4(οικ£σα Cob.; διοίκησα Mss. ; οΊχκκίσα. Matthaei, Th, Us.R. 
So φρκ^το Cob.; ο\^κίζετο Mss., Th., Us.R. The analogy of 
forms like διαπεραν, οΊαπλεΐν, etc., cited by Th. to justify διωκίζζτο in 
the sense of * removed ' is not valid in view of the familiar and other- 
wise universal use of 8totKt£ctv = to scatter a people in different settle- 
ments. See Cobet, Var. Led. p. 68. — βιβλίφ F, Μ, B, Us.R. (βυβλίω 
F, Β) ; τω βιβλίω G, Th. ; τφ βιβλίίς Τ. — αυτήν Rs. ; ταυτην Mss. 

15• Ιγγ€ίφ Naber ; cyyet'ous F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; ίγγυους G, Τ. 

ι6. Ικβάλλαν F, Ρ, Β, Μ 1 ; *κβαλ€Ϊν Τ. The present infinitive is 
exactly fitted to the picturesque description of how he proposes to 
' send them packing.' — ήξίωκα? Mss. ; ήξίωσας Pluygers, Th. — 6 πατήρ 
Τ ; πατήρ F, Μ, Ρ, Β. 

Ι7• άτίμονβ F, Μ; άτίμως G, Τ. — πρόθυμη . . . φοβη . . . αΙ<τχύνη 
. . . ιτοιη Herw. Cp. Kuhn. I. ii. p. 60. πρόθυμη . . . φοβ-β Mss. ; 
αίσχυνυ Mss. except F, which had αίσχννην, corrected by F 1 ; 7rotcts 

F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; ποιτ} G, Τ. Th. and Us.R. have -ct in all but αίσχυντ}. 

18. μή ήττον F, Μ, Ρ, Β; μη&ν ήττον G, Τ, Wdn. The em- 
phatic form is more common ; the simple negative with ήττον appears 
in Lysias only here and in § 21. 

19. irpos άλλήλου«: Μ, Ρ, Β, Th., Us.R.; cts αλλήλους F; om. 

G, T. The only other instance in Lysias of υποψία with prep, is 25. 30, 
where προς may be due to the connection with ομονοίας. In other 
prose writers cts is used with υποψία oftener than 7rpos. cts Thuc. 4. 27. 
2, 6. 61. 4, 6. 103. 4; only once with 7rpos, 2. 37. The two instances 
in Andocides (1. 51, 1. 68) have cts. Antiphon always uses cts, but 
with a word of motion : Π. β 3, 6, II. γ 2, ίο. The only instance of 
either in Demosthenes is 23. 103 η γαρ c#cctV<ov 7rpos αλλήλους ταραχή 
καϊ υποψία, where 7rpos may be due to ταραχή. [Dem.] 48. 18 has 
της υποψίας της προς τον οίκ€την. Demosthenes has κατά in 29. 24. 

LYSIAS — 25 

3 S6 


Isocrates has υποφίαν περί αντον λαβείν 15. 123. In favor of προς in 
our passage is Lysias's usage with words of hostile attitude. A full 
statement of his use of prepositions with words denoting hostility is the 
following : 

A, Of hostile attitude, προς with ace, 
άηοως οΊακεΐσθαι l6. 2. οργή 25. 5. 

άλλοτρίως οΊακύσθαι 33. ι. υποψία 2ζ. 30, (32. 19?)• 

οΊαφερ€σθαι $2. ι, ι8. \η. φθόνος 1 2. 66. 

διαφορά 12. 5ΐ? 25. ίο. φιλονικείν 3• 4°• 

Ιχθρα 12. 2, Ι3• ι, ι8. 5• φιλονικία 33• 4• 

Β. Of military movements (real or metaphorical), 
1. wpos with ace, 2. 4irC with ace, 

ερχεσθαι 33. 8. 
στάσις και πόλεμος 12. 55• 
στρατ€ν€σθαι Ι4• 3°> *4• 3 2 , *4• 
33, ι8. 9• 

μάχεσθαι 22. 8. 
Μχ? 3• 45• 
πόλεμος 12. 93, 33• 9• 

C. Of other action < against, 1 

1. irpos with ace, 

f άντειπεΐν 26. 4, 26. 5. 

ί€ί7Γ€ΐν 26. 1 6. 
Aeyctv 12. 47. 
άμιλλασθαι 33. 6. 
Ιγκλημα 25. 23. 
στασιάζειν 26. 22. 

2. κατά with gen., 
ϊζευρίσκειν 3. 34. 
€πιορκειν 32. 13. 
κατηγορία 31 • 2. 
μηνυτής 13. 2, 13. 1 8. 

3• wcpC with ace, 
άδ^καν 3 1 • 24• 
Γ άμαρτάνειν ι φ 28, 3 1. 23. 
«Ι εξαμαρτάνείν Fr. 53• ! (φ• under 

ι «0• 

άσεβεΐν ι φ 42. 

4• lirt with ace, 
eiaievai 3. 7, 3• 2 3• 
4κπη8άν 3• Ι2 • 

τιμωρία 1.2. 
πράγματα 2<). ΙΟ. 
πράττειν 2J. 4• 

οργα.9 παρασκ€υάζ€ΐν Ι. 28. 
ομόψηφοι Ι3• 94• 
τρόπαια στησαι 1 8. 3• 
ψεύδεσθαι 22. 7* 

κακία 3 1 • Φ 

ϊρχεσθαι 33• 8, Fr. 47• 
συνιστασ^αι 22. 17, 22. 21 


5• 4ττί with dat., 
okciv 25. 19, 29. 11. 

6. tts with ace, 
ίξαμαρτάνειν 12. 2, 12. 89, 25. 9 παρανομών 3• Ι7• 

and often (cp. under π€ρι)• προνο€Ϊσθαι φ i8. 

υβρίζων ι. 1 6. 
μήτ€ . . . μήτ€ Bekk. ; μηο€ . . . fwySc MSS. 

ao. των μίν F 1 , Us.R. ; τα /uicv F 2 , Μ, Ρ, B, G, Th. — 8χιιν Rs. ; 
cAciv Mss. — τ€τρακΜτχιλίαβ Herw. (cp. § 28) ; επτακισχιλίας Mss., 
Us.R. Fuhr makes up the 7000 by adding the 7 k-40 m. loaned on 
bottomry, the evidence of which could not be denied, to what Diogiton 
first told the boys their father had left them, 20 m. and 30 staters. 
See p. 285 n. 2. — owoi Tpa|rcic Cont. ; οπον στρέψειεν F ; οπον στρέψει* 
Ρ, Β, G ; οπον στραφεί* Μ. — γναφιΐον Rs. ; γναφείον ιμάτια Mss. ; και 
els γναφείαν και εις ιμ. Scaliger, Us.R. The position of Ιμάτια is suspi- 
cious ; it would be strange to say, " For shoes and for laundry and for 
clothing and for the barber's." — κουρέα* F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; Kovpeov Τ ; κον- 
peiov Aid. — «irXctv: πλύον Mss. See Kuhn. § 50, Anm. 11. 

21. αντφ τίθησι, τό 8c τούτοις λ€λόγισται Rs. ; αυτών τίθησι τούτοις 
λ€λσγίσθαι Mss. (λ£λόγισ0αι Μ). — Ιφ" φ Sylburg; itf ων Mss. — 
avSpcs Mss. Herw. and Fuhr add δικασται from a sign in Μ that seems 
to indicate the loss. 

22. τφ 8* ίττιτρόιτψ Frb. ; τω b* cVi F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; τον δ' «τι Τ ; τω b* 
cVci Aid. ; τον b" cVci G. G, Τ add €ΐσίν after πατρώων» 

23. άιτηλλαγμ{νον . . . νριάμινον Dobr. ; άπηλλαγμενοις . . . πριά- 
μενον F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; άπηλλαγμενος . . . πριάμενος Τ. — oirOTCpa F, Μ, 
Ρ, Β, cp. Isae. I. 22 ; οπότερον G, Τ. — κατάστησαν Τ ; καταστήσονται 

F. Μ, Ρ, Β. 

24- avSpcs add. Herw. — Μούσας Aid. ; δρούσαν F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; οεού- 
σαιν G. — σ-νμβαλάτθαι Aid.; σνμβάλλεσθαι Mss., Us.R. — tovtois 
Dobr. ; τούτων Μ, Ρ, Β ; τούτων τοις F, G, Τ. — των θνγατριοων F, Μ, 
Ρ, Β ; των αντον θνγ. G, Τ. 

25- Ιιπιδη Sc Fuhr; cVct 8c Mss., Us.R. See on § 8. — tyao-Kcv 

G, Τ; φάσκων F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; φάσκει Us.R. From the rarity of the 
indie, of φάσκω in Lys., Fuhr suggests the loss of a phrase here, as 
avros την ωφέλειαν ίλαβε. But εφασκε is used of a false statement pre- 
cisely as here in 1. 14 and 10. 1. 

26. av8pc$ add. Herw. (cp. § 24). — cpyov eft) Μ, Ρ, B; €117 epyov 
F, G, T. — 6 τή5 Herw. ; της Mss., Us.R. 


27. MScigc Mss., cp. on 16. 3. απέδειξε Pluygers, Th. — $€θΰσα$: 
δέονσαν Τ ; δεονσαιν G. Cp. § 24. — άνηλωκίναι : Fuhr suggests αναλω- 
μένα? (the more common construction) and λελόγισται. — wore M, G ; 
ώσγ€ F, P, B, T. — αύτφ o*8cls F ; ουδείς αντω Μ, Ρ, Β, Th. ; οχΜς Τ. 

— wcpl τούτων: πάρα τούτων Sylburg. — ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕ2 om. Mss., except 
Τ margin. 

28. &v8pcs add. Herw. — 2χ«ν αυτός F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; avros Ιχειν G, Τ. 

— αύτω F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; αυτών G, Τ. 

2g. αδται «wi Τ; αύται Ιτεσι F; ετεσιν αύται Μ, Ρ, Β, Aid. — 
καΐ airoSclicwvTai found in G, Τ, but probably an editor's conjecture to 
supply a lacuna in older Mss. For other possible expressions cp. 
Dem. 27. 37, Isae. 6. 14. Us.R. omit, with indication of lacuna. — 
ircpiovra : after περώντα all Mss. have των €7ττά ταλάντων ; either this 
must be erased (Markl.) or after μνάί we must add των τετταράκοντα 
μνων (Us.R.). 


For the sources of the text, see introduction to the critical notes on 

The title is from Dionysius's introduction, Lyszas, § 32, υπόθεση δε 
περιείληφε την περί τον μη καταλνσαι την πάτρια ν πολιτείαν Άθηνησι• 

ι. ώ &v8pcs 'Αθηναίοι Us.R. ; ώ ' Αθηναίοι Mss., Th. So in §§ 3, 9, 
1 1 . Us.R. follow the abbreviation in F, and the Lysian usage. Jahrb. 
1873, p. 158. — 8ls ήδη. καΐ Dobr. ; διό δη και Mss. 

2. 4<rrc Tayl. ; είσίν Mss. — οϊ G ; οτι F, Μ, Ρ, B. — Παραιοϊ Us. ; 
Πειραιεϊ F, M, Us.R. ; Πειραιώς G, T. 

3. ω avSocs 'Αθηναίοι: see on § I. — ovrc ουσία τή$ iroXiTcCas add. 
Us.; ούτε ουσία. add. Sauppe, Th. Cp. 18. 6. — χρήματα Us., Th. ; 
τα χρήματα MSS., Us.R. — *κ€κτήμ€0α Emperius ; εκτησάμεθα Mss., Th., 
Us.R. The context demands " possessed," not " acquired." — 8ir»s 
Steph. ; ούτως Mss. — τινά 'Αθήναιον Us.R.; ινα ά^ναιον F 1 ; Γνα 
ά^τ/ναιων G ; ινα αθηναίον τίνα F 2 , Μ, Ρ, Β margin ; ινα ά^ναιων τίνα Β ; 
*Κθηνα16ν τίνα Th. — άνώσομεν Baiter; ποιήσω μεν F. Μ, Ρ, G ; ποιή- 
σομεν Β. — νΰν 84 G ; om. F, Μ ; Us.R. om. and indicate a lacuna 
between εποιονμεθα • and και τους. — αικλώμεν Bekk. ; άπολονμεν Mss. ; 
άπελουμεν Rs. 

4. ιτ€ίθησθ€ Sluiter; πιθώμεθα F; πειθωμεθα Μ, Ρ, Β, G. — τά 4ν 
ταϊ5 4φ* ημών ολιγαρχίας γ€γ€νημίνα Weil, Th. ; ταις εφ* ημών όλιγαρ- 
χίαις γεγενημεναις F 1 , Μ, Τ (γεγενημενας F pr.) ; πλειστας τη πάλει 


συμφοράς εν (or πολλας συμφοράς) τοις εφ ημών όλιγαρχίαις γεγενη- 
μένας Us. ; ταίς εφ* ημών όλιγαρχίαις εκείνους μάλιστα εχθρούς γεγενη- 
μένους Rad. — άλλα : άλλα και F pr., G. 

5. airfp κτήσονται Steph. ; άποκτησονται F, Μ, Ρ, Β ; όπερ κτήσον- 
ται G, Τ.— λάβωσιν G, Τ; λάβψε F, Μ, Ρ, Β. 

6. τοιούτων Baiter; τοις των F, Μ, Τ; τούτων Sluiter. — ήμίν F; 
νμΖν Μ, Τ. — Ιρωτώσι Markl. ; ερωσι Mss. ; ερουσι Desrousseaux, 
Us R. — ιτοιήσομιν: ποιησωμεν Μ, Ρ, Β. — α Λακ€8αιμονιοι Steph.; 
λακεδ-χιμονίοις Mss. — τούτους Μ ; τούτοις F, G, Τ. — τίς F, Μ ; το Τ ; 
τι G. — ιτ€ριγ€νήσ€ται : περιγενεσθαι F, Μ, Ρ, Β. — νοιήσομιν: πονήσω- 
μεν F 1 ; ποιησαιμεν G, Τ. — μαχομένοις Us.; μαχόμενοι F, Μ, Ρ, Β; 
μαχόμενους G, Τ. — ή G, Τ ; εΐ F, Μ, Ρ, Β. — καταψηφίσ-ασθαι Aid. ; 
καταψηφίσεσθε F, Μ ; καταψηφίσεσθαι Τ. 

η. Ιάν |jlcv πείσω Us. ; eotv μεν πείθω MSS. — αμφότεροι? κοινόν ctvai 
τόν kCvSvvov: τον before κίνδυνον add. Sch. ; κοινον after cirat F corr., 
Us.R. The obscurity of the passage led Usener to the conclusion that 
there is a considerable lacuna after κινδυνον (so Us.R.), in which stood 
the correlative to this εαν μεν. — την αύτην έχοντας γνώμην om. F 1 , G, 
Τ. — την αυτών οίκοΰντας om. Μ, Ρ, Β. — τους 8c . . . οίκοΰντας om. Τ. 
— ημών (Τ) ; υμών F, Μ, Ρ, Β. 

8. ίσασι γαρ Mss. ; ισασι γαρ εκείνοι Dobr., Th. ; ισασι yap Αακε- 
δαιμόηοι Us.R. The definite τούτων in the second clause seems to 
me sufficient to make clear, by contrast, the subject of ισασι and cft- 
βάλλωσι.— Ιμβάλλωσι Τ; εμβόλωσι F, Μ, Us.R.; εκβάλλωσι P.— 
καλός Aid. ; καλώς F, Μ, Τ. — τούτους μη Th. ; τούτους Mss. ; τούτους 
ου Rs. ; τούτους ουδέ Us.R. — καταδουλώσασθαι Sylburg; καταδουλώ- 
σ«σ^αι Mss. — ήττον : add. Rs. ; Μ has a space after τοσούτω ; τοσοΰτφ 
ουκ Ρ, Β. • 

9. ω av8pcs Αθηναίοι: ω Άθψαΐοι F, Μ, Ρ, Β, Th. ; ω άνδρες G, 
Τ. — ήμίν Μ, Ρ, Β ; ημών F, G, Τ. 

ίο. ημών Τ ; υμών F, Μ, Ρ, Β. — ελπίζοντας 8* cti I have written 
after West, (κατελπίζοντας δ* ετι) ; και €λπι£οντα$ επί Mss. ; και ελπί- 
ζοντας Tayl., J ebb ; και ελπίζοντας . . . «rci (with Ισται for Ισ€σθω) 
Us.R., the correlative of μεν being assumed to belong in the lacuna, 
Th. prints as in X, with the comment "corrupta." No solution that 
has been proposed offers a normal construction and a reasonable expla- 
nation of the origin of the corruption. 

11. ώ &v8pfs 'Αθηναίοι: see on § I. — &wOcp(os : ελευθ. ελλήνων 
G, Τ. 


[The references are to the commentary (by speeches and paragraphs), unless 
otherwise designated.] 

άγαπήσκν 12. u, 22. 15. 

αγαπητώς 1 6. 16. 

άγορανόμοι 22. 1 6. 

a-ywves τιμητοί, ατίμητοι p. 340. 

αδικώ as perf. 12. 14. 

*A8p(as 32. 25. 

αδρός χαρακτήρ p. 344. 

αδύνατοι p. 232. 

αΐτίαν λαβ€Ϊν 1 2. 57• 

άκηκόατ€ 12. 48, 3 2 • 28. 

άκριτο? 12. 17, Ι9• 7» 22. 2 » 2 5• 2 ^» 
ρ. 1 62. 

άλλα γαρ 12. 4°• 

άλλα μήν 19. Ι5• 

άλλο τι ... ή 22. 5• 

άλλων, των: with superlative 12. 89. 

άμονγέπου 24. 2θ Crit. Ν. 

αν : with infin. in ind. disc, for poten- 
tial indie. 12. 63, 19. 23 ; with 
infin. for opt. 12. 1, 24. 2, 24. 9, 25. 
6, 25. 18, 25. 28; with partic. 12. 
78 ; non-use with imperf. of neces- 
sity, etc. 12. 27, 12. 48 Crit. N. f 12. 
52 ; non-use with €μ«λλον 12. 99. 

αναγκαΐον: construction with 16. 7. 

αναδίπλωση p. 355. 

άνάκρισ -is ρ 337. 

αναφέρω: construction with 1 2. 81. 

άνθ' δτου 12. 2. 

ανθρώπων 19. 26. 

αντίγραψα 3 2 • 7* 

άντίδοσι? 24. 9• 

άντί0€σιβ pp. 348, 35 2 • 

αντιστροφή ρ. 354* 

άξιο* 22. 8. 

άξιώ ΐ2. 37, ι6. 3, ι6. 8, 32. 12 ; with 
negative 19• 45• 

αναγωγή 2$. 15. 

άπατη τοΰ δήμου ρ. ΐ6ΐ. 

άπ&οσαν 22. 2, 19. 7 Crit. Ν. 

απογράφω 12. 8. 

άποδ€ΐ£αι 3 2 • ι 7• 

άποφαίνω : force 12. 73 J with partic. 

άρμονίαι p. 344. 

αστό? 12. 35• 

άστραβη 24. II. 

άστυ 12. 1 6, 12. 95• 

άο-ύνο€τον 3 2 • ι if ρ. 35^• 

άτέλ€ΐα 34• 3• 

ατίμητοι : see &yo>vcs. 

ατιμία 12. 21, 25. 1 1, 25. 24, 25. 25, 
25. 26. 

αΰ 19. 4• 

αύλ€ίωθύρα 1 2. 1 6. 

αΰτίκα 19. φ. 

αυτός: for ούτος analeptic 16. 11 ; 
for (Eng.) relative 25. 11 ; inten- 
sive (alone) in oblique cases 12. 29 
Crit. N. 




αφαιρώ 24. 13. 
άφαντη ουσία yi. 4. 
αφορμή 24. 24. 

β«βιωκώς : with adverb 24. I Crit. Ν. 
βοηθών avrois τά δίκαια $2. j. 
βουλ€ν»ν 16. 8. 
βούλομαι 19. 54. 

γάρ 1 9. 12. 

γ4 19. 13, 19. 15. 

γναφέΰς 32. 2θ. 

γνώμη: without article 12. 27. 

γραφαί παρανόμων pp. 334» 343• 

γραφή 1 6. 12. 

8αν€ίζομαι ig. 26. 

δ4: displaced 16. 7; neutral 12. 68. 

8ctv 16. 13 Crit. Ν. 

δανό* Xfyciv 12. 86, 19. 1. 

δανός χαρακτήρ p. 345. 

δανότης p. 345. 

δ4(αιντ αν 25. 2φ 

δέομαι 1 6. 3. 

δ4ος 12. 66. 

8ή 25- 9• 

8ήλο$ 12. 50, 12. 9θ. 

δημόσιον, το 12. 19. 

δήιτου 12. 27. 

διά : with gen. or accus. 1 2. 87, 24. 23 ; 
διά βραχυτάτων 1 6. 9» 24. 4> & 1 ' 
ελαχίστων 12. 3 ί δ** τούτο, ίνα 

32. 22. 

διαβολή Ι9• 5• 
δίαιταν 32. 2 and Crit. Ν. 
διαιτηταί ρ. 34 χ • 
διανοίομαι 3 2 • 23. 
διαφέροντα, τά 32. ι. 
διήγησις ρ. 139• 
δικάζομαι 1 2. 4* 

δίκαι : δημόσιας ρ. 334 > «μμηνοι 

ρ. 34θ• 
δίκαιος 25. Ι4• 
δίκη 1 6. 12, 32. 2. 
διώκ€ΐν 32. 2. 
διώκων, 6 12. 2. 
δοκιμασία 32. 9» ΡΡ• 133 U 253, 334• 

4βουλόμην αν 12. 22. 

3γκτησι$ γης καΐ οΙκίας 34• 3» Ρ• ΙΟ • 

4θ4λω 19. 54» 3 2 • ι 3 Crit. Ν. 

-ci : verbal ending 32. 1 7 Crit. Ν. 

cl δ€ μή 12. 15. 

cl καί 1 6. 2. 

cl μη διά 12. 6ο. 

cIkos 16. 5, Ρ• 14; €ΐκδ$ήν 12. 27. 

€ΐμί : omission of 24. ΙΟ. 

ffrrCp 12. 27. 

€ΐρομ4νη, λ4ξι$ ρ. 345 & 

els : of destination 19. 21 ; of action 
'against* 32. 19 Crit. N. ; of pur- 
pose 12. 14; = as regards 19.60; 
cl$ καιρόν 1 6. 5. 

€(σαγγ€λία 12. 48, 16. 12, p. 214. 

€ΐσαγωγ€ΐ$ p. 340. 

€(σ€λθ€ΐν 32. ι. 

€(σφορά 12. 2θ. 

cfra 12. 26. 

4k 16. 18, 19. 9. 

4κ Ilcipau&s 25. 33 Crit N. 

4kcivos 12. 77, 32. 5; 16. 6. 

4κ7Γίιττω 12. 57, 32. ίο, 34. 5. 

4κφ4ραν 12. 1 8. 

Ιλαττον €χοντ€$ 32. ι. 

Ιλ€γχον, cts Icvai 16. ι, 32. 1 2. 

Σιτίζω ΐ2. ηο. 

'Εμπορίου 4ιημιληταί ρ. 2 1 6. 

έμποροι ρ. 2 1 6. 

4ν 24. 5 ί αί α meeting of 12. 6; in 
the case 0/12, 27. 

Ινδικά, ol 22. 2. 



cvSov 19. 22, 19. 47. 

tvcica 19. 17, 32. 10 Crit. N. 

4£ ao-Tcws 25. 33 Crit. N. 

4£ήν: non-use of αν 12.31. 

££οικ(σ€ΐ 32. 14 Crit. Ν. 

έ£φκ(ξ€το 32. 14 Crit. Ν. 

4πανασ*τροφή p. 354* 

επαναφορά p. 354• 

4ircC: temporal 12. 1 1 Crit. N. 

£ττ€ΐδή: tenses with 12. 53, 12. 66, 
32. 25. 

fcirl: of action 'against' 32. 19 Crit. 
N. ; of purpose 12. 24, 19. 21 ; m 
the power 0/12. 26 ; iif /^<? time of 
12. 17; 0» J&i ground 0/24. I, 
32. 17. 

ίπιγαμία 34. 3• 

έπιδοΰναι 19. 14, 19. 15, 32. 6. 

Ιπικλήρου 24• Ι4• 

4πιμονή ρ. 355• 

Ιπιτρέψαι δίαιταν 32. 2 and Crit. Ν. 

£πιφέρσ6αι 19. 1 4• 

£ττωβ«λία ρ. 33^• 

2ρημο$ δίκη 32. 2. 

Ιρώτησιβ 12. 24, 22. 5, ρ. 339• 

traipciai 12. 43• 

ίτφων πραγμάτων 25. 12. 

ίτι ι6. 8, ΐ6. 12; ίτι toCwv 25. 15• 

Ιτιμήσατο 19• 4^• 

cv ποιών 24. 14* 

€υήθη$ 12. 87» 1 6. 6. 

€«θυναι 25. 3°» ΡΡ• 44» 334• 

εφόδια 1 6. Ι4• 

ΐφοροι 12. 43• 

Ιχρήν 32. ι ; Ιχρήναν 12. 48 Crit. Ν. 

ίως: with secondary indie. 22. 12. 

-η : verbal ending 32. 17 Crit. Ν. 

ή ά$ 12. 64. 

ή 12. 25 Crit. Ν., ι6. 8. 

ή που 25. Ι7• 

ττγοΰμαι 25. 2. 

ήδη: with aorist 12. 78 Crit. Ν.; 

with τότ• 12. 66. 
ίδη 12. 15 Crit. Ν. 
ηθοποιία. See English Index. 
ήκκλησ -iatcTc 12. 73 Crit. Ν. 
ήνηβόλΗ 32. 11 Crit. Ν. 
ήντινοΰν 12. 84. 
ήττον : with negative 32. 18 Crit. Ν. 

ίππαρχοι 1 6. 6. 
Ιππ€ΐ$ p. 130. 
Ισόκωλον p. 352. 
UtotcXcCs pp. 9, 44. 
Ισχνοβ χαρακτήρ p. 344. 

καί: in alternatives 12. 26; in com- 
parisons 19. 2, 24. 3 ; emphatic, in 
questions 12. 29; καί γάρ 24. 3; 
καί ft 16. 2, 19. 18 ; καί μίν δή 
12. 30. 

καιρόν, its 16. 5. 

κατά: of action 'against* 3 2 • ι 9 
Crit. Ν. ; in compounds 19. 10. 

καταβολών $2. 13 Crit. Ν. 

καταγαγών 34• 5• 

καταγιγνώσκω 24. 2θ. 

KaToXcycCs 3 2 • 5* 

κατάλογο ν (rbv μ€τά Ανσάνδρου) 
25. ΐ6. 

κατα<ττα0€ί$ 24. 9• 

κατάστασ-ι$ ΐ6. 6, ρ. 132. 

KaTcXOctv 16. 4» 25. 20, 34• 2 • 

κατηγοράω: construction with 25. 5 • 

κατήγορος, 6 κατηγορών 12. 2. 

κατιΐναι 25. 22. 

κηδ«ττή« Ι9• 48, 32. Ι. 

kXoovtcs 3 2 • ΙΟ Crit. Ν. 

kXcutCov 12. 18 Crit. Ν. 

κλητήρα ρ. 336. 

κομφ 1 6. 1 8. 



κό<τμκ>$ 12. 20, 1 6. 21, 19. 16. 

KOVOCVS 32. 20. 

κύβοι 1 6. 11. 
κυζικηνοί 12. II, p. 358. 
κύκλοβ p. 355• 
κώλρν p. 347. 

Xcforciv : construction 19. 43. 
X$ts p. 344. 
AoyurraC p. 44. 
λογογράφοι pp. 19, 338, 343. 
λόγους iroicfer6ai 12. 2, 32. 12. 
λοιττοΰ, τοΟ 12. 85. 

μέν: displacement of 12. 15; re- 
peated 24. 8, 32. 22; μ£ν . . . δέ 
12. 69, 19. 23; without δέ 1 2. 8; 
in καΐ μ€ν 8ή 12. 3°; Ρ €ν °νν 
12. 3• 

μέσ -os χαροκτήρ ρ. 344• 

μ€τά 19. Ι4• 

μ€τρίω? β«βιωκώ$ 1 6. 3• 

μή : generic 25. ι, 25. 5» 2 5• 3 2 ί ^ η 
participle 12. 68 ; with verbs of 
promising, etc. 19. 23. 

μη o&ras Su&kciv 32. 2. 

μηδί irpos Ινα 1 6. ΙΟ. + 

μηδίν άγαν 1 6. 3• 

μηνυτήν 12. 32. 

μιφψήφφ 12. 52- 

μόνος : with superlative 24. 9* 

ναυμαχία 1 2. 43* 
νικώ: as ρ erf. 12. 14. 
νομίζω 12. 9• 

δ . . . 8€ΐνότατον 19• 33' 
δ . . . Τ€κμήριον 24- II• 
O0cv 12. 43* 
οι 4ν Ilcipaui 19. 19• 
oi Ιξ αστιω$ 12. 35• 

otKoe 12. 93• 

οϊομαι: with fut. and aor. 12. 19 

Crit. N. 
otos 12. 39. 
Ouoiot&cvtov p. 354. 
όμοττάτριο? 19. 22. 
&ira>s φανήσ€ται 12. 50. 
όργίζατθαι: construction with 12.80. 
oVovtrcp 32. 27. 
ferns in characterizing clauses 1 2. 40 ; 

in ind. questions 12. 37, 12. 61. 
otc : with imperf. 32. 25 ; οτ€ ιτρώτον 

12. 19 Crit. Ν. 
οΰ: with infin. 12. 60; with &rircp 

12. 64 ; ov irpOTCpov . . . fas 12. 71, 

25. 26. 
ovSc cts 19. 60, 24. 24. 
ου ν 19. 7. 

ουσία φανιρά, αφανής 32. 4* 
ovtos: analeptic 16. 11 ; of opponent 

12. 81, 32. 1. 
όντως: clauses 12. 1 Crit. N. 
ούτως 4v $€ΐνφ 19. 8 Crit. N. 
οΰχ 8ira>s 19. 31. 
£ψον 32. 2θ. 

παίγνιον p. 234. 

•παιδαγωγός 32. 1 6, 32. 28. 

ιτάντα κακά 12. 57* 

ιτάνυ 19. Ι5• 

παρά: with dat. and ace. of personal 

words 12. 33, 19. 22; 16. 4. 
ιταρά την 8ό£αν 19. 45. 
ναρΑθών 25. 14. 
ιταρήγγίλλον 1 2. 44• 
ναρίσωσις ρ. 35 2 • 
ιταρομοίωσις ρ. 353• 
τταρονομασία ρ. 35°• 
πάση τέχνη καΐ μηχανή 19. II, Ι9• 53• 
πάσχω 12. 2. 
παύσασθαι 22. 2θ Crit. Ν. 



ircCOciv: with pres. ur aor. infin. Ϊ2. 58 

Crit. N. 
Ilcipaiot 34. 2. 
πιρί: of action 'against' 32. 19 

Crit. N. 
πιρίοδος pp. 345 ff. ; defined p. 347. 
irurTcva»: with dat. and infin. 19. 54. 
πίστιν έλάμβανον 12. 27 ; δ€δωκέναι 

25. 17. 
irXctv 19. 31, 19. 46, 32. 20 Crit. N. 
πλέον itvai 16. 3, 19. 4. 
πλήθος 12. 42, 12. 67, 24. 25, 25. 7, 

πολιτεία: administration 12. 66; 

yfcr/w of government 34, I ; citizen- 

^ip 34. 3. 
πολλάκις: with aorist 16. 20. 
πολλού δίω 24. ι. 
πολλφ, πολύ: with comparative 12. 

89 Crit. Ν. 
πολυσύνδ*?τον p. 356• 
ποτέ 12. 29. 
πράγματα 12. 65, 1 6. 3» 32. 2, 32. 

πραόνως 24. Ι5• 
πρίν: after a negative 19. 28, 19. 55» 

22. 4;= without 12. 17, 19. 7, 

19. 51. 
προ τοΰ 12. 2. 
πρόβουλοι 12. 65. 
irpo0«ns ρ. 137. 
προς 32. 19 Crit. Ν. ; = on the part of 

16. 10; of purpose 12. 14, 19. 22, 

19. 61 ; with personal words 16. 4 ; 

in court language 19. I ; with κίνδυ- 
νος 19. 2θ ; προς 6c£v 19. 34. 
προσήκον 24. 15, 25. η. 
προσήκοντις 19. 48. 
προστάτης p. 9• 
πρυτάνα,ς 22. 2. 
πρώτον, 8τ€ 12. 19 Crit. Ν. 

πυνθάνομαι: as perf. 12. 14. 
πνσ-ματικόν σχήμα ρ. 35°^ 

βήτωρ 12. 72. 

σανίδιον 1 6. 6. 
σ€μνός 1 6. 15. 
σ€σωμένους 1 6. ι6 Crit. Ν. 
σιτοπώλαι ρ. 213. 
<τιτοφΰλακ€$ ρ. 217. 
σΊτώναι ρ. 217. 
Σταριώς 1 6. 15 Crit. Ν. 
συγκ€ίμινα 1 2. 48. 
σύμμακτα 19. 27 Crit. Ν. 
σ-νμπλοκή ρ. 355• 
συμπρίασθαι 22. 5. 
σύνδικοι 1 6. γ, 19. 3 2 • 
συνήγορος pp. 285, 33& 
σύνοιδα: construction 16. ι. 
συντριήραρχος 19. 62, 32. 24. 
συνωνυμία ρ. 355• 
σχήματα διανοίας pp. 356 f* 
σχήματα λφως pp. 35 2 ~35 6 • 
σωφροσύνη ΐ6. 3• 

ταξίαρχος 1 6. ΐ6. 
τάξις ι6 1 6. 

ri : as simple connective 32. ι ; un- 
usual position 12. 30, 12. 66. 
τ€λιυτών 25. 27, 32. 28. 
Τ^χνη 22. 1 6. 
τί αν cl 12. 34* 
τίμημα 19. 48, ρ. 3 Χ 4• 
τιμητοί. See άγωνις. 
το ί νυν 1 6. 7• 

τοιούτος : clauses 1 2. ι Crit. Ν. 
τόν καΐ τον 19. 59* 
τουναντίον 1 2. 64. 
τρίτον €τος τουτί 24. 6. 
τυγχάν« 1 2. 27; without ων 24. 5• 
τύχη 24. ίο. 



vtos 12. 34, 19. 12, 19. 46 Crit. N. 
vftircpos = objec. gen. 22. 13. 
ννάρχιιν 12. 23. 
virlp: of ground of action or feeling 

25. 5; with words of punishment 

25. 28; with οργ£ζ«τθαι 12. 80; 

== vcpl 24. 4. 
ύιτό: with verbs active in form 12.43; 

with non-personal object 12. 3, 

24. 6. 
ύιτοφορά p. 357. 
υποψία: prepositions with 32. 19 

Crit. N. 

4>a(vc<r6cu : with partic. or infin. 22. 7. 

φανιρά οΰο~ία 32. 4, 32. 23. 

φάσκω 32. 2$ Crit. Ν. ; φάσκων 

φ4ρ€ 12. 62. 

φητγιιν δ(κα$ 3 2 • 2 • 
φ€\τγω: as perf. 12. 14. 
φ€υγων, 6 12. 2. 
φημ( = kcXcvo» 1 6. 13 Crit. Ν. 

φθέν£ασ-θαι 32. ΐ8. 
φ£λο« 12. 38. 
φοιταν 32. Ι5• 
φορμών 22. 5• 
φυγή 25. 21. 
φΰλαρχοι 12. 44» χ 6. 6. 

χαρακτήρα ρ. 344- 

XcCpovs 16. 3. 

ΧΡή» XP^v, 4χρήν 12.48. 

ψήφοι ρ. 339- 

ω avSpcs 'Αθηναίοι 34* 1 ^ τιί • Ν. 
ώ$: subjective, 1 6. 8, 22. 5; w i^ 

partic. in ind. disc. 12. 73; ώ$ lirl 

το πολύ 19. 6. 
«s : preposition 16. 4. 
ekrrrcp αν 12. 2θ. 
«wrc: with infin. 25. 26; with infin. 

in purpose clause 19. 16; with A* 

and infin. 12. 1. 
φχοντο diriovTcs 12. 75. 


[The references are to the commentary (by speeches and paragraphs), unless 
otherwise designated.] 

Accounting by magistrates p. 44. 
Accusative absolute 12. 30, 19. 14, 

19. 16, 25. 14. 
Active form, passive force 12. 57. 
Adriatic, the 32. 25. 
Aegospotami 12. 36, 12. 39, 12. 43, 

19. 16. 
Aeschylides 12. 48. 
Agoratusy Lysias against p. 40 f. 
Alcibiades 19. 48, 19. 52. 
Amnesty 25. 28, 25. 35, pp. 39, 254 f., 


Anacoluthon 12. 20, 12. 36, 12. 38, 
12. 88, 25. 6. 

Andocides, Proem On the Mysteries 
p. 168 ff. 

Antalcidas, Peace of 163. 

Antiphon 12. 65, 12. 67, p. 18. 

Anytus 22. 8, 25. 28. 

Aorist, complexive 12. 21, 19. 29; 
empirical 16. 20; ingressive 16.3; 
upshot 12. 7, 12. 25, 19. 20; indie, 
in unreal conclusions of time im- 
mediately future^ 12. 34 Crit. N. ; 
of verbs having present force in 
perf. 12. 3, 12. 41 ; with definite 
numbers 12. 4, 24. 9. , 

Apposition, partitive 16. 14; of pro- 
noun and particip. phrase 19. 

Arbitrators, public 25. 16, p. 341. 

Archeneos 12. 16. 

Archeptolemus 12. 67. 

Archinus 25. 28, p. 317. 

Archons, eligibility of 24. 13. 

Areopagus 12. 69, p. 334. 

Arginusae 12. 36. 

Argos, relation to Sparta 34. 7. 

Aristocrat es 12. 66. 

Article, as demons. 12. 2; omitted 
12. 27, 12. 31, 12. 69, 24. 6, 32. 21, 
16. 13 Crit. N. ; used with adj. 
only 12. 82, 22. 16; 'with &στυ 
12. 1 6, 25. 18 ; with tiriroi 24. 5 ; 
with numerals 22. 8, 32. 21. 

Assimilation : of neut. pron. to pred. 
appos. 12. 37 ; of modifier of subj. 
of infin. 12. 1, 22. 8, 32. 5 ; of rela- 
tive, see Relative. 

Augment, double 32. 1 1. 

Batrachus 12. 48. 
Benevolent orders p. 232. 
Bottomry, loans on 32. 6. 
Brachyllus p. 11. 

Callias 19. 48. 
Callibius 12. 94. 
Cavalry p. 130 ff. ; p. 132. 
Cephalus 12. 4, p. 9 ff. 
Chabrias p. 161. 
Chiastic order 16. 18. 




Choregia. See Liturgies. 

Citizenship. See Franchise. 

Cleophon 12. 68, 19. 48, p. 36. 

Clepsydra p. 339. 

Clisthenes, 25. 25 Crit. N. 

Clubs, oligarchical 12. 43. 

Coinage, Attic p. 357 f. 

Cola p. 347. 

Colly tus 32. 14. 

Comparison, anticipated by τούτων 

25. 23 ; between adjs. or advbs. 

19. 15 ; loose expressions for 24. 26. 
Conditions, fut. indie, in present 

24. 13; minatory and monitory 

12. 35 ; mixed forms 22. 17, 22. 18, 

22. 21, 24. 6. 
Confiscation as penalty 19. 8, 25. 26. 
Conon 16. 15, 19. 34 ff., p. 160. 
Constitutional revision in 403 B.C. 

p. 313 ff. 

Coordinate construe, for Eng. subord. 

12. 47» 34- 5» 34• 11. 
Corax p. 13. 

Corinthian War 16. 13, 16. 15. 
Corruption of politicians 25. 19. 
Courts, Athenian, pp. 334-343. 
Critias p. 38 f. 
Cyzicene stater 12. 11, p. 358. 

Daric p. 358. 

Dative of interest 12. 20, 12. 24. 
Deliberative subjunctive. See Sub- 
Demagogues p. 34. 
Demetrius p. 346. 
Demophanes 25. 25 Crit. N. 
Demosthenes, style of p. 345. 
Demus 19. 25. 
Deponents, passive 32. 2. 
Diodotus p. 283 ff. 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus p. 285 f. ; 

on Speech XVI p. 287 ff. ; Mss. 

of p. 383. 
Dionysius of Syracuse 19. 20, p. 23. 
Diotimus 19. 50, p. 162. 
Dowry 12. 21, 16. 10, 19. 32. 
Dracontides 12. 73. 

Elective offices 16. 8, 19. 57. 
Eleusinians, seizure of 12. 52. 
Eleusis, aristocrats in 25. 9 ; siege of 

p. 254 f. 
Emphasis of position 24. 2, 24. 14, 

24. 19, 25. 8, 25. 26, 32. 17, 32. 18. 
Ephetae p. 334. 
Epichares 12. 55. 
Epicrates, Speech against p. 165. 
Epigenes 25. 25 Crit. N. 
Erechtheum 25. 25. 
Ergodes, Speech against p. 165. 
Ethopoiia 19. 14, 19. 15, 19. 19, 19. 

45, 24. 13, pp. 28, 135 f., 174, 260. 
Euboeans, privileges at Athens 34. 3. 
Eunomus 19. 19. 
Euphemism 12. 48. 
Euthydemus p. 11. 
Evagoras 19. 20, p. 160 f. 
Evander, Speech against p. 41 f. 
Exiles, return of 12. 43, 25. 27. 

Final clauses, moods in 16. 6. 
Fortunes in Athens 32. 23. 
Four Hundred, the 12. 65, p. 32 ff. 
Franchise: age of enrollment 16. 20; 

procedure at enrollment 32. 9 ; 

qualifications for enrollment p. 315 ; 

restriction of franchise p. 313 ff. ; 

extension p. 316 f. 
Fullers 32. 20. 
Funerals 12. 18. 
Future indie. : after verbs of fearing 

12. 3 Crit. N. ; in protasis 12. n ; 



in rel. clauses of purpose 16. 16, 
24. 6; jussive 12. 11 ; of present 
intention or prospect 24. 13, 34. 2. 

Future middle as passive 12. 70. 

Future periphrastic 24. 15. 

Genitive : absolute, cor rel. with other 
participles 12.69,19.23; absolute, 
substv. omitted 12.45; objective 
19.20; partitive 19.26; pred. 12. 
41, 16. 15, 24. 12; pred. parti- 
tive 24. 13, 32. 5 ; pred. possess. 
32. 25 ; of separation 19. 45. 

Gorgian figures p. 28. 

Gorgias p. 17 f. 

Grain trade, Athenian : commissioners 
p. 217; convoys 19. 50, p. 164; 
laws 22. 8, p. 214 ff. ; routes pp. 213, 
216; supply p. 215. 

Hair, how worn 16. 18. 

Haliartus 16. 13. 

Hegemon 32. 12. 

Heiresses 16. 10, 24. 14. 

Hellespont, control of pp. 164, 213. 

Hipparchs 16. 6. 

Hipponicus 19. 48. 

Hoping, etc., verbs of 12. 10. 

House, the Greek 12. 16. 

Hyperbaton 12. 33, 25. 34. 

Immortality, belief in 12. 100. 

Imperative in rel. clauses 12. 60, 
19. 61 ; with ώστ€ i6. 8. 

Imperfect: conative 12. 42, 12. 58, 
19. 22, 32. 7 ; descriptive 1 2. 8 ; 
ingressive (or of evolution) 12. 8; 
of expected event 12. 88; of pre- 
liminary act 12. 56, 19. 50; with 
definite numbers 19. 58 ; with mo- 
tive expressed 12. 25 ; with nega- 
tive 12. 5. 

Imprisonment pp. 336, 340. 

Indicative, potential 19. 13. 

Indirect discourse : change of tense 
12. 73 ; dependent secondary tenses 
in 12. 76 ; mood unchanged 12. 48 ; 
subord. verb changed to infin. 19. 
26 ; γάρ clause 19. 25. 

Infinitive: dative 12. 58, 22. 2; fut- 
ure, with words of hoping, etc. 
12. 10 ; in subord. clause in ind 
disc. 19. 26 ; present (in form) for 
imperf. indie, of direct disc. 12. 26, 
16. 6, 25. 11 ; with &v, see &v. 

Inheritance, laws of 16. 10. 

Interest, rate of 19. 25, 32. 6. 

Ischomachus 19. 46. 

Isocrates pp. 22, 168 ff., 345. 

Laconomania 16. 18. 

Legal procedure pp. 334~343- 

Liturgies 19. 29, 19. 42 f , 19. 61 f. 

Locative 12. 50, 19. 28, 19. 63, 34. 2. 

Lot or election 16. 8, 19. 57. 

Lysander 12. 71, 34. 6. 

Lysias : biography pp. 9-23 ; works 
24 f. ; style 25-31, p. 344; attacks 
on naval officers p. 164 ff. ; modera- 
tion in attack p. 141 ; Speech on 
his Services p. 9 ; supposed mission 
to Sicily p. 374 ; use of borrowed 
proem p. 168 ff. 

Mantinea, relation to Sparta 34. 7. 
Manuscripts of Lysias p. 361 f. 
Market, superintendents of p. 216. 
Marriage between relatives 32. 4. 
Measures, Athenian system of p. 357. 
Metaphors in Lysias p. 25. 
Metics, privileges before courts 22. 2, 

Ρ- 44• 
Middle, causative 12. 8, 12. 20, 19. 59. 



Military service, lists Cor 32. 5. 

Miltiades 12. 72. 

Minatory and monitory conditions 

12. 35. 
Moderation 16. 3, 16. 19. 
Money and prices at Athens pp. 357— 

Monuments 32. 21. 

Narrative style, Dionysius on p. 288 ; 

three types of p. 139. 
Naval officers, enrichment of p. 163. 
Navy, cost of p. 163. 
Negative, double 16. 10 ; redundant 

22. 6. 
Nemea, battle of 16. 15. 
Niceratus 19. 47. 
Nicias 19. 47. 

NicomachuSy Speech against p. 40. 
Nicophemus p. 160 ff. 

Oaths 32. 13, 19• 3Φ 

Object clauses (&ir»s) after second- 
ary tenses 12. 44; condensed col- 
loquial form 12. 50. 

Oligarchs. See Revolutions. 

Olympic Speech of Lysias p. 23. 

Optative: in ind. disc, for delibera- 
tive subv. 32. 20 ; extension of the 
same construction 24. I ; ind. disc, 
after histor. pres. 12. 12; in prot. 
of past general condition 25. 21. 

Orphans, property leased for 32. 23. 

Orthobulus 16. 13, p. 130. 

Panticapeum 16. 4. 

Parallelism of cola p. 348. 

Parody p. 236 ff. 

Participle: aorist, time of 12. 38; 
present with imperf. force 12. 32, 
16. 5, 16. 6, 19. 3, 19. 10, 24. 7, 

24. 8, 25. 25 ; in full adjective con- 
struction 24. 7. 

Pensions p. 231. 

Perfect : of credit, guilt, responsibility 
12. 22, 16. 8, 19. 57, 24. 26, 25. 12, 

25. 28, 32. 3; of mental attitude 
12. 70 ; of present condition 19. 7, 
19. 24, 19. 29, 25. 11 ; active, of 
result 12. 48, 19. 60, 22. 19, 32. 28. 

Period defined p. 347. 

Periodic style pp. 345-352 ; Lysias's 

use of p. 26 ff. 
Phaedrus, The p. 19. 
Phaedrus 19. 15. 
Philochares 12. 72. 
Philomelus 19. 15. 
Phi/on, Speech against p. 41. 
Phormisius p. 315. 
Phrynichus 25. 9. 

Phyle 12. 52 ; the heroes of p. 317. 
Pisander 25. 9. 
Plato, picture of Lysias's home p. 10 ; 

Phaedrus p. 19. 
Polemarchus pp. 10, 13, 20. 
Pontus 16. 4. 
Poor-relief p. 231 f. 
Portraiture, literary pp. 29, 174, 291. 
Potential indicative 19. 13. 
Predicate adj., neuter 19. 5. 
Predicate, assimilation in 12. 1, 12. 


Prepositions for hostile relation 32. 19 
Crit. N. 

Present :' conative 12. 2; equal to 
Eng. perf. 12. 14 ; of a course of 
action 12. 2, 12. 32 ; of a series of 
acts 12. 48 ; of a state 32. 22. 

Prices,' Athenian 32. 21, pp. 358-360. 

Probability, argument from p. 14. 

Proem, purpose of p. 287. 

Prolepsis 16. 20. 



Property, private 19. 29 ff. 

Protagoras p. 14. 

Purpose: wrrt with infin. 19. 16; 
prepositional phrases 12. 14; rela- 
tive clauses 16. 16, 24. 6. 

Questions, rhetorical p. 356. 

Recapitulation 19. 55 Crit. N. 
Reflexive for reciprocal pron. 22. 8; 

third person for first 12. 33. 
Relative : antecedent a clause 19. 33 ; 

antecedent omitted 12. 35, 12. 80 ; 

assimilation 12. 35, 12. 80, 25. 20, 

32. 27 ; assimilation of verb in rel. 

clause 12. 29; for indef. rel. in 

ind. question 19. 12, 24. 15, 25. 7 ; 

inverse attraction (assimilation) 19. 

47 ; relative omitted or replaced by 

personal or demons. 22. 13, 22. 21, 

25. 11,32.27. 
Revolutions of 41 1 and 404 B.C. p. 32 ff. 
Rhetoric, beginnings of pp. 13 f., 

16 ff. 
Rhetorical questions p. 356. 
Running style pp. 345~347• 

Satyrus 16. 4. 

Senate, admission to p. 133; jurisdic- 
tion in criminal matters p. 214. 

Services of rich to poor 19. 59 ; public, 
see Liturgies. 

Shops, loitering in 24. 20. 

Simplicity of Athenian life 32. 23, 
32. 28. 

Slaves: as personal attendants 32. 16, 
32. 28 ; testimony of p. 337. 

Stater, Cyzicene 12. 11, p. 358. 

Styles of composition p. 344 ff/ 

Subject of verb omitted 19. 27. 

Subjunctive as imperative of first per- 
son 12.62; deliberative 24. 1. 

Substantive use of a phrase 19. 46. 
Surrender to Sparta, terms of 12. 70, 

12. 77, 34. 4. 
Sycophants 22. 1, 25. 3, 25. 19. 

Ten, The 12. 54, p. 331 Note. 

Tenses, in narrative 32. 18. 

Theodorus p. 22. 

Theramenes 12. 65, 12. 67 f., 12. 70, 
12. 77, pp. 36-38, 54 ff. 

Thesmothetae, duties of 24. 13. 
1 Thetes, political privileges of p. 313 ff. ; 

military service 16. 14, 34. 4. 
ι Thirty, The p. 32 ff. ; Aristotle on 
I 12. 5, 12. 76. 
I Tholus 12. 6. 

Thrasybulus 16. 15, 25. 28, pp. 20 f., 
39, 165. 

Thrasyllus 32. 5, p. 283. 

Thrasymachus pp. 16 f., 345 f. 

Three Thousand, The 25. 16, 25. 22. 

Thucydides, style of p. 344. 

Thurii, settlement of p. 11. 

Time, constructions for 32. 20. 

Timotheus 19. 34, 19. 40. 

Tisias p. 13. 

Tombs, Athenian 32. 21. 

Trial, denial of p. 162. 

Trierarchy 19. 62, 32. 24. 

Wages p. 358 ff. 
Women, Athenian 32. 11. 
Wonder, delight, etc., construction 
with words of 22. 13. 

Xenophon, the son of Euripides 19. 14. 
Xenophon, the son of Gryllus 12. 52, 
p. 132. 

Youth, manners of Athenian 16. 11, 
19. 55• 


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